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Title: The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquerede Rome

Editor: Emil Hausknecht

Release date: March 19, 2015 [eBook #48531]

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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME ***

◊ Contents

Transcriber's Endnote

Hyperlinks to Pages and Lines

1881.

BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.

NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.

PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.

THE ENGLISH CHARLEMAGNE ROMANCES. PART V.

The Romaunce of

The Sowdone of Babylone

and of Ferumbras his Sone

who conquerede Rome.

RE-EDITED FROM THE UNIQUE MS. OF THE LATE SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS, with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary, By EMIL HAUSKNECHT, PH. D.

LONDON: PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co., PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING-CROSS ROAD, W.C.

MDCCCLXXXI.

[Reprinted 1891, 1898.]

Extra Series,

XXXVIII.

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.

CONTENTS.

- INTRODUCTION … v

- Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances … v

- Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem … vi

- The Provençal Ferabras … ix

- The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan Romance … xi

- The Poem of the Destruction de Rome … xiii

- MSS. of the French Fierabras … xv

- The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. … xvi

- The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras … xxii

- Dialect of the Sowdan … xxxiv

- Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan … xl

- Date and Author of the Sowdan … xlv

- MS. of the Sowdan … xlvii

- Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan … xlviii

- ADDITIONS … xlix

- The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan … xlix

- The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras … lii

- SKETCH OF THE STORY … liv

- THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME … 1

- NOTES … 95

- GLOSSARIAL INDEX … 133

- INDEX OF NAMES … 141

INTRODUCTION. ◊

THE exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror and legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply changed the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half a century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful sceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more northern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a profound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries, so that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory of the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given by the numerous chansons de geste or romances, which celebrate the deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant champion of Christendom.

It is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his imaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish or Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been considerably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the composers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him. Whereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with high corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all royal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished and debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the prejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne, says, in the Chanson de Roland, l. 376:—

“Jamais n’iert hum qui encuntre lui vaillet,”

and again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in Guy de Bourgoyne, l. 1061:—

“Laissomes ce viellart qui tous est assotez.”

‹vi›

This glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France, but soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long Charlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations. Indeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French Charlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as well as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these chansons of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.[1]

A full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found in Gaston Paris’s exhaustive work of the Histoire poétique de Charlemagne (Paris, 1865), and in Léon Gautier’s Epopées françaises (Paris, 1867).

Of all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has certainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by the numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th century down to the present day.

When the art of printing first became general, the first romance that was printed was a prose version of Fierabras; and when the study of mediæval metrical romances was revived in this century, the Fierabras poem was the first to be re-edited.[2]

The balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for its immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely described in Florian’s Don Quichotte, I. chap. 10. The scene of Fierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of his vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,[3] must also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of Fierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying “a bragging bully or swaggering hector.”[4]

Rabelais[5] also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as to figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel.

In 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed ‹vii› a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which Fierabras and Balan were the principal characters.[6]

That in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live, is evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the edition of the Bibliothèque Bleue, still circulate amongst the country people of France.[7] There is even an illustrated edition, published in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less an artist than Gustave Doré. And like Oberon, that other mediæval hero of popular celebrity,[8] Fierabras has become the subject of a musical composition. There is an Opera Fierabras composed by Franz Schubert (words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been arranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.[9]

The different versions and the popularity of the present romance in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the Introduction to Sir Ferumbras, we need not repeat it again here.[10] As to the popularity of the Fierabras romance in the Netherlands, the following passage from Hoffmann, Horæ Belgicæ (Vratislaviæ, 1830), I. 50, may be quoted here[11]:—

“Quam notæ Belgis, sec. xiii. et xiv., variæ variarum nationum fabulæ fuerint, quæ ex Gallia septemtrionali, ubi originem ceperunt, translatæ sunt, pauca hæc testimonia demonstrabunt:— . . . . in exordio Sidraci:—[12]

‘Dickent hebbic de gone ghescouden,

die hem an boeken houden

daer si clene oerbare in leren,

also sijn jeesten van heeren,

van Paerthenopeuse, van Amidase,

van Troijen ende van Fierabrase,

ende van menighen boeken, die men mint

ende daer men litel oerbaren in vint,

‹viii›

ende dat als leghene es ende mere,

ende anders en hebben ghene lere,

danne vechten ende vrowen minnen

ende lant ende steden winnen . . . . . .’—

“Nec rarius tanguntur fabulæ de Carolo Magno, Speculum Historiale, IV. 1. xxix (cf. Bilderdijk, Verscheidenh, I. D. bl. 161–2):—

‘Carel es menichwaerf beloghen

in groten boerden ende in hoghen,

alse boerders doen ende oec dwase,

diene beloghen van Fierabrase,

dat nie ghesciede noch en was . . . .

die scone walsce valsce poeten,

die mer rimen dan si weten,

belieghen groten Caerle vele

in sconen worden ende bispele

van Fierabrase van Alisandre,

van Pont Mautrible ende andre,

dat algader niet en was . .   . .’”

That the Fierabras romance must have been well known and highly popular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous references to this poem in various Middle English works.

Thus the whole subject of the Fierabras romance is found in the following passage, taken from Barbour’s Bruce, ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss., where the King is described as relating to his followers:—

“Romanys off worthi Ferambrace,

That worthily our-commyn was

Throw the rycht douchty Olywer;

And how the duz Peris wer

Assegyt intill Egrymor,

Quhar King Lawyne lay thaim befor

With may thowsandis then I can say,

And bot elewyn within war thai,

And a woman; and wa sa stad,

That thai na mete thar within had,

Bot as thai fra thair fayis wan.

Y heyte, sua contenyt thai thaim than;

That thai the tour held manlily,

Till that Rychard off Normandy,

Magre his fayis, warnyt the king,

That wes joyfull off this tithing:

For he wend, thai had all bene slayne,

Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne,

And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot;

And syne Lawyne and all his flot

Dispitusly discumfyt he:

And deliueryt his men all fre,

And wan the naylis, and the sper,

And the croune that Ihesu couth ber; ‹ix›

And off the croice a gret party

He wan throw his chewalry.”[13]

In his poem of Ware the Hawk, Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites Syr Pherumbras as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of his poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following apostrophe:—

“Ye fowle, fers and felle, as Syr Ferumbras the ffreke.”

The story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by Lyndsay, in his Historie of ane Nobil and Wailȝeand Squyer, William Meldrum, ed. Hall, ll. 1313–16:—

“Roland with Brandwell, his bricht brand,

Faucht never better, hand for hand,

Nor Gawin aganis Golibras,

Nor Olyver with Pharambras.”

The tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have been very well known in England and Scotland. In the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the Tail of the Brig of the Mantrible mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on Garnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and uglier than

“Of Mantryble the bryge Malchus[14] the murryon.”

As has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the (originally French) romance of Fierabras is remarkable as being one of the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is worthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version was not a French, but a Provençal one, which was published not in France, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany.

The manuscript of this Provençal version having been discovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von Oettingen-Wallerstein,[15] ‹x› somewhere about the year 1820, the poem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.[16]

Raynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the Journal des Savants, March 1831, supposed this Provençal version to be the original.

Soon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in French, and a third French MS. was found in London,[17] by Fr. Michel, in 1838.

In 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the Histoire Littéraire de la France, par les religieux bénédictins de congregation de Saint-Maur . . . . . continuée par des membres de l’Institut, vol. xxii. p. 196 et seq., where he also investigated the question of the originality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution; as from the comparison of the French and the Provençal version, no conclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the two poems.[18]

As early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that in all probability the Provençal poem was to be looked upon as a reproduction of some French source;[19] and in 1839 Edelestand du Méril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of the Provençal version;[20] Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des Chartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860, the editors of the French Fierabras[21] finally and irrefutably proved the impossibility of considering the Provençal poem as anything but a translation of a French original. ‹xi›

In 1865, Gaston Paris, in his Poetical History of Charlemagne, pointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must be looked upon as a very different version from the old original Fierabras (or Balan) romance, the former being indeed only a portion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the old poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston Paris had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening of the Fierabras, which at once introduces the reader in medias res, and by the numerous passages of the Fierabras, which contain allusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being obscure and inexplicable from the context of the Fierabras itself, can only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem.

The main subject of the old Balan or Fierabras romance may be given as follows:—“The Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the Pope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main army. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is delivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.”[22] ‹xii›

Of all the events related in the old Balan romance, there is but one which is contained in the Fierabras poem, viz. the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in consequence of the composer’s transferring the scene of action from Italy to Spain. All the other events related in the Fierabras, the love of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their being besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance by Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are altogether wanting in the original Fierabras [Balan] romance.

Therefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the Fierabras poem contained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of which had not come down to us.

Now it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly ‹xiii› demonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough modification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover. Professor Grœber, having been informed of the existence of that MS. by Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the Destruction de Rome,[23] which in that MS. precedes the Fierabras romance.[24] In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists at Leipzig,[25] the same scholar attempted to show that this poem represented the first part of the earlier Balan romance.

This supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and needs a great modification, as by no means all the references to previous events contained in the Fierabras receive explanation in the Destruction, although all such previous events must have been narrated in the original Balan. Moreover, one of these allusions in the Fierabras is in direct contradiction to the contents of the Destruction.

Thus ll. 2237 et seq. of the Fierabras:[26]—

“.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé:

Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé;

Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré.

Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé,

Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité,

Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,

Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré,”

where Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when defeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 et seq. of the Destruction, where Guy does not arrive at Rome until after the departure of Laban’s army to Spain.

In the Destruction no clue is given which would enable us to explain why Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the Fierabras (ll. 112 et seq.) for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in particular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There is no mention in the Destruction of Richard chasing ‹xiv› the Emir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708–9 of the Fierabras[27] clearly refer.

“Richars de Normendie au courage aduré,

Qui cacha l’amirant devant Romme ens el pré.”

The allusion contained in l. 2614,[28]

. . . . “Richart de Normendie,

Cil qui m’ocist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie,”

where Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle of Floripas, is not cleared up by the Destruction, as in the three passages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does not play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket’s analysis of the original Fierabras [Balan] romance, we know how important a part Guy and Richard played in the old poem.[29] There Richard and Guy being sent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans, succeeded in delivering Château-Miroir, which had been seized by the Saracens. The story of the combat around Château-Miroir, as related in the Destruction, ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,[30] as besides other variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it.

Therefore, as the contents of the Destruction are not identical with Mousket’s analysis of the old Balan romance, and as several passages alluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the Destruction; and as there is even an instance of the Destruction being in contradiction to the Fierabras, the poem of the Destruction de Rome cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the Balan romance.[31] ‹xv›

The Provençal version and the Destruction are each printed from unique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the Wallerstein MS. Of the French Fierabras there are seven MSS. known to exist.

- a = the MS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Supplém. franç., No. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the French Fierabras, who in cases of evident errors or lacunæ of this MS., consulted the three following MSS.:

- b = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 75663.3.

- c = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.[32]

- d = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616.

- D = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small fragment of which has been printed by Gautier, Epopées fr. ii. 307.

- E = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the variations, has been given by Knust, in the Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, vol. ix. p. 43 et seq.

- H = the Hanover MS., which also contains the Destruction de Rome. It has been described by Professor Grœber in the Jahrbuch, xiii. p. 111. ‹xvi›

As to the English Fierabras romances, there are two versions known to exist:[33] the poem of Sir Ferumbras contained in the Ashmole MS. 33[34] and the present poem.

In the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these two versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between the English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the original of the former.

A superficial comparison of the English poem of Sir Ferumbras with the French romance Fierabras (edd. Krœber and Servois) will suffice at once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my Dissertation on the sources and language of the Sowdan of Babylone (Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30–40) that the Ashmolean Ferumbras must be considered as a running poetical translation of a French original. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of the Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the translator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong to the same type as the Fierabras, edited by MM. Krœber and Servois. “The author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the course of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely, introducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to enliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original literally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of only 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole MS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter, and that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver’s attempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne’s prayers, &c.”

Now, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the fact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all translators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as closely as possible, will easily be able to render it ‘literally’ as long as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their translation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering of their original, ‹xvii› they must needs be more diffuse, and the consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to abandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free reproduction. This is also the case with the author of Syr Ferumbras, who, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not given ‘literally,’ must be considered as a close rhymed translation of the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author take sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those couplets similaires,[35] or strophes which contain repetitions.

But not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his original closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the same place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 et seq. corresponding to Fierabras, ll. 125 et seq.

The closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by his introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which are unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and which in his translation are found in the same place and context, where the French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing the corresponding phrases of the two versions.

Ashmole Ferumbras.

French Fierabras.

312

Hit ys rewarded   ous two betwyne þat Olyuer schal wende and take þe batail

301

‘Nous jujon Olivier, si l’avons esgardé   Qu’il fera la bataille au paien deffaé.’

330

Mercy  , quaþ he to kyng Charles

333

‘As piés le roy se jete, merchi   li a priié.’

369

þat paynede   crist

377

‘— dont vos Diex fu penès  .’

388

Er y remuvie   me of þis place

392

‘Ains que je m’en remue   ...’

399

y chalenge   wiþ þe to fiȝt

402

‘— je te voel calengier  ’

457

Parfay  , ansuerde erld O.

449

‘Par foi  , dist Oliviers ...’

533

þat he ne . . maden ȝelde his body to him creaunt

548

‘se Roland s’i combat, ne faice recréant  ’

537

wiþ my swerd trenchaunt

553

‘ . . . à m’espée trencant  ’

538

Sarsyns  , said erld O.

554

Sarrazins  , dist li quans ...

551

long man in fourchure

579

Il ot l’enfourcéure   grant

558

a ful gret pite  , etc.

586

j’ai de toi grand pité, etc.   ‹xviii›

751

haue mercy of me, iantail   knyȝt

1494

–5

— merci li a crié: Gentix   hom . .

781

to remurie   þe of þis place

1515

ja par moi n’i seriés . . remués

817

he was encombred   with F.

1552

Mais de F. est . . . encombrés

922

þey went forth on a pendant

1696

Cil s’entornent fuiant le pendant   d’un laris

947

wan hure spere gunne to faile

1712

Quant les lances lor falent

984

At avalyng   of an hulle

1734

À l’avaler   d’un tertre

1008.

1012

to rescourre   þe barons

1757

. . les barons rescous   . .

1016

wel longe hadde þis chas   ylest

1764

Moult fu grans cele chace

1058

and oþre reliques riche ynow wherof y have plentee

1806

Et les dignes reliques dont il i ad plenté

1227

for to wyte wat þay be and hure covyne   yknowe

2067

Lor couvine et lor estre   enquerre et demander.

1316

By an old forsake ȝeate of þe olde antiquyte

2144

Par une gaste porte de viel antequité

1773

sittynge on a grene erber

2562

. . siét sous cel arbre   ramé.

1974

Florippe his doȝtre þe cortoyse in chambre þar she was In þe paleys yhurde noise   and þyder þan she gas

2712

Floripas la courtoise a le nois escoute

Puis issi de la cambre, . . .

Entresi c’au palais   . .

2007

þow ert asotid

2733

. . vous voi assoté  .

2538

a gret repref   it were

3136

. . il nous est reprouvé

3665

brydel and paytrel   and al þe gere wiþ fyn gold yharneyssed were

4117

Li estrier furent d’or, rices fu li poitrés

3672

and þe king him gan ascrie

4126

. . . si s’est haut escriés  .

3791

a gret dul   þay made þere

4236

. . demainent grant dolour

4541

with an hard crestid serpentis   fel

4832

vestu ot la pel d’un dur serpent cresté

5753

on þan ston a cracchede and in a spatte in dispit   of god, etc.

5910

en despit de Ihesu ens es fous ecraca  .

Besides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind that there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author of Syr Ferumbras seems to have introduced slight incidents and modifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become aware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may sometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of those French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words “þarto ys stede þan tyeþ he,” l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial MS.[36]—“son cheval aresna à l’abricel rose”—which is omitted in l. 93 of F (i. e. the French Fierabras, as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois).[37] ‹xix›

The following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean Ferumbras) differing from F, but agreeing with E:

A.

E.

175

Ne lyre   he noȝt þys day til evene

175

ke il puisse tant vivre   que cis jours soit passés

2131

Adoun þay gunne falle, knellyng on þe erthe stille ... & kussedem everechone  , etc.

2833

Issi agenoillierent par bones volentez

... Ils baissent   les reliques ...

Notwithstanding these resemblances of A to E, in passages where A differs from F, E cannot have been the source of A, as there are many instances where E and F show the same reading, whereas A differs from both versions.

Thus, A, l. 340 et seq., it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and not Charles, as E and F (l. 357) have it.

The names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814, differ from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of E and F (ll. 1548–49).

There is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver (A 880) to be found in E or F (l. 1670–76).

In A 1178, Lamasour advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners; in E and F (l. 1948) the same advice is given by Brulans.

The names of Lambrock and Colbrant (A 1616, 1618) are not found in E and F, 2424.

A, ll. 1347–48, are wanting in E and F (2174). ‹xx›

Instead of a giant (A 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in E and F (l. 2483).

Instead of Roland (A 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in E and F, 2570.

These few instances, the number of which might easily be increased, will certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding E as the original of A.

Only a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;[38] therefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of A with that printed passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and final. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as E, we may at once presume, that as E cannot be taken for the original of A, the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of A, is not very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two additional lines (ll. 19 and 20[39]) which the Didot MS. inserts after l. 63 of a (or F) is found in A, although this version gives, in ll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in F (ll. 50 et seq.). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS. was not the source of A.

Comparing now A with what is known of the Hanover MS. of Fierabras,[40] we find A resembling to H in the following names: Lucafer (only once Lukefer in A 2204), Maragounde (once Marigounde, A 1364), Maubyn A = Maupyn H.—A 1700 and 2831, which differ from F, equally agree with H. In the last case A agrees also with E (although differing from F). Now as we know that H together with D and E are derived from the same group z,[41] we may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as the original of A. But a more detailed comparison of A with H being impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation.

The impossibility of regarding the Provençal version as the source ‹xxi› of the Ashmolean Ferumbras, is proved by the fact that the long additional account, the ‘episode’ as Professor Grœber calls it,[42] is wanting in A. Another proof is given by A, ll. 5763 et seq., where A agrees with F, but widely differs from P.[43]

It seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the French prose version as the original of A, the first edition of the prose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole Ferumbras. But also that version from which the prose romance has been copied or compiled, cannot have been the original of A. For although the phrase of A, 3888—“A skuntede as a bore”—seems to contain some resemblance of expression with the reading of the prose Fierabras—“il commença à escumer come s’il fust ung senglier eschaufé,” which Caxton translates—“he began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed”—the reading of A, ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton’s version (a translation of the French prose Fierabras), renders inadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose version is the source of A.[44]

Having thus compared the Ashmolean Ferumbras, as far as can be done at present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at the following conclusions.

The Ashmole Ferumbras is a pretty close translation of some French version, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original was neither of the same family (w) as the Fierabras, edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version. Nevertheless, the original of Sir Ferumbras cannot have differed much from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are derived. To this original, called y by Grœber, the MS., from which A has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to the Provençal version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the liberties which the author of Sir Ferumbras took in translating his original, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude ‹xxii› from his closeness of translation in general, that in those passages of A which exhibit significant deviations from the known French versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the Ashmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore the Ashmole Ferumbras may be considered as representing by itself the translation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at least was nearly related, to the type y.

I now come to the consideration of the Sowdan of Babylone, which the simple analysis given by Ellis,[45] shows to be an essentially different work from the Ashmolean Ferumbras. Indeed, whilst the Syr Ferumbras represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of the original Fierabras [or Balan, as Gaston Paris has styled it],[46] the Sowdan approaches the original more nearly in that it contains the long ‘introductory account’.[47] For this first part of the Sowdan (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as identical with the first portion of the old Balan romance, contains several facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great resemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost portion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean Ferumbras is, on the whole, a mere translation of a French original, the Sowdan must be looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who, though following his original as far as regards the course of events, modelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus came to compose an independent work of his own.

This point being fully treated in my Dissertation,[48] I need not again enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the composer of the Sowdan has much shortened his original, omitting all episodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the principal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number of lines which his original had,[49] and that the proportion of the diffuse Ashmolean Ferumbras and the Sowdan is over five to one.[50] ‹xxiii›

The subject of the ‘introductory account,’ or the first part of the Sowdan, is nearly the same as that of the Destruction de Rome, differing from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant incidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter circumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author.

Indeed, the author of the Sowdan seems to have known the Destruction, as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the following instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two versions:

Sowdan.

Destruction.

37

‘With kinges xii and admyralles xiv’

420

‘Ensemble ou li issirent xv roi corone Et xiv amaceours’

1154

‘Bien i a xxx roi et xiv admiré’

689

‘xxx roi sont ou li et xiv amaceours’

163

‘Et xiv amaceours’

77

‘The Romaynes robbed us anone’

115

–16

‘De cels de Romenie que m’ont fait desrobber. Tiel avoir m’ont robbé’

75

‘to presente you’

119

‘vous quidai presenter’

76

‘a drift of wedir us droffe to Rome’

120

‘Uns vens nous fist à Rome parmi le far sigler’

110

‘An hundred thousande’

217

‘Par C fois M payen’

128

‘To manace with the Cristene lore’

228

‘pour François menacier’

332

‘Et menace François pour faire les loye’

175

–76

‘Oure sheldes be not broke nothinge, Hawberkes, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole’

546

–47

‘Quant encor nen est lance quassée ne brusie, Ne halbers derompus, ne fors targe percie’

224

–27

‘Lukafere, Kinge of Baldas, The countrey hade serchid and sought, Ten thousande maidyns fayre of face Unto the Sowdan hath he broghte’

613

–19

‘Lucafer de Baldas discent al mestre tre, Devant l’amirail vint, forment l’a encline: Voyant tot ses barnages l’a l’eschec presente, Moignes, prestres et lais, que sont enchenee, Hermites et enfants, a tous lor poign lié; As femmes et pucels les os furent bende, Totes vives presentent par devant l’admiré.’

228

ss. ‘The Sowdane commaunded hem anone That thai shulde al be slayne . . . He saide “My peple nowe ne shalle With hem noughte defouled be”’

614

‘Maintenant soient tot occis et descoupé. Ne voil que mi serjant en soient encombré.’

278

‘He clepede his engynour Sir Mavone’

908

‘Sortibrans a mande Mabon l’engineor’

289

‘Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue’

627

‘Mahon te benoie’

925

‘Mahon te doint honor’   ‹xxiv›

286

‘And fille the dikes faste anoone’

934

‘Si emplirons les fosses’

293

‘Men myght go even to the walle’

918

‘K’om poet aler al mure’

952

‘K’om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler’

307

‘The hethen withdrowe hem tho’

979

‘Payen se sont retrait’

317

‘His baner knowe I ful welle’

997

‘Jeo ai bien ses armes conu et avisee’

331

‘He entred to the maistre toure’

1011

‘Tantost le mestre porte aurons moult bien ferme’

332

‘The firste warde thus they wonne’

1057

‘Mais tot le premier bail ont Sarasin pople’

346

–50

‘And Estragot with him he mette With bores hede, blake and donne. For as a bore an hede hadde And a grete mace stronge as stele. He smote Savaryz as he were madde’

1090

–94

‘Estragot le poursuit, uns geans diffaes, Teste avoit com senglers, si fu rois coronés. El main tient une mace de fin ascier trempé, Un coup a Savariz desur le chef done’

587

‘Therfore Gy of Bourgoyne! Myn owen nevewe so trewe’

1179

‘Et Guion de Bourgoyne a a lui apelle, Fils est de sa soror et de sa parente: Cosins, vous en irrés . .’

647

‘He smote of the traytours hede’

1236

‘Le chief al portier trenche’

648

‘And saide “Gode gife him care, Shal he never more ete brede, All traitours evel mot thai fare”’

1244

‘“Diex” fist il “te maldie et que t’ont engendré, Kar traitour au darain averont mal dehé.”’

663

‘Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente’

1260

‘Al moustier de saint Piere est Fierenbras ales’

727

‘Thre hundred thousande of sowdeours’

1403

‘iii C mil chevaliers’

743

‘Sir Gye aspied his comynge,

He knewe the baner of Fraunce,

He wente anoone ayen the Kinge,

And tolde him of that myschaunce,

Howe that the cursed sowdone,

Hath brent Rome and bore the relequis awaye’

1409

‘Guis parceut le baniere le roi de saint Dine, Encontre lui chevalche, la novele ont conté Come la fort cité li payen ont gasté; La corone et les clous d’iloec en sont robbé Et les altres reliques . .’

771

‘Wynde him blewe ful fayre and gode’

1425

‘Li vens en fiert es voilles que les a bien guies’

778

‘To londe thai wente iwis’

1427

‘il sont en terre entré’

783

‘Tithinggis were tolde to Lavan’

1436

‘Les noveles en vindrent al soldan diffaié’

787

‘With three hundred thousand of bacheleris’

1443

‘iii C mile François’

Other instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages:

S 49–50 = D 94–99;[51] S 103 = D 202, 209; S 119 = D 385; S 146 = D 445–46; S 150 = D 503–4; S 157 = D 509; S 300 = D 967; ‹xxv› S 303 = D 915; S 396 = D 977; S 312 = D 989; S 340 = D 1063; S 360 = D 1101; S 376 = D 1119, 1121; S 377 = D 1133; S 380 = D 1136; S 699 = D 1379; S 723 = D 1384, &c., &c.

Besides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French versions, but in the Destruction, point to this poem as to the original of the Sowdan. Thus Savaris[52] (S 171) seems to be taken from D 540.

Astragot or Estragot, S 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by whom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock, occurs in D 1090.

The Ascopartes, a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in D 98, 426, but not in F or P.

King Lowes, in the context where it occurs (S 24) is clearly taken from D 9.

Iffrez, S 165, is perhaps the same as Geffroi in D 1139, 1367, 1122.

[Mounpelers, S 3228, occurs only in D 250, 286.]

Persagyn, S 1259, seems to be identical with Persagon, D 162.

The form Laban is only met with in the Destruction, the French and the Provençal versions, and the Ashmole Ferumbras reading Balan.[53]

The name of the Soudan’s son, Ferumbras, is explained by the form Fierenbras, which occurs in D 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237, besides the spelling Fierabras, which is the only one used in the French, the Provençal and Caxton’s versions.

Also the phrase ‘sowdan’ seems to have been derived from the Destruction (l. 1436, ‘soldan’), as it does not occur in any other version.

The great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the Destruction as the original of the first portion of the Sowdan; the few points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer convincing arguments against this supposition. ‹xxvi›

Indeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which are not in D, mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to the Soudan’s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as from many other instances we know how fond many composers of mediæval romances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of which they believed to show their knowledge in that science.[54] Also the three names of Saints (Qwyntyn, Symon, Fremond[55]), and the names of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,[56] many of which, moreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be regarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of the Sowdan. Others also, as Oliborn, Focard, Hubert, Gyndard, Tamper (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names of insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives. Another variation is Isrez (ll. 625, 641) for Tabour (D 1202).

Besides these variations in the names contained in the two poems, we find in the Sowdan some slight modifications as to the matter related; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as necessarily to point to some other original than the Destruction, which the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost decisively to have been the original of the Sowdan. The differences in the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to follow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned, but to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and especially to deal freely with secondary incidents.

Thus he may have thought the combat round Château-Miroir—which, moreover, is related in the Destruction in a rather obscure and confused style—to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better leave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events.

A similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of Lukafer’s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in the Sowdan than in the Destruction. In the Destruction, l. 241, Lucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the ‹xxvii› Soudan’s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way in Laban’s service. The poet of the Sowdan thinking, perhaps, that this was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this incident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly chosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious expedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the Sowdan, ll. 224–242, asks for the hand of Floripas.

As to the following or second part of the Sowdan, on the whole the same subject is treated of as in the Ashmole Ferumbras. But there are many differences between the two poems.

In the Sowdan, l. 1411 et seq., Roland is captured by the Saracens at the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at once avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led away to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray, whereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a mission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.[57]

The names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the Sowdan we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 et seq., and ll. 1730, 880):—Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys, Tery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban, Bishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,[58] Guy of Bourgoyne.[59]—Richard of Normandye, although a most important personage, is not included amongst the Douzeperes. Nor is Guenelyn mentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant, Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in the Ashmolean Ferumbras.[60]

The new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently described in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol. MS. (ll. 2231 et seq.) of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of in ll. 1998–2000 of the Sowdan. ‹xxviii›

In the Sowdan, l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes the image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in Syr Ferumbras (ll. 3345).

In the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 et seq., Ferumbras tries to persuade his father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not to delay in putting him to death. In the Sowdan, l. 3156 et seq., there is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against their father.

Ashm. MS., ll. 130 et seq., differs greatly from the corresponding passage in the Sowdan (ll. 1647 et seq.). In the latter poem the knights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the former they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer, anvil, and tongs, &c.

In the Sowdan, l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a governor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 et seq., Raoul and Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies Charlemagne (cf. l. 5499).

In the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his host; in the Sowdan, l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the banner of France.

The prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to Christ, in the Sowdan, l. 1304 et seq., is not mentioned in the Ashm. version.

The account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs considerably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the incident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. Sowdan, 1158) is omitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the Sowdan, l. 1270) who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own sword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680).

In the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once with twelve of Charles’s knights; in the corresponding passage of the Sowdan, l. 1067, he challenges only six.

In the Sowdan, l. 1512 et seq., Floripas advises her father not to slay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be exchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas, but Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. ‹xxix›

As in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many omissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the Sowdan, it becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the original from which the Sowdan was copied, which is also proved by several names occurring in the Sowdan, but which are not to be found in Syr Ferumbras. Thus, for instance, the names of Espiard, Belmore, Fortibrance, Tamper,[61] do not occur at all in the Ashmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form in the latter poem. For Generyse, S 1135, 1239, we find Garin, A 216, 443; Barrock, S 2939, 2943, 3022 = Amyote, A 4663; Alagolofur, S 2135, 2881 = Agolafre, A 3831, 4327; and Laban is always spelt Balan in the Ashmolean poem, &c.

Now as there are some passages where the Sowdan, while it differs from the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French Fierabras, we might be inclined to think that poem to be the original of the Sowdan. Thus Charlemagne’s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted in the Ashm. MS., occur in the French Fierabras. But there are several differences between the Sowdan and the French poem.

In the Fierabras, l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought before the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the Sowdan, l. 1498.

In the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before the fight begins; in the Sowdan, l. 1249, he does not confess his true name until they had fought for a considerable time.

In the Fierabras, l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the Sowdan, l. 1190.

Again, Fierabras, ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed Oliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll. 1279–82 of the Sowdan.

Instead of Floripas (S 1515), Brulans advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners in F 1949.

The French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called Bryer in S 2604, but Basin in F 3313. ‹xxx›

Concerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the cross (S 3236) in the French poem, and the signe, i. e. ‘the shroud or winding-sheet of the Lord’[62] (F 6094), is omitted in the Sowdan.

Besides these variations of the two versions there is an incident of Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens (S 2247–2274), which being omitted in the Fierabras proves that the author of the Sowdan cannot have followed the French poem, or at least not that version which is edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.

Similarly there is no mention made in the French Fierabras of Bryer being charged to take care of the relics and of Charles’s treasure (S 3204).

The game of blowing burning coals is related in Sowdan, l. 1996 ss., with several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907.

The names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find Generyse, S 1139, for Garin, F 438; Mapyn, S 2325, for Maubrun, F 3046; Alagolofur, S 2135, for Agolafre, F 4290 or Golafre, F 4267, 4383; Bryer, S 2604, for Basin, F 3313; Maragounde, S 1563, for Marabunde, F 2196; Boloyne, S 3238, for St. Denis, F 6199; Barokke, S 2939, and Espiard, S 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French Fierabras, nor does Belmore, S 3122, occur in the Fierabras, either in the corresponding passage, F 5867, or elsewhere.

On the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii) differ in the Sowdan from those mentioned in the Fierabras, too much stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the simple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his source, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates the course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French knights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some of whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up their number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered having met with somewhere ‹xxxi› as included in the list of the douzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however we see appear afterwards.[63]

Similarly the names of Laban and Ferumbras for Balan and Fierabras afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of the French Fierabras being the original of the second part of the Sowdan, as the poet, having found those spellings in the Destruction, the source of the first portion of his romance, might simply have retained them for the whole poem.

But reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those passages which relate incidents omitted in the Fierabras, and which the author of the Sowdan therefore cannot have taken from that poem—and further taking into account the several differences between the two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are only slight ones—the French Fierabras, i. e. the version edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, which represents the group w (see before, p. xix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the Sowdan.

Proceeding now to a comparison of the Sowdan with the Escorial MS.,[64] we have not found any passage where S differing from F agrees with E, as E and F generally have in those places the same reading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original of the Sowdan.

Unfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short to allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know[65] that some names, the spelling of which in the Sowdan differs from that in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as in the Sowdan. Thus we find the following names agreeing in both versions: Lucafer, Maragonde, Maupyn. Only instead of Laban which is used in the Sowdan, we read Balan. In the fragment printed by Grœber,[66] we find the name of the Soudan’s son ‹xxxii› with the same spelling as in the Destruction, Fierenbras, which is nearer to Ferumbras than Fierabras.[67]

This resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead us to believe the Hanover MS. of Fierabras to be the original of the second part of the Sowdan, just as the Destruction, found in the same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to Gaston Paris, the Hanoverian version “is the same as the printed text, differing only in slight variations of readings,”[68] we may suppose it likely that in all passages where the Sowdan differs from the printed Fierabras, it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the differences between the Sowdan and the printed Fierabras are, on the whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission in the Sowdan, being easily accounted for by the general plan of the poet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the spelling of which differs in S and F, are found to be identical in S and H, we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of the Sowdan to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one.

It still remains for us to compare the Sowdan with the Provençal version.

In most cases where S differs from F, it also differs from P, therefore S cannot have taken those variations of readings from the Provençal poem.

The account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in S 1663–1738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in P 2211 ss.

In P the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no mention of the combat before Rome,[69] as in the first part of the Sowdan.

The game of blowing a coal, S 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the Provençal version.

From these variations, taken at random out of a greater number, ‹xxxiii› it becomes evident that the Provençal poem has not been the original of the Sowdan.

If now we compare the Sowdan with Caxton’s version, which we know to be simply a translation of the French prose romance of Fierabras;[70] the few following instances of differences between C and S will show at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was copied or compiled[71] cannot have been the original of the Sowdan.

There are several variations in the names contained in the two versions. Thus we find Ballant in C for Laban in S; Fyerabras in C for Ferumbras in S; Garin, C 55/3 = Generyse, S 1135; Amyotte, C 176/26 = Barrokk, S 1135, &c. The game of blowing a coal is told with more details in S 1998, and somewhat differently from C 118/24; the incident of Laban’s seizing the image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in S 2507, is omitted in C, &c.

Looking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the Sowdan, we sum up what results from it, in the following resumé:

Most probably the Destruction de Rome is the original of the first part of the Sowdan. As to the second part, we are unable to identify it with any of the extant versions. The French Fierabras, as edited by MM. Krœber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences between the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar to the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original.

The Sowdan is no translation, but a free reproduction of its originals; the author of the Sowdan following his sources only as far as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own independent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many minor points.

The Sowdan differs from the poem of Syr Ferumbras in two principal points:

(1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the treatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole Ferumbras is little more than a mere translation. ‹xxxiv›

(2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old Balan romance, whereas Syr Ferumbras contains only the second. But as that second part of the old Balan romance appears to be considerably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole Ferumbras, so the first part of the Sowdan contains a likewise modified, but much shortened, narration of the first part of the old Balan poem, so that the Sowdan has arrived to become quite a different work from the original Balan or Fierabras romance, and that a reconstruction of the contents of that old poem would be impossible from the Sowdan.

LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS. ◊

AS regards the language of the Sowdan, the first point is the dialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in -en or -n, we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem. Thus we find, l. 1331, gone rhyming with one, l. 1010, goon : camalyon, l. 506, gone : than, l. 1762, lyven : gyfen, l. 1816, byleven : even.

The verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second person sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an East-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative end in -est, -eth; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs exhibits the inflection -est: l. 1202, goist : moost; 1314, 1715, knowest; 1344, trowest; 1154, blowest; 1153, saiest; 2292, forgetist; 560, doist; 1193, doistowe;—1093, goth : wroth, 1609 : loth, 1620 : doth; 1728, sleith : deth; 561, sholdest; 1244, shuldist; 603, madist; 563, hadist; 2219, askapedist, &c.—Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without -est (made, wroght); but see the note to l. 2.

If, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities of the Sowdan, we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other East-Midland works,[72] which still further confirms the supposition of the East-Midland origin of the poem. ‹xxxv›

I or y, the descendants of original u (which in Old English [Anglo-Saxon] had already become y or i in consequence of i- mutation or umlaut)—are found rhyming with original i:—ll. 449, 881, kyn : him, 2060 : wynne; 1657, fille : stille; 1973, fire : desire, &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme king : inne (l. 372) or king : thing (ll. 173, 236) cannot be regarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because king, drihten, chikken, the i of which is a modification of original u, are to be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by Professor Zupitza in the Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum, vol. vi. p. 6.

Old English short a, which is liable to change into o, appears in this poem—

(1) always as o, before n- combinations (nd, nt, ng):—531, stronge : istonge; 3166, bronte : fonte; 214, amonge : longe, &c.

(2) as a, before the single consonants m and n:—1120, name : shame, 935 : same, 1739 : grame; 785, 1773, man : Lavan; 3125, came : Lavan (cf. 2579, Lavan : tane); 2160, came : dame, &c.—The fact that com (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as well as cam as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if we remember that the original short a (or o) of cam (or com) had already been lengthened into ô in the O.E. period.[73] Came and come as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in Chaucer as well as in the Celestin (ed. Horstmann, Anglia, i. 56), which is known to have been composed in the East-Midland dialect.

O long, from O.E. â, in our poem has that broad sound which is peculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with—

(1) original ô:—1025, wrothe : sothe; 801, goo : doo; 60, inowe : blowe; 325, so : ido, &c.

(2) unchangeable a:—257, Aufricanes : stoones; 506, gon : than; 2049, agoon : Lavan, &c.

As many East-Midland works[74] the Sowdan has three forms for O.E. þâr:—thare, thore, there, all of which are established by the rhyme:—1805, thore : Egremoure (cf. 2895, Egremoure : tresoure, 1003, Agremore : more); 126, thore : lore; 430, thare : sware; ‹xxxvi› 2245, there : chere, 2404 : bere; 2604, there : were (wron), 208 : were (werian), &c.

We likewise find sore and sare[75] (O.E. sâre):—1196, sore : more; 166, sare : care; 1377, sore : thore.

The O.E. diphthongs ea and eo and the O.E. ŷ (mutated from êa or êo) appear as e in this poem:—1595, me : see, 632 : fee, 1339 : free, 405 : be; 1535, depe : slepe; 1011, 1523, dere : here; 963, yere : vere, 1257 : Olyvere; 996, nere : were; 596, 1528, nede : spede; 1702, eke : speke; 1726, leke : speke; 184, 215, 1208, shelde : felde; 2530, hevene : elevene, &c.

A brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will also give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other East-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the Sowdan agrees closely with that of Chaucer.

In the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by means of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular and the Plural.

The genitive singular of nouns ends in es (sometimes written -is or ys) for all genders:—356, develes; 1209, stedes; 849, worldis; 1804, worldes; 3035, dammes; 1641, nedes; 1770, shippes; 1072, faderis.

Substantives ending in -s in the nominative case, remain unchanged in the genitive case:—1214, 1287, Ferumbras; 2006, Naymes; 3207, Charles; 1639, 1350, Floripas.—Florip, l. 614, is the genitive case of Floripe or Florip, l. 2027, 1571.

The nominative plural of all genders is formed by -es (-is, -ys) or -s:—919, knightes, 1947, 2276, knightis; 1384, horses, 1401, horsys; 429, 2054, gatis; 192, wordes; 837, swerdes; 174, hedes; 2289, ladies; 3271, soules; 26, bokes; 606, peres; 297, tours, &c. Examples of a plural case without s are seen in thinge, l. 2, 1709:—O.E. þing; honde, 987, O.E. handa, as well as hondes, 1412, 2568; frende, 3212, O.E. frŷnd, as well as frendes, 1011, O.E. frêondas. Other plurals which are equally easily explained by their O.E. forms are:—eyen, 825, O.E. êagan; shoone, 1381, O.E. scêon; fete, 1403, O.E. fêt, fote, 1427, O.E. fôtum, 2673, O.E. fôta. ‹xxxvii›

To mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of adjectives is a difficult task; as the final -e had in most cases already become silent in the poet’s dialect, it seems probable that he no longer observed the distinction.

The pronouns are the same as in Chaucer and in other East-Midland poems:—I, me, thou, the; he, hym; sche, her and hir; it and hit (cf. note to l. 41); we, us; ye, you. The plural of the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is thai and he (cf. note to l. 2698) for the nominative case; hem, and in some doubtful passages (see note to l. 88) thaym for the accusative case.

As in Chaucer, the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the verb:—hastow 1680, maistow 1826, shaltow 1669, woltow 1727, wiltow 1151, artow 1967, kanstow 2335, &c.

Possessive pronouns:—myn and thyn are used before vowels and before h; my, thy before consonants. Only once, l. 90, my is placed before a vowel. His, hire and here; our, your; here and (twice, 623, 1244) thair.

The demonstrative pronouns are this, these or thes; that.

The definite article the or þe, is used for all cases singular and plural. But we find besides, the following examples of inflexion:—tho, 2063, O.E. þâ, and the accusative sing. þon, 108. In l. 2052, tho means ‘them, those’ = Lat. eos. Tha, l. 2639, seems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for þat (day), cf. l. 619.

Men, 115, 1351, and me, 287, are used as indefinite pronouns. Everyche, every, everychone occur frequently. Note also ichoon 2774, ilka 2016; thilke 2644, eche 1865.

That or þat, who, whome are used as relative pronouns. The interrogative pronouns are who and what.

Verbs. The plural imperative ends in -eth or -th, which, however, we find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, prove you, 2078 proveth; 2131 sende, 167 sendith; telle 1977, tellyth 1625, &c.

The -n of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in Chaucer:—274, 1588, sene : bene; 1124, see : tre; 658 : cite; 600, be : cite; 1225 : contre; 1411, flee : cite; 3065, fleen : men; 1282, sloo : mo; 792, sloone : one, &c.

The final -(e)n of past participles of strong verbs is in most cases ‹xxxviii› dropped, as in Chaucer:—3176 forlorne: borne, 32 born, 3011 wonne, 21 wonnen, 2756 comen : nomen, 155 come, 2476 holpe, 1362 bygote, 1026 blowe, &c.

Weak verbs form their past participles in -ed, -d, -et, -t, much as in Chaucer:—lerned 3042, eyde 1648, toolde 670, bogt 111, delte 526, displaied 133.

The prefix i- or y- occurs sometimes, icome 784, come 155, istonge 533, itake 49, taken 1430, &c.

The present participles end in -inge and ande, as is often the case in East-Midland works:—2831 prikande : comande, 435 cryande, 924 makande, 3225 mornynge : kynge, 2399 slepynge : honde, where evidently slepande is the true reading.

As in Chaucer the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes formed by -est or -ist, letist 2167; but we find also regular forms, as in slough 1259, where, however, the O.E. e (slôge) is already dropped.

The -en or -n of the preterite plural and of past participles is commonly dropped, ronnen 3007, ronne 2959, took 477, tokene 2621, slough 78, sloughen 401, ido 327: so, &c.

The -d in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is sometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find comforte 2242 and comforted 312, commaunde 57 and commaunded 228, graunte 607, liste 1132, list 1966, discumfite 1464, &c. On the same analogy we find light 1125, 1189, and lighted 3109, worth 1203, and worthed 1163.

As regards the final -e’s, it may be remarked that the scribe has added many final -e’s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect them, and has often given a final -e to words which in other passages of the poem, although similarly used, have no e:—note 245, 274, not 255, 313; howe 19, how 275; undere 61, under 713; bute 247, but 8; cooste 202, coost 3062; crafte 424, craft 2335; ashamede 1295, ashamed 558, &c.

This is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or perhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final e’s had already become altogether silent, so that finding many words ending in -e and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere ‹xxxix› “ornament in writing” (Ellis, Pronunciation, i. 338), and sometimes added, sometimes omitted it.

With respect to the composer of the Sowdan himself, there may be some doubt left whether in his speech the final e had become altogether silent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following instances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very frequently did not sound the final e:—757 boghtẹ : noght, 3154 hat : fat, 961 wrongẹ : distruccion, 556 onlacẹ : was; cf. also 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 spékẹ we of Ríchard, 2999 fought, 2093, 859 bringẹ, 9, 2547 keptẹ, 834 wentẹ, 142 comẹ, 713 wodẹ.

In other cases there is no certainty whether the final e is quite silent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form trisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing trisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this kind of measure will increase to a great amount in the Sowdan. Therefore I rather incline to think the final e silent also in the following instances:—2090 défendẹ this place, 1201 brékẹ both báke, 861 cómẹ from ál, 2119 askẹ consaile, 1597 wólẹ these traítours, 1783 whéns comẹ yé, 2317 pássẹ that brígge, 1100 rónnẹ bytwéne, 2997 fóught so lónge, 175 brokẹ nothinge, 1658 béddẹ with ríght, 713 grénẹ wodẹ síde, 571 hómẹ to Rómẹ that nýght, 1610 the fáls jailoúr feddẹ yoúr prisonére, 2152 fáls traitóurs of Fránce, 921 chárged the yónge with ál, 380 aboútẹ midnýghte, 726 sóne to hím, 160 únneth not óne [Chaucer still pronounces unnethë].

Nevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final e is to be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463, 1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91.

Final en also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate syllable:—1365 waít uppon mé, 459 brék our wállis, 45 slép with ópyne ýȝe, 485 cóm by the cóst, 2313 díd it aboút, &c.

In all these cases n had very probably already fallen off in the speech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:—178 wynne : him, 1582 dye : biwry, 2309 shewe  : trewe, 2107 slépe to lónge, 861 cóme from ál, &c.

As regards the final es of nouns, the poet seems to have observed the same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. es is sounded when ‹xl› joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number of syllables (and therefore is often spelt-s instead of-es), when the stem has two or more syllables:—197, 277 goddës, 665 nailës, 445 tentës, 2068 tentïs, 174, 1799 hedës, 2032, 2868 swerdës, 2327 wallës, 1209 stedës, 1770 shippës, 2702 somers, 2687, 2591 felowes, 2660 felows, 2412 maydyns, 647, 1597 traytours, 2036 orders, 45 lovers, 2612, 3098 develes, 1072 faderis, 203, 862 sowdons, 881 sarsyns.

The final es of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate syllable:—2213 hónged’ els bý, 2786 éls had’ hé, 2109 éllis I may sínge, 1525 élles wol’ hé, 2061 théns, 1783 whens.

METRE AND VERSIFICATION. ◊

THE poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme is such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and 4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: a b a b. The rhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next following.

But it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of eight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the model employed by Chaucer. Others are arranged differently. Those beginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula a b a b a c a c, in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and the 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same rhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611 is a b a b c b c b. In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are rhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in the poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as generally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only in the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not to be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some other poem.[76]

Turning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between the Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in the MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel ‹xli› inclined to regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza employed in the Sowdan as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from the Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for one single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial) to the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three stanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from the Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795.

In all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would suit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the following cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were more closely connected and made better sense than four lines, e. g. ll. 583–598, 1703–1710, 1679–1686, 939–962, 1043–1050, 244 ss., 455 ss., 631 ss., 1059 ss.

But, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also a great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be considered as an independent whole, when, e. g., the speech spoken by a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another person replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often also these next four lines contain only a part of the second person’s reply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following stanza. This ‘enjambement’ or continuation of the sense, and sometimes of the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not, of course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line stanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in stanzas, and as it is frequently used in Le Morte Arthur (Harleian MS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas; but as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing four different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would be the case with the Sowdan, the eight-line stanzas containing either three rhyme-endings, as in Chaucer, or two, as in Le Morte Arthur, and as in some passages of the Sowdan (ll. 1691, 1695, 1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe a stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended by the composer—a metre which, according to Guest, History of Eng. Rhythms, ii. 317—‘must have been well known and familiar during the fifteenth century.’ The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may ‹xlii› then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who somewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza a third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he intentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line stanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It is perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was not greatly felt.

As regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or masculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are used alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l. 2755.

Sometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1263–66. But it must be noticed that the number of masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll. 3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463, &c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings.

The rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect ones.

(1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the plural number, which therefore has an additional s (or es):—797, thinge : tidyngys; 2647, fyght : knyghtes; 2087, light : knightes; 1455, cosynes : kinge; 2272, laye : dayes; 2395, 885, Ogere : peres; 2456, alle : walles; 2682, nede : stedes; 944, mone : stoones; cf. also 2376, wile : beguiled. In l. 68, poundis : dromonde; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading pounde, as in l. 2336, instead of poundis.

(2) Single n is found rhyming with n- combinations.

α. n : nd—cf. 814, ychoon : Mahounde; 912, pavilone : Mahounde; 1201, crowne : Mahounde. The rhyme, 162, Rome : houne, may be explained in the same manner, for houne stands for hounde, as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.[77]

β. n : ng—cf. 2349, Mapyne : endinge; 86, Apolyne : tithinge; 370, inne : kinge; 1455, cosynes : kinge; 3249, Genelyne : kinge; 3171, serpentyne : endinge; 959, distruccion : wronge. ‹xliii›

In 614, love : vowe, the second rhyme vowe does not contain the consonant v.

(3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants.

m : n—cf. 76, Rome : one; 1672, 364 : done; 2443, 366, come : done; 747, some : soudone; 1323, came : than; 1488, came : ranne; 2128, tyme : pyne; 177, him : wynne; 2375, him : tene; 447, 859, him : kyn; 2004, hyme : skyne; 2353, him : inne.

f : v—cf. 341, twelve : selve; 415, wife : alive; 1762, gyfene : lyvene; 1912, gife : lyve. But in all these cases the rhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence of the copyist writing indiscriminately f and v. Thus the rhyme of l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, self : twelf. In l. 2336 we find gefe, which is written geve in l. 198; lefe, l. 764; safe, l. 864, are spelt with v in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808.

l : n—cf. l. 363, consaile : slayne. Quite similar is l. 1251, felde : sende.

p : k—l. 820, stoupe : stroke. A similar rhyme occurs in Guy, l. 10903, scapid : nakid.

d : t—l. 2868, gyrde : sterte; 1151, plete : dede.

d : p—l. 283, tyde : depe. But this rhyme is very probably owing to the scribe. For depe we ought to read wide.

A single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain instance occurs in l. 311, tyde : chidde. For in ll. 312, 317, dele : welle, we might read wele, as this word is frequently spelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For dedde in l. 2980 (rede : dedde) we may substitute dede, which occurs in l. 2510. The rhyme glad : hadde, 2687, becomes perfect if we read gladde, which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf. ll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe hadde to be monosyllabic. Ferre : nere l. 1575; in l. 117 we find fere.

The rhyme, l. 2654, sloughe : drowe can easily be restored in reading slowe, which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304, 2208, &c. The rhyme ane : shafe, 555, seems to be due to some clerical error.

(4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels.

a : e—2803, gate : lete; perhaps we are justified in reading late, ‹xliv› cf. Havelock, 328; l. 2752, made : dede. The rhymes thare : were, 1383; bare : there, 671; Agremare : there, 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used thare, there, and thore indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430, 1805, 1003; l. 1436, ladde : nede; 2365, ladde : bedde, the author probably pronounced ledde. For lefte, l. 2335 : craft, we may read lafte, as is shown by l. 424, lafte : crafte. In ll. 1781, 544, tene : than, the rhyme will be improved by reading then.

a : o (cf. p. xxxv)—504, thane : gone; 1143, 1079, Rolande : honde; 133, sowdone : Lavan (where we might read sowdan, as in l. 1491); 627, sowdane : towne; 2527, 1684, Roulande : londe.

i(y) : e. This rhyme also occurs in Chaucer; cf. Ellis, Pron. i. 272; see also Guy, p. xiv.—l. 21419, him : hem; 1299, dynte : lente; 523, strike : breke; 1643, mylde : shelde; 1263, togedere : thidere; 1277, wepenless : iwis; 344, shitte : mette; 2538, hende : wynde (read wende), &c.; l. 82, vilane : remedye (read vilanye, as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015, vilane : me, cf. Guy, xi, ν—813, sle : curtesye; 895, we : lye; cf. Ellis, Pron., i. 271.

The monophthong y is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of which is y:—l. 441, Sarsynes : Romaynes; 2761, Apolyne : agayne; 2105 : slayne; 2175 : eyne; 2280, dye : waye (cf. 1582); 589, fyne : Bourgoyne.

o: ou (ow).—l. 1023, wrothe : southe (which is written sothe in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, fonde : grounde; 260, clarione : soune; 879, lione : crowne; 2780, malison : towne, &c. Cf. also 1264, endured : covered.

o: e.—463, oost : best. The rhyme is restored in reading rest instead of oost.

o: i.—l. 966, sonne : begynne.

ue: ewe.—l. 2312, vertue : fewe. But this rhyme cannot be objected to, as “final French u (as in due) was diphthongized into eu in Chaucerian English.”[78]

Other irregularities are:—l. 112, douȝte : rowte; 1987, use : house; 1131, thou : lough; 1200, moost : goist; 1730, dethe : sleith; ‹xlv› 2136, pas : grace; 1611, was : mace (in which cases e is silent); 931, 1144, peris : fiers.

A line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated from each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there are some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301, 2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are put close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which is altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented syllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575–582, 763–770, 839–846, 871–878, 2287–2290, &c. But in most cases lines with four accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll. 1–372, 995–1010, 1026–1029, 1067–1107, 1147–1154, 1731–1734, &c.

A few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are also to be met with in the Sowdan. They are either due to the author and therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally imitates his original,[79] or they may be considered as due to some clerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a slight emendation.

A verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot begins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented one. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded by two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060, 1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot consisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one being altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c.

DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR. ◊

GEORGE Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. “I think,” he says in his Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 380, “it would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that the present translation[80] cannot be earlier than the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.” ‹xlvi›

Having seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there is a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the composer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter as a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the Sowdan, which seem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that the poet must have known the Canterbury Tales. Thus ll. 42–46:—

“Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,

Whan ffrith and felde wexen gaye,

And every wight desirith his like,

Whan lovers slepen with opyn yȝe,

As Nightingales on grene tre” . . .

appear to be imitated from the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales, ll. 10–12:—

“And smale fowles maken melodie,

That slepen al the night with open eye,

So priketh hem nature in her corages.”

Further on we remark in ll. 939–40:—

“O thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente,

That in the trende baye hase made þy trone.”

some traces of resemblance with the Knight’s Tale, ll. 1123–26:—

“And downward on a hill under a bent,

There stood the tempul of Marȝ armypotent,

Wrought al of burned steel, of which thentre

Was long and streyt, and gastly for to see,”

which may still be compared with the first lines of the Prologue of Queen Anelida and False Arcite:—

“Thou ferse God of armes, Mars the rede,

That in thy frosty contre called Trace,

Within thy grisly temples ful of drede,

Honoured art as patroun of that place.”[81]

Now the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales and the Knight’s Tale, being written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly composed after 1385,[82] or rather after 1389.[83] From the treatment of ‹xlvii› the final e’s, which, contrary to Chaucer’s usage, seem to have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet’s speech, we may further conclude that the Sowdan must be somewhat later than the Canterbury Tales. Therefore the poet of the Sowdan cannot have been merely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more probable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring us to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance.

As to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have no clue whatever from the poem.

MS. OF THE SOWDAN. ◊

The present edition of the Sowdan is printed from the unique MS. of the late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which is now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane House, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber’s sale.[84] The oldest possessor’s name which we find noted, is on the reverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, “This is John Eteyes (or Ebeye’s) boke, witnes by John Staff”—in a hand circa temp. Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the first fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find there, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. “at Dr. Farmer’s Sale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.” On May 20th, 1800, it was “bought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.” by “O. Grahm Gilchrist.”

A transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by him to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in 1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances.[85] The same copy has been followed by Halliwell, who in his Dictionary of Arch. and Prov. W., has several quotations[86] from the present romance, which he styles as “MS. Douce, 175.” ‹xlviii›

The poem of the Sowdan was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in 1854.[87] The text of the present edition differs from that of the editio princeps in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is altogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In some passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are separated in the text; thus a laye, l. 2694; a ras, l. 645, are printed instead of alaye, aras. Sometimes also words written separately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as be-falle, 14; i-wiss, 71; i-sought, 725; with-oute, 841; a-bide, 818; a-ferde, 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are always indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the great help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More important emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and other mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained in the Notes.

The Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the Sowdan with any other version of the romance.

The Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those words the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs from that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical variations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader will have no difficulty in identifying them.

In conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable assistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave me. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for their kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a transcript of the poem with the MS.

EMIL HAUSKNECHT.

Berlin, January, 1881.

FOOTNOTES. ◊

1  Histoire Poét., p. 133–4.

2  Gautier, Epopées, ii. 308.

3  Cf. the French Fierabras, l. 84; Sir Ferumbras, l. 102; Sowdone, l. 1067.

4  Thus in Scarron, Gigant, iii.

5  Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1.

6  See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious manner of representation in Histoire Littéraire de la France, xvii. 720–21.

7  Gautier, Epopées, ii. p. 308; and Histoire Poétique, p. 99.

8  See Huon de Bourdeaux, edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii.

9  See G. Nottebohm, Thematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck erschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert. Wien, 1874.—Op. 76.

10  Cf. besides, Histoire Poétique, pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251; Epopées françaises, ii. pp. 307–9; and the Préface of the French edition of Fierabras.

11  See also Mone, Uebersicht der niederländischen Volksliteratur älterer Zeit. Tübingen, 1836. p. 56.

12  Cf. Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, 1824, vol. i. pp. 147–8.

13  It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance as given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with the subject of the French Fierabras or the English Syr Ferumbras, but not with the Sowdan, as there is no mention made of the combat before Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the Sowdan. But the spelling Lawyn for Balan agrees with the spelling of the same name in the Sowdan. As to the relics mentioned in the passage above, they differ from all other versions.

14  In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called Alagolofre; cf. Index of Names.

15  This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured initials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in the possession “Majoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,” at Paris. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution, it finally came to the Library of Wallerstein.

16  Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829.

17  British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.

18  Cf. also the Préface of the French Fierabras, p. iv.

19  See Leben und Werke der Troubadours, by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau, 1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik, 1831.

20  In a footnote to his Histoire de la Poésie scandinave, p. 183, where he says:—“Le roman de Ferabras, publié à Berlin par M. Bekker, est . . . évidemment traduit du français, et en a conservé trop de formes et d’expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.”

21  Fierabras chanson de geste, edd. Krœber and Servois, in the collection of the Anciens Poètes de la France.

22  For a more detailed analysis, see Histoire Poét., p. 251, and cf. the account given of the old Fierabras or Balan romance by Philippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664–4716, which runs as follows:—

4664

Puis fu Roume par force prise

et la gent destruite et ocise

et li apostoile ocis

Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris

4668

et toute la cité bruie.

li dus Garins et sa mesnie

entrerent en Castiel-Croisant,

quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant

4672

amenerent trop grant compagne

et devers Surie et d’Espagne;

si furent crestien dolant,

et manderent tot maintenant

4676

soucours al bon roi Charlemainne

ki sa fieste en France demainne,

et li rois en cele besogne

lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne,

4680

ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit

et des jovenes enfans avoit

devant çou la couronne prise.

et soucoururent sans faintise

4684

lor bon roi en la tiere estrange

u il n’orent ni lin ni lange.

en France estoient revenu

et soujourné et bien péu,

4688

mais à cel soucours le tramist

li rois, ki moult s’entremist,—

et si tramist de Normendie

Ricart à la ciere hardie,

4692

si reprirent li Mireour:

et dus Garins vint à l’estour,

ki tint Pavie en quité

s’ot bien Castil-Croisant gardé,

4696

et Karles ot sa gent mandée,

si vinrent de mainte contrée,

quar il lor faisoit tant de biens,

qu ’à ses amis ne faloit riens.

4700

si trest vers Rome li bons rois

et fist as paiens moult d’anois.

dont se combati Oliviers

a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers;

4704

d’armes l’outra, si reconquist

les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,

si les gieta enmi le Toivre

por çou que plus n’en péust boivre;

4708

quar c’est bausmes ki fu remés

dont Ihesu Cris fu embausmés.

puis furent mort tot li paien

et mis en Roume crestiien,

4712

si ot autre apostoile fait

et Karles s’en revint à hait,

si gratia Dieu et St. Piere,

que recouvrée ot sa kaiere,

4716

soujourner vint dont à Parise . . .

23  Romania, ii. 1873, pp. 1–48.

24  Cf. Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, edd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111.

25  Printed in Verhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Leipzig. Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 et seq.

26  Corresponding to ll. 1410 et seq. of the Ashmole Ferumbras.

27  Cf. Sir Ferumbras, ll. 8192–3.

28  Cf. also l. 2784 and Sir Ferumbras, ll. 1860 and 2059.

29  See above, p. xi, footnote, and Histoire Poétique, p. 251.

30  Cf. Grœber, Verhandlungen, pp. 217–18.

31  The following differences between the Destruction and the narration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:—

(i) the combat around Château-Miroir is described in a different manner in the two poems.

(ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the Destruction is transferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the neighbourhood of Rome for the whole time.

(iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important active part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the Destruction this is not the case.

Now, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such as they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages of Fierabras, of which even the Destruction affords no explanation, are cleared up. Thus, Fierabras, l. 1049,

“Près fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jetés”—

which is in contradiction to the Destruction, is explained by ll. 4705–6 of Mousket’s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that Floripas has seen Guy before Rome (Fierabras, l. 2240; Ashmole Ferumbras, l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there. Therefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must have been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older than the Destruction, which exhibits significant differences.

These differences between Mousket and the Destruction, as well as the fact that several references to preceding events contained in Fierabras remain unexplained by the Destruction, were some of the reasons which led me in my Dissertation, pp. 41–49, to consider the Destruction as a poem written by another author than that of the Fierabras. In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events contained in the Fierabras, the very beginning of which necessarily requires some explanatory account—a circumstance which also gave rise to the ‘episode’ of the Provençal version—the Destruction was composed as a kind of Introduction to the Fierabras, whereby it happened that some allusions remained unexplained.

32  For a description of this magnificent MS., see Sir Ferumbras, p. vi, footnote.

33  Cf. Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, ii. 197–8.

34  Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.

35  Cf. Gautier, Epopées Françaises, i. 221.—“Rien n’est plus fréquent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos poèmes les plus anciens, que la répétition double, triple et même quelquefois quadruple, de certains couplets. Cette répétition n’a pas lieu dans les mêmes termes, ni surtout avec les mêmes rimes. Tout au contraire, la même idée est reproduite en vers différents, munis d’assonances ou de rimes différentes.”

36  The variations of this MS. are printed in the Jahrbuch der roman. and engl. Sprachen, vol. ix. pp. 43 ss.

37  This edition, although printed from the MS. a, may be said to represent a group (w) of four MSS., called a b c d (see above xv). Another group (z) is formed by the MSS. E and D. Both groups belong to the same type y. Cf. Grœber, Die handschriftlichen Gestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras, Leipzig, 1869, p. 27, where we find the following stemma:

38  Epopées Françaises, ii. 307, and Cat. rais. des livr. de la bibl. d’Ambr. F. Didot, I, 361.

39  Grœber, Handschriftl. Gestaltungen, p. 6.

40  Jahrbuch, xiii. p. 111, and Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, iv. p. 164.

41  “Die Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht gewiss, dass H mit D und E aus der nämlichen Quelle z geflossen ist.” Jahrbuch, xiii. 113.

42  Handschriftl. Gestalt., p. 10.

43  See the note to l. 5763 of Sir Ferumbras, and cf. Fierabras, 5955.

44  The number of instances where A varies from C’s version might easily be increased. Thus we find A 340 differing from C 52/111 and from F 357; A 814 differing from C 79/3 and from F 1548; A 1616 differing from C 102/10 and from F 2424; A 1238 differing from C 92/5 and from F 2083; A 4652 differing from C 171/26 and from F 4900, &c.

45  Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 379 et seq.

46  Histoire Poétique, p. 251; cf. also Revue critique d’Histoire et de Littérature, ii. 1869, p. 121 et seq.

47  Cf. Mr. Shelley’s Paper in Warton, Hist. of Eng. Poetry, ii. 197–8.

48  pp. 17 et seq.

49  Dissertation, p. 18.

50  Introduction to Sir Ferumbras, p. xiv.

51  The French text will be found in the Notes, which see.

52  For these names, the Index of Names may be referred to.

53  In some passages the Destruction shows also the spelling Balan, but Laban is more common.

54  See note to l. 1000.

55  See note to l. 2842.

56  Dissertation, p. 20.

57  See note to l. 1663.

58  Cf. note to l. 1723.

59  Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259, reproduces—from the Roxburghe Club edition, Introd. p. vi.—the list of the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531, which he erroneously takes for that of the Sowdan.

60  But there is one “Alorys þe erld of Brye,” mentioned in the Ashm. MS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c.

61  There is one Templer mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he is not identical with Tamper of the Sowdan, ll. 2641, 2667.

62  Greek σινδων. Cf. Dissertation, pp. 45–46.

63  See note to l. 2535.

64  There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS. (Epopées Fr. ii. 307), a comparison of the Sowdan with this version is impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same group as E, what results from a comparison of S with E may be assumed for the Didot MS.

65  See Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, iv. pp. 164, 170.

66  Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur, xiii. p. 111.

67  This example is not very striking, as the spelling Ferumbras may simply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above, p. xxxi.

68  Syr Ferumbras, Introduction, p. xiv, footnote.

69  See Handschriftliche Gestaltungen, p. 14, and Dissert., p. 29.

70  Histoire Poétique, p. 157.

71  And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by the author; see Hist. Poét., p. 99, bottom.

72  See Morris’s Preface to Genesis and Exodus, Skeat’s Introduction to Havelock the Dane, and Mall’s edition of Harrowing of Hell (Breslau, 1871).

73  See Sweet, Anglia, iii. 152.

74  Cf. Mall, Harrowing of Hell, p. 18.

75  Cf. Schipper, Alexiuslegenden, 98/121.

76  See note to l. 939.

77  “This elision of a final d in such words as hond, lond, sheld, held, &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry, and arises simply from pronunciation.”—Morris, Specimens of Early English, 320/261.

78  Cf. Mr. Nicol’s Paper in the Academy of June 23, 1877, vol. xi. p. 564, col. 1, and Seventh Annual Address of the President to the Philol. Soc., p. 2.

79  See the note.

80  Although l. 25 says that the story of the Sowdan “is written in Romance,” this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere translation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French original.

81  Cf. also Lindsay’s History of Squyer Meldrum, l. 390:

“Like Mars the God Armypotent.”

82  Cf. Prioress’s Tale, ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx; and Furnivall’s Trial Forewords, p. 111.

83  Cf. Chaucer, ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote.

84  Bibliotheca Heberiana, Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533.

85  Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 et seq.

86  For instances, see the following words:—Atame, alayned, ameved, assorte, avente, forcer, &c.

87  London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV.

ADDITIONS. ◊

SINCE the Introduction was written, I have had an opportunity of seeing the Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras. The kind offices of Professor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the Administration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to Berlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the Reading Room of the University Library.

Having now compared the Sowdan more closely with the Hanover MS., I must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation concerning the original of the Sowdan (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way altered.

As already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination and the passages of H quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover version is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the Fierabras, differing only in slight variations of readings.

The names in which S differs from F, but agrees with H, are already spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the spelling of which H agrees with F, but differs from S. Thus we find Balans or Balant in H for Laban in S; Guarin, H, leaf 80, back, F 438 = Generyse, S 1135; Agolafres, H, leaf 81 = Alagolofer, S 2135; Amiotte, H leaf 83, back = Barrokk, S 2939, etc.

As to the subject-matter, there are no instances where S, differing from F, agrees with H. In all points in which S differs from F we find it also differing from H.

Thus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of ‹l› which S slightly differs from F, is related in H with nearly the same words as in F. As, besides the small fragment printed by Grœber in the Jahrbuch, xiii, and some few remarks in the Zeitschrift für rom. Phil., nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following passages printed here may serve to show how little H differs from F. The game of the coal (S 1996–2016, F 2907–2934) is thus described in H, leaf 58:—

“Veillard, dist Lucafer, vous ni savez juer,

Vous ne savez en France le grant charboun soffler.

Certes, ceo dist li dus, mais n’en oie soffler.

Et respont li payen: Mais te feray mostrer.

Ly payen vait le duc au grant fowel mener.

Quant Rollant l’ad veu, a Berard l’ad mostre

Ore porres boue jeu ver et esgarder.

Dahait qui ne laira ly et Naimes juer.

Lucafer se beysa pur un tison combrer,

Trestote le plus ardant quil i poet trover,

Par tiel air soffla le fu qil li fist voler.

Puis ad dist a Names ‘Ore vous covent soffler.’

Names prist le tison qui bien se sout aider,

Vers le payen s’en va pur le tison sofler,

Pur ceo le fist ly dus qa ly se volt meller,

Si suffla le tison qe le fist allumer,

Le barbe et le menton fist au payen bruler,

Tres parmy le visaie en fist la flame virer,

Qe par un sule petite qe nel fist souuiler.

Quant le voit ly payen, le sanc quida deueher.

Il jette a .ij. ses maines, qi le quide frapper,

Mais ly dus le ferry tres parmy le costes,

Qe les oilz de la teste ly fist en fu voler.

Puys l’ad pris par le flank, s’il voit en le fu ruer.

Lichiers, dist dus Names, Dex te poet mal doner,

Tu me quidoies ore come fole cy trover.”

The distribution of the relics, in which S (cf. note to l. 3238) differs from F 6195 et seq. is related as follows in H, leaf 100:—

“AU baron seint Dynis fu mult grant l’assemblee

Au perron au londy fu la messe chantee,

Illok fu la corone partie et desseveree,

L’un moite fu a saint Dynis donee

Et un clow ansiement, cest verite provee,

De la Corone fu un partie a Ais portee,

A Compaigne est l’ensigne en l’eglise honoree,

Et les altres .ij. clowes a Orliens fu enveiee,

Maint presant fist Charls de France la loie

Des saintisme reliqes, Jhesu de maiestes.

En l’onur de Deu est mainte eglise fondee,

La feste de lendit fu pur iceo estoree.

Jaiaz videront cens ne taille donee. ‹li›

Ne tardoit que .iiij. ans k’Espaigne fu gastee.

La fu la treison de Rollant porpensee,

Qe Ganes le vendist a la gent diffaee,

Puys fu as chiuals sa chars destreinee,

Pinables en fu mortz de suz Lyons en la pree,

La le vengea Terris au trenchant del espee,

Puys fu pendu armes par gulee paree,

Toutz iours vegnent traitors a mal destinee

Ou aloignee ou apres ia ni aueront duree.

Charles voit a Orliens, la chancheon est finee

Au deu vous commande, tote j’ai ma chancon fine.

De cels romance est bone la fine et l’entree,

Et en mileue et partote qi bien l’ad escoutee

La beneiceon aez de Deu et del virgine honore. Amen.”

The miracle (F 6101–6123)[88] of the glove, in which Charles had placed fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for over an hour, the description of which is omitted in the Sowdan (cf. Dissert., p. 29), is related as follows in H, leaf 99:—

“L’EMPERERS de France fist forement a loier

Il a fait un table sur .ij. trestes lever.

Et par de sur un paille qui fu fait outre mer.

Illok fist Charl la corone aporter,

Puis ad fait l’arcevesqe partir et deviser,

Si ad fait les reliqes mult bien envoluper,

Dedens son mestre coffres les a fait deffermer,

Et les altres reliqes qe il voudra aporter.

Les petites espignons qil vist esgruner,

De la saint corone qil fist demenbrer,

Trestote les acoillye nostre emperer ber,

Et les mist en son gant qanqil pout trover.

Un chivaler le tent qil vist lez ly ester,

Mais al ne l’aperceut my qe nele oit parler.

Charlemayn retiret sa mayne, si lesse le gant aler.

Et dex a fait le gant enmy l’air arester

Tant que d .j. leue en pout home bien aler;

Kar la presse fu grant, ne l’en puis remenbrer.

Charlemayn comande l’ewe apporter.

De son gant ly sovengre si quant il dust laver,

Mais ne seet a ky le comanda abailier,

Par desur la gent le vist en l’air esteer,

L’arcevesqe la monstre et tuit l’altre barne.

Ceo fu mult grant merveille, home en doit bien parler,

Charls a pris son gant, s’est assis au soper.”

H, leaf 37, agrees with F, l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the Sowdan, l. 1190 (cf. p. xxix). ‹lii›

Similarly we find S 2604 differing from H, leaf 62, where we read Basyns (= Basin, F 3313) instead of Bryer.

Again H, l. 40, agreeing exactly with F, l. 1329 et seq., differs from S 1279–82 (cf. p. xxix).

Instead of Floripas, S 1515, it is Brulans, H, l. 49, and F 1949, who advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners.

The names of the twelve peers are the same in H as in F (cf. p. xxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the other on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the Sowdan) is described exactly alike in F 2263–2282 and in H, leaf 51, back, with the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a different order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off as the sixth in F, being the second in H.

These variations of S from H clearly exemplify the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the Sowdan. But as on the whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and as, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the favourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the essential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see above p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are several names, the spelling of which differs in F, agreeing in S and H, I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second part of the Sowdan was a version similar to the Hanover MS.

If now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole Ferumbras more closely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances where A, whilst differing from F, agrees with H.

H.

A.

lf. 27.

Ha Glout  , dist Karlemaines,

163.

A glotoun  , saide þe Emperer

lf. 27.

Que puis vivre   que cest jours fu passes

175.

Ke lyve   he noȝt þys day to be evene

lf. 25, bk.

Ses chiuals ad reine à un arbre rasmee

91.

Þarto ys stede þan tyeþe he

Et garda les leges tote contreval li pree

Nevertheless, the following passage in which A agrees with F, but differs from H, will at once show the impossibility of regarding H as the original of A. ‹liii›

A.

H.

302.

Þanne þer come bifore Charloun, Gweneloun and Hardree

lf. 28, bk.

Atant se sunt drecie Guinelons et Alores

In other instances A is found differing from H as well as from F. Thus the name of Enfachoun, A 4652, which is Effraons in F 4900, does not occur at all in H, which in the passage corresponding to F 4900, as well as in that corresponding to F 4913, reads Affricons li Geans.

Again, in the story of Myloun, in which A, l. 2008 et seq., differs from F, we find H disagreeing from F, 2734 et seq., and from A:—

“Volez vous queor de feme essaier et esprover

Del riche duc Milon vous deverez remenbrer,

Qe tant nori Galans qe ly fist adouber,

Puys ly tolly sa feile Gabaen au vis cler,

L’enfes Marsilion en fist desherriter.—

Quant l’entent Floripas, du sens quida deueer.”

—(H, leaf 56.)

But in most cases in which F differs from A, H agrees with F.

Thus we find Ferumbras challenging only six French knights in H, lf. 26, as in F, 84, 105, instead of twelve in A, l. 102.

In A, l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas in F, 5373, and in H, lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling.

For Howel of saint Miloun, A 5574, we read Huon de saint Lis in F 5792, and Hugon de saint Lis in H, lf. 95, bk.

As in F 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in H, lf 57, bk., and not to Olyver, as in A 2234.

That Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather (A 2406) is not mentioned in F 3061, nor in H, lf. 59, bk.

In A 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught, which heals every wound; in F 2209, as well as in H, lf. 51, it is by a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed.

The maid-attendant mentioned in A 1238 (chamberere) is a man-attendant in F 2083 (chamberlenc) and in H, lf. 49, bk. (chamberlayn).

There is no trace of the additional lines of A, ll. 4867–4875, to be found in H, lf. 86 bk., nor in F, 5094.

Among the relics spoken of in A, there is nowhere a mention made of the signe. In H we find the signe always mentioned ‹liv› together with the crown and the nails, just as in F. In the passage quoted above from H, lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to F 6094, we find ensigne instead of signe; but ensigne certainly must be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in which we find “the winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord” mentioned in H it is also called signe:—

“Et rendrai la corone et le signe honore.”

H, lf. 42 = F, 1498; and H, lf. 45, bk. = F, 1805.

“Et les saintismes clowes et le signe honores.”

H, lf. 57 = F, 2829.

That the signe cannot be the “inscription of the cross” (cf. Introduction, p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover MS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the French with the signe:—

“Puys a trait l’ensigne qui bien estoit ovres

Engenolant l’ad ly Rois tote oue lermes baises,

Plus flairoit ducement que basine enbasines.

Quant Franceis l’ont veu, ele vous effraes,

De pite et de ioy fu chescous enplores.

L’ercevesqe le prist, mult fu bien purpenses,

Et nos Franceis en a les chefs envolupes,

Puis le mist sur le paille qest a or ornes,

Od les altres relikes dont illi out asses.”

H, lf. 98, corresponding to F, 6094 et seq.

Abstaining now from citing any more passages where H agrees with F, but differs from A, I think the few quotations above will suffice to show the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the Ashmole Ferumbras, notwithstanding that there are some resemblances of A to H (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived at on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way altered by the detailed comparison of A with H.

FOOTNOTE. ◊

88  Cf. Sir Ferumbras, 185/5988.

SKETCH OF THE STORY. ◊

Laban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain, went to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting he sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto the shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire for news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the ship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a ‹lv› present to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near Rome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been slain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult. Laban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a war-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred sail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter, in a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of Rome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The pope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the Saracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan’s pavilion on the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans, though masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of the city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten thousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put to death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for which he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers to the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has fulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city, but the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to retire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are, on Mavon’s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where there were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans, the heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes the Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer told him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the following day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when Savaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like that of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted within the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for Savaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew all therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing his troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate shut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his steel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested the necessity of ‹lvi› sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his aid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a postern at midnight; they passed the enemy’s camp without being noticed by any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he commanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill the Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats bound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the tower there stood a bulwark, or “bastile,” which was a strong defence to the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban, growing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender. Instead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but his hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras to destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to direct their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot, with his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But as he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall, which crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of hell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to their tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up to Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter’s and proposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack the enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand for the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the banner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city, they marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed their coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a fierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the worthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand Romans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a senator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with a great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to be the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him down to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure, and recognized the Pope. “Fie, priest,” he said, “what doest thou here in the battle-field? ‹lvii› It would be a shame for me to slay thee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.” The Pope, being glad to get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen thousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger the great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not desist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom (p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of Burgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan by forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the mean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him Charlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas. Lukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he attacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras. The combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired to their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by inheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went to the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his life and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras with twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he caused the traitor’s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be carried on the point of a spear through the city. “Treason,” cried the people (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were soon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter’s, seized the relics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city, and carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain, where the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they spent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and burning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts and milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir Guy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He grieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there for Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city, and had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon king Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three hundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland ‹lviii› led the vanguard, Oliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions were conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king, and told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made a vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief. “He will find me near,” said Charles, “and shall pay dearly for it. Unless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon again.” They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them into the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore, and laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished at Charles’s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and charged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king of France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth with many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy strokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer’s shield. The combat lasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras charges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and strikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on account of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword Mounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had promised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles strikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great throng. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and hammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty thousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field. Ferumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver (p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion and thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights for having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example by them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address a prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans the victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late losses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more than three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them (p. 29) in order to increase their ‹lix› ardour, ordered a solemn sacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty thousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to teach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p. 30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops; until arriving near Charles’s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood, and advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and offered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer them, he would lead them away to his father’s hall; but if he should be conquered, he would be Charles’s man. The king sent for Roland and ordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because Charles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess now. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood springs from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his sword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them. Meanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of this dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the king of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle. Charles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to the forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of which his steed was tied. “Arise,” he said, “I am come to fight with thee.” Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. “I am Generyse, a young knight lately dubbed.” Ferumbras observes: “Charles is a fool to send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such four other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with thee.” “Spare thy words,” replies Oliver, “and take thy arms” (p. 33). Ferumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him to lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount their steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have their lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver on his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of Ferumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing off down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he throws into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to a wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life. He ‹lx› strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield, but his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries to kill his adversary’s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to a hazel. “Yield thyself to me,” says Ferumbras, “believe on Mahound, and I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister” (p. 35). “Ere I yield to thee,” answered Oliver, “thou shalt feel my strokes.” They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both their bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras again asks Oliver his name and kin. “Thou must be one of the twelve peers, as thou fightest so well.” “I am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.” “Thou art welcome here,” says Ferumbras; “thou slewest my uncle (p. 36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.” The fight continued the whole day. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword broken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was hanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that made him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke. Charles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might grant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his prayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again. Ferumbras breaks his sword on Oliver’s helmet. He runs for another and asks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts his hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his mercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He requested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to carry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the wood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an olive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens many a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy and slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts, he fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away. Oliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is overpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p. 41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain by the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners, and ‹lxi› Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they find Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his requesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to his tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and bishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to be called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn of Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to the Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p. 43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning before his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages, and to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged. The Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to imprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the sea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt water, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas, who was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to compassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting food for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of her father’s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her governess to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting beneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the flood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler threatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his key-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she had surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising to deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the prisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any harm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both, and led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went to bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas’s chamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan to demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of Rome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan ‹lxii› (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be anxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the king: “By God, thou shalt go with Guy.” Ogier the Dane remonstrates, but is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant, Aleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the king’s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p. 49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About the same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and Brouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles to give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are despatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers. Duke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard their message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which they take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was just dining when Naymes delivers his message: “God confound Laban and all his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his two nephews and to restore the relics” (p. 52). They then produce the heads of the Soudan’s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they should all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But Floripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general council of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the liberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into her guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where they were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they had fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The following day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of Burgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she would do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he would agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his wife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given him by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last consents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him, and requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she then would drink to him in return. They all ‹lxiii› make merry, and prepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile Lukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in order to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p. 56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was come to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes answers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner. Naymes says: “Some joust, some sing, some play at chess.” “I will teach you a new game,” says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a needle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes’s beard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand from the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where he was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their danger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father (p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in and slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a window on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all in the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban vowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent to Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore. Floripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the Soudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods of sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland tells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions, the peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to Alagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to pass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles and die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan’s messenger, is despatched to Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass the bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the bridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve peers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang them, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He then calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel against the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements. ‹lxiv› Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p. 64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at him. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him seven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades the castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains of Charles’s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she possessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and thirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt as if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but at last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal it at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a chimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him and cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin’s head, and throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing the girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland comforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In the morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others start and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three hundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The Soudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by his wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests. Laban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the assailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers that the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But soon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them her father’s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan in alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged with his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the priests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile Roland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles, that he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following morning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile he should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out. Floripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard went off towards Mantrible (p. 73). ‹lxv› The others slay many Saracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner. Laban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred Saracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent the other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in which Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The peers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them. Floripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to lament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the following morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the castle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls his companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir Tamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and gives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and put the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral Costroye, and the Soudan’s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy, destined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77). Roland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye refuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and the convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland for bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a mistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that is not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies his gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But bishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes an offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as far as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains, and Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand unperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears (p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing over in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the traitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve peers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward, lamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by Charles, who asks him about the others. ‹lxvi› Richard tells the king how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are waiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p. 81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant who kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He proposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their arms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge being let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to approach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks whither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to the Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses to let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed there and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest them all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows his horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with a great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down. Four men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened the chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many Christians were slain. Alagolofer’s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes on with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes out her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate of the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was instantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in great danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king and the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished to be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85) calls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts open the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible is taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children of seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of Barrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and called the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for want of their mother’s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of the city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras (p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy ‹lxvii› that his city was taken and the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council, and charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him. Charles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and tells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth to meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order. The French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters the Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but for Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The Saracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them. Three hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore. Floripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her. She then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him. Charles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for her assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious relics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the Soudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads Laban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel, utters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles commands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to hell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her maidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and Ferumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of the relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave of Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God for the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to Paris, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles well remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn and hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93).

The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who Conquerede Rome: ◊

From the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.

Od in glorye of myghteste[89]   moost,

1

God has ordained all

That al thinge made in sapience

things wisely.

By vertue of woorde and holy goost,

Gyvinge to man grete excellence,

4

He has subjected the

And alle, þat is in erthe, wroght

earth to man, and man

Subiecte to man and ma to the,

to God.

That he shoulde witħ herte and thought

To loue and serve, and noo but the:

8

The man who keeps His

For ȝyfe ma kepte thy commaundemente

commandments and loves

In al thinge and loued the welle

Him well, will feel

And hadde synnede in his entente,

His grace. But many

Tha shulde he fully thy grace fele;

12

who offended Him have

But for the offences to God I-doon[90]

felt His vengeance. I

Many vengeaunces haue be-falle.

will tell you of one;

Where-of I wole yo telle of oo,

it would take too long

It were to mocħ to telle of alle.

16

to tell of all. Listen

While þat Rome was in excellence

to me, and ye shall

Of alle Realmes in dignite,

hear how Rome, the

And howe it felle for his offence,

former mistress of all

Listinythe a while and ye shal see,

20

nations, came to fall

Howe it was wone and brente

by its sins, and was

Of a Sowdo, that heathe was,

destroyed by a heathen

And for synne howe it was shente;

Soudan. King Lewis has

As Kinge Lowes witnessith þat cas,

24

borne witness to

‹p002› LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS

As it is wryten in Romaunce

that story, which,

And founden in bokes of Antiquyte

written in Romance

At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],[91]

and found in very

There as Cronycles remembrede be,

28

old chronicles at

Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre,

St Denys in France,

And sy and Sowdo of hie Babilo,

relates how Laban, the

Conquerede grete parte of Christiante,

king of Babylon, who

That was born in Askalo.

32

was born at Ascalon,

And in the Cite of Agremare[92]

conquered a great part

Vppo the Rivere of Flagote

of Christendom. He was

At þat tyme he soiorned the†

holding his court in

Fulle roially, wel I wote,

36

the city of Agremore,

With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij,

on the river Flagot,

With many a Baro & Kniȝtis ful boold,

with 12 kings and 14

That roialle were and semly to sene;

admirals, and many

Here worþynesse al may not be told.

40

worthy barons and

Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye,

[lf 1, bk] knights,

Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,

when, in the time

Wha ffritħ and felde wexen gaye,

between March and May,

And every wight desirith his like,

44

Wha lovers slepe withe opy yȝe,

As Nightyngalis on grene tre,

And sore desire þat thai cowde flye,

That thay myghte withe here louere be:

48

This worthy Sowdo in this seso

he went to the chase

Shope him to grene woode to goo,

To chase the Bore or the Veneso,

The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson.

52

He roode tho vppo a fforeste stronde

in a wood near the sea.

With grete rowte and roialte,

The fairest, þat was in alle þat londe,

With Alauntes, Lymmeris and Racches free.

56

His huntes to chace he commaunde,

Here Bugles boldely for to blowe,

To fere the beestis in þat launde.

‹p003› OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.

The Sowdo woxe wery I-nowe;

60

Being weary with

He rested him vndere an holme tre

hunting, he sat down

Sittynge vppo a grene sete

under a holm tree, and,

Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in þe see

seeing a dromond

Anone he charged to beky him with honde

64

sailing on the sea, he charged

To here of him tidinges newe.

one to enquire for news

The maister sende a man to londe,

concerning the ship. The

Of diuers langages was gode and trewe,

interpreter of the vessel being

And saide “lorde, this Dromonde[93]

68

sent ashore, informed the

Fro Babyloyne come is,

soudan, that this

That was worþe thousande poundis,

dromond, freighted at

As[94] it mete with shrewes I-wis,

Babylon, with a cargo

Charged with perle and precious stones

72

of rich furs, spices,

And riche pelure and spicerye,

oil, brass and pearls,

With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones

intended as a present

To presente yow, my lorde worthy.

to the soudan, had been

A drift of wedi vs droffe to Rome,

76

driven by stress of

The Romaynes robbed vs anone;

weather to Rome, where

Of vs thai slowgh ful many one.

they had been robbed by

With sorwe and care we be bygone.

the Romans.

Whereof, lorde, remedye

80

[leaf 3]

Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde,

Therefore he solicited

To wreke the of this vilane;

that the soudan would

Or certes oure blis is coolde.”

take revenge on those

The Soudon hirynge this tyþinge,

84

who had done such

With egre chere he made a vowe

villainy to him.

To Mahounde and to Appolyne,

The soudan, hearing

That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe,

these tidings, made

Er that he wente fro theyme.[95]

88

a vow to Mahound and

“Where be ye, my kinges boolde,

to Apolyn, that they

My Barons and my Admyral?

should dearly pay for

Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde,

it.

But I be venged, dyen I shalle.

92

‘Ferumbras, my son,’ he

Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere,

said, ‘and my daughter

Ye muste me comforte in this case;

Floripas, ye must

‹p004› THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE

My ioye is alle in the nowe here

be my comfort in this

And in my Doghter Dame Florypas.

96

case.

Sortybraunce, my Counselere,

Order Sortibrance,

Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me,

my counsellor, to be

And Oliborne, my Chauncelere

called for, and my

And noble Clerke of hie degre,

100

chancellor Oliborn,

And Espiarde, my messangere,

and Espiard my

To goon to Assye and to Aufrike,

messenger, that he

To kinges, princes fer and ne,

may go to Africa and

Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike,

104

to Asia and to all

Comaundinge hem vppo her legeaunce

the princes, who owe

To come in al hast vnto me,

me allegiance, and

Wel Armed with shelde and launse,

command them hastily to

To Egremoure þo riche Cite.”

108

assemble with shield

In shorte tyme this message was wroghte

and lance at Agremore.’

An hundred thouusande on a rowte

In a short time 100,000

That robbery was righte dere boght,

men had assembled.

Was never none derrer withouten douȝte.

112

On the advice of Lukafer,

The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe,

king of Baldas,

Of Aufryke lorde and governoure,

the soudan also

Spake to the Sowdo,that men myghte here,

brought together 700 sail

And saide “sir, for thyn honou,

116

and a dromond for himself,

Do sende for shippes both fe and nere.”

for Ferumbras of

Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene,

Alexandrie, for the

vij hundred were gadered al in fere

Asiatic king of

And a Dromonde for the Sowde kene.

120

[leaf 4] Chaunder and

Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre

for Floripas. There

In the Dromonde with him was,

were two masters in

Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde,

that vessel, and two

And his faire dogħter Floripas.

124

idols placed on the

Two maistres were in the Dromounde,

main top, with round

Two goddes on hye sete thore

maces, therewith to

In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde,

menace the Christians.

To manace with the Criste lore.

128

The sails of red

The sailes were of rede Sendelle,

sendal-silk were

Embrowdred witħ riche araye,

‹p005› TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.

With beestes and breddes every dele,

richly embroidered

That was right curious and gaye;

132

with figures of

The Armes displaied of Laban

animals and birds.

Of Asure and foure lions of goolde.

Four golden lions, the

Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdo,

arms of the soudan of

Moost myghty man he was of moolde,

136

Babylon, were also

He made a vowe to Termagaunte,

displayed thereon.

Whan Rome were distroied & hade myschaunce,

Laban made a vow to

He woolde turne ayen erraunte

Termagant, to destroy Rome,

And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce.

140

and after that Charlemagne.

Fortħ thai sailed on the flode,

Having disembarked in

Tille thai come to the haven of Rome:

the haven of Rome,

The wynde hem served, it was ful goode.

they slew all

Ther londed many a grymlye gome.

144

Christians, and burned

Thai brente and slowen, þat Cristen were,

towns, abbeys and

Tow, Abbey and holy chirche.

churches.

The hethen hade such power there,

The Pope of Rome,

That moche woo gan thai there wircħ.

148

hearing of the heathens

Tidinggis came to Rome anone

laying waste the whole

Unto the Pope, that þt tyme was,

country,

That the heþen came to bren and slone.

This was to hem a sory cas.

152

He lete cal his counsaile to-geder

assembled his council.

To wete, what was beste to do.

Anone as thai were come þede,

He asked of hem al ful sone:

156

“Lordinges, it is vnknowne[96] to you,

That this cursed hathen Sowdo

Brennyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe,

Alive he leveth vnneth not one.

160

Seint Petir be oure governoure

[leaf 5]

And save this worthi Cite of Rome,

And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure

From this cursed hethe houne[97]!”

164

Ifreȝ he bispake him tha,

Jeffrez, a senator

‹p006› SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS

Of Rome he was a Senatoure,

of Rome, advised that

And saide “senditħ some worthy man

worthy men should be

To Charles kinge of hye honoure.

168

sent to Charles of

He wolde you helpe with al his mygħte,

Douce France to implore

That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.”

his assistance.

“Certes” quod Savaris “þat weren no rigħte,

But Duke Savariz,

It were right a foule myschaunce,

172

thinking this to be

To sende to þat worthy kinge.

a wretched piece

We have oure hedes yet al hole,

of timidity, as they

Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge,

had not tried

Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole.

176

anything for themselves,

Where-of shul we play to him,

That no thinge yet have assaide?

Mecħ uylanye we myght wynne,

That for noght were so sone afrayed.

180

Ten thousande men delyuere me tyte

asked for 10,000 men

Tomorue next in-to the feelde,

to be put under his

And I shall prove with al my myghte

command.

To breke there bothe spere and shelde.”

184

Vnto the Senatours it semed welle,

His counsaile goode and honurable.

This worthi Duke was armed in stele

In armes goode and profitable;

188

He bare a Chek of goulis clere,

An Egle of goolde abrode displayed.

With him many a bolde Bachelere

Tho spake Savaryȝ witħ wordes on hye

192

The next morning the

And saide “my felowes alle,

duke addressed his men,

This daie prove you me worthy,

And faire you al shal befalle.

Thenke yat Criste is more myghty

196

Than here fals goddis alle;

And he shal geve vs the victorie,

And foule shal hem this day bifalle.”

Fortħ than rode þat faire Ooste

200

and directed them to

With right goode chere and rando,

the soudan’s

‹p007› AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.

Tille than come ful nyȝe the cooste.

pavilion near the

Of the Sowdons Pavylo

shore.

Ferumbras was of hem ware

204

[leaf 6] Ferumbras,

And sprange out as a sparkil of glede;

that doughty

Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare,

warrior, becoming

A Doughty ma he was of dede.

aware of them, led

xv thousande came oute there

208

15,000 men against the

With him at þat same tyde,

Romans.

Ayen the Romaynes for to were,

Witħ bobaunce, booste and grete pride.

The stoure was stronge, enduryn longe:

212

The Romaynes hade there the feelde;

The Sarysyns thai slougħ amonge,

Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde.

10,000 and more of the

Sauariz was wise and ware

216

Saracens were slain,

And drowe towards þat Citee.

and the Romans, though

His baner displaied witħ him he bare

victorious, were led

To releve with his meyne.

back to Rome by the

The Pope with his Senatours

220

cautious Savaris.

Thanked god þat tyme of glorie,

The Pope thanked God

That gafe hem þat day grete honours,

for the victory.

Of hethen that dai to have the victorie.

Lukafer of Baldas

Lukafere, kinge of Baldas,

224

having scoured the

The countrey hade serchid and sought,

country,

Ten thousande maidyns faire of face

brought 10,000 maidens

Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte.

to the soudan, who

The Sowdo commanded hem anone,

228

ordered them to be

That thai shulde al be slay.

slain,

Martires thai were euerycho,

saying, he would

And therof were thai al ful fayne.

not have his people

He saide “my peple nowe ne shalle

232

polluted by them, and

With hem noughte defouled be,

he would destroy every

But I wole distroie ouer all

Christian seed.

The sede over alle Cristiante.”

Lukafer said to the

Tho spake lukefere the kinge,

236

soudan:

That hethe hounde Baldas,

‹p008› THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,

And saide “Sir Sowda, graunte me one thinge,

“Grant me thy daughter

Thi doghter Dame Floripas.

and I will bring thee

The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe

240

Charlemagne and all his

And the xij dosipers alle in fere.”

twelve peers.”

The Sowdan saide in þat tokenyn,

Laban assented; but

“I graunte the here, that is so dere.”

Floripas said, she

Tho sayde Floripe “sire, noo haste,

244

would only consent to

He hath note done as he hath saide.

be his darling,

I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste,

[leaf 7]

He wole make bute an easy brayde.

Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge

248

when he had taken

And the xij dosipers alle,

Charles and the

I graunte to be his derlynge

douzepeers.

What so evere therof by-falle.

The next morning the

Than on the morowe the Sowda

252

soudan ordered Lukafer

Callid to him Lukafe of Baldas,

to assault the City

To assaile the Cite anone:

with 30,000 men.

“And loke thou tary not in this cas!

Thritty thousande of my menie,

256

Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes,

Take hem to the walles witħ the.

Betitħ dow wallis, towris and stones.”

Lukafe blewe his clario

260

To Assemble the Sarasyns þat tide,

Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune,

Thai made hem redy for to ride,

But whan thai come to the yate,

264

The Dikes were so develye depe,

The Saracens, finding

Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate;

the ditches too deep,

Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe.

cannot pass, and are

Lukafe in al the haste

268

Turned to the Sowdan agay

obliged to return.

And saide “sir, it is alle in waste,

We laboure nowe alle in vayne.

To depe and brode the Dikes bene,

272

The Towres so stronge be witħ alle,

‹p009› BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.

That by Mahounde I can note see,

How that we shulde wyne ther to the walle.”

Who was woode but the Sowdo?

276

He reneyed his goddis alle.

He clepede his Engynour sir mavone,

The soudan calls for

To counsaile he did him faste calle.

his engineer Mavon,

He tolde him the case of þat myschefe,

280

How it stode at that ilke tyde.

Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe

who advised him to fill

To fille the Dikes þat were depe.[98]

the ditch

Every man to woode shal goo,

284

Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde,

with fagots.

And fille the Dikes faste anoo

With alle, that we may ther fynde.

“Gramercy, Mavo,” quod Laban tha,

288

Laban thanks his wise

“Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue,

engineer.

Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man,

[leaf 8]

With counsaile men for to saue.”

Alle this was done the seconde daye,

292

The following day, the

Men myght go even to the walle;

ditch being filled with

On every party the ooste laye,

fagots, the city

Thai made assaite[99] then generalle.

was assaulted from all

The Romaynes ronne to the toures,

296

quarters. The Romans

Thai were in ful grete dowte;

ran to the towers, and

Thai hade many sharpe shoures,

a sharp conflict

Thai were assailed sore a-bowte.

ensued.

Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare

300

Women and maidens

To the walles than ful faste,

carried stones which

Thai were in grete drede and care;

the

The men over the wallis did caste.

men threw over the

Thai slowen many a Sarasy,

304

walls.

x thousande[100] pepul of he and moo.

10,000 Saracens were

The daie passed to the fyne,

slain and

The hethen withdrowe hem tho.

the heathens obliged to

Whan these tidinges came to laban,

308

withdraw.

‹p010› LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.

His goddes he gan chide.

Laban chides his gods

He waxe both blake, pale and wan,

and nearly grows mad

He was nyȝe woode þat same tyde.

with vexation. But

Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle

312

Lukafer told him that,

And saide “sir, be not dismayed,

having espied that

For I have aspied everydele,

Savaris would, the

Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede.

following day, come

Sauariz wole to morowe witħ us fighte,

316

out again to fight

His baner knowe I ful welle;

with them, he would

I shal have an othere, I yo plighte,

have a banner made

Like to this every dele.

exactly like his, which

Whan he is moste besy in bataile,

320

when Savaris was much

Than wole I with banere displaiede

engaged in the battle,

Ride in to Rome without faile,

he would unfold and

Thus shal thai al be betrayede.”

enter Rome.

The Sowda was glad of this tidinge,

324

Hopinge it shulde be so;

And even as it was in purposynge,

And so it

Right so was it aftir I-do.

turned out; the Romans

Wenynge it hade be Sauarye,

328

mistaking him for

Relevinge fro the hethen stou,

Savaris, returning from

Wenynge doth ofte harme withoute lye,

his sally, he entered

He entred to the maister Toure.

the main tower,

The firste warde thus thay wonne

332

[leaf 9]

By this fals contrevede engyne.

Thus was moche sorowe bygo,

Thai slougħ all, that were ther-Inne.

and slew all therein.

Wha Sauariz saugħ this discomfitu

336

Savaris becoming aware

Of the Romaynes in that tyme,

of the artifice of the

And howe harde tha was here aventu,

enemy,

Of sorowe þat myghte he ryme

Of x thousande me lefte no moo

340

and seeing out of

But sexty me and twelfe,

10,000 Romans no more

And whan he sawe this myschief tho,

than seventy-two left,

He turned homewarde agayn him selue.

turned back, but found

By tha he founde the gate shite

344

the gate shut,

‹p011› THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.

With Sarisyns, that hade it wone;

And Estragot with him he mette

With bores hede, blake and donne.

For as a bore an hede hadde

348

And a grete mace stronge as stele.

He smote Sauaryz as he were madde,

and was slain by

That dede to grounde he felle.

Estragot, a black giant

This Astrogot of Ethiop,

352

of Ethiopia.

He was a kinge of grete strengtħ;

Ther was none suche in Europe

So stronge and so longe in lengtħ.

I trowe, he were a develes sone,

356

Of Belsabubbis lyne,

For ever he was thereto I-wone,

To do Criste men grete pyne.

Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope,

360

After the death of

That Duke Sauaryz was dede slay,

Savaris, the Pope

Tha to woo turned alle his hope;

He dide calle tha to counsaile

summoned his council

Alle the Senatouris of Rome,

364

again.

What þinge þat myght hem most availe,

And what were beste to done.

Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile,

An Erille of the Senatouris:

368

An earl of the

“The best counsaile, þat I can

senatours suggested

the necessity of

Sending vnto Charles the kinge[101]

dispatching messengers

Certifiynge him by your myssangeris

to Charlemagne,

The myschief þat ye are Inne,

372

imploring him to come

That he come with his Dosyperys

to their deliverance.

To reskue Cristiante fro this heþen.”

[leaf 10]

All thai assentede anone therto;

They all assented.

The lettres were made in haste.

376

Three messengers,

Thre messageres we ordey[102] therto,

with letters

That went forthe at the laste.

written in haste,

‹p012› THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.

At a posterne thai wente oute

left the city by a

Pryvely aboute mydnygħt,

380

postern at midnight,

And passed through alle the route.

and passed the enemy’s

Of hem was war no wigħt.

camp without being

Vt let we nowe the messangeris goo,

noticed by any wight.

And speke we of Laba,

384

Howe he dide saile the Cite anoo,

Laban

And commaundid, þat every man

commanded every

Shulde withe Pikeys or witħ bille

man to throw pikes and

The Wallis over throwe,

388

bills over the walls,

That he myght the Romaynes kille,

to kill the Romans.

Playnly on a rowe,

By water he ordeynede the shippes goo,

He ordered the ships

The bootis bownden to the maste,

392

to go up the water,

That thai myght fight with hem anoo,

with their boats bound

Honde of honde, þat was here caste.

to the mast, that they

To the Toure a bastile stode,

might fight in close

An engyne was I-throwe—

396

combat.

That was to the Cite ful goode—

Near the tower there

And brake dow towres both hie and lowe.

stood a bastile which

Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns

formed a principal

And were ful hevy tha.

400

protection to the city.

Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns,

It was laid low by

And than bispake sire laban

stones hurled from an

And saide “yolde youe here to me,

engine.

Ye may not longe endure,

404

Laban, growing proud,

Or ellis shall ye al slay be,

summoned the Romans to

By mahounde I you ensure.”

surrender.

A Romayne drife a darte him to

Instead of an answer, a

And smote him on the breste plate,

408

Roman hurled a dart at

Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho,

his breast-plate, but

Mahounde had come to late.

his hauberk shielded

Tho was the Sowdo more þa wod,

him.

He cried to Ferumbras,

412

The soudan, more than

“For Mahoundes loue, þat is so good,

mad, charged Ferumbras

Destroye vp bothe man and place.

to destroy them all,

‹p013› ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.

Spare no thinge that is alyve,

Hows, Toure ner Walle,

416

[leaf 11]

Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife,

Brenne, slo and distroye alle.”

Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone

To bende the Engynes to the tow

420

And bete dow botħ Toure and stoo.

He cleped fortħ Fortibraunce and Mavo

and enjoined

And saide “be youre Engynes goode?

Fortibrance and Mavon

Shewe forth here nowe your crafte

424

to direct their

For Mahoundis love, þat gevith man foode,

engines against the

That ther be no Toure lafte.”

walls.

Tho the grete gloto Estagote[103]

The great glutton

With his myghty mace sware

428

Estragot, with his

On the Gatis of Rome he smote

heavy mace,

And brake hem alle on thre thare.

smote on the gates

In he entrid at the Gate

and brake them in

The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle.

432

pieces.

He wende, he hade come to late,

But as he was

It smote him through herte, lyuer and galle.

entering one of the

He lai cryande at the grounde

gates, they let the

Like a develle of Helle;

436

portcullis fall,

Through the Cite wente the sowne,

which crushed him to

So lowde than gan he yelle.

the ground,

Gladde were al the Romaynes,

where he lay crying

That he was take in the trappe,

440

like a devil.

And sorye were al the Sarsyns

The Romans were glad,

Of þat myschevos happe.

but the Saracens

Sory was the Soudo tha

grieved.

And Ferumbras and Lukafe.

444

They withdrew to

Thai drowe hem tille her tentes tha,

their tents, leaving

Thai left him ligginge there.

behind the corpse of

Mahounde toke his soule to him

Estragot, whose soul

And broght it to his blis.

448

went up to Mahound.

He loued him wel and al his kyn,

‹p014› THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.

Of þat myghte he not mys.

Anone the [P]ope dide somo alle;

The Pope called all

The peple of the Cite came,

452

his people to St.

To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle,

Peter’s,

And thidere came every man.

He saide on hie “my Children dere,

and proposed to them

Ye wote wel, howe it is;

456

Ayenst the Sarisyns, þat nowe be here,

We mowe not longe endure I-wis.

Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle

[leaf 12]

With caste of his Engyne.

460

Therefore here amonge yo alle

Ye shalle here counsaile myne.

Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,[104]

And on-armede thay ben alle.

464

Therfore, me thenketh, is beste

to attempt a sally

To-morowe erly on hem to falle.

with 20,000 men, to

We have xxxti thousande men;

attack the enemy

Twenty thousande shal go witħ me,

468

before day-break

And in this Cite leve ten

within their camp,

To governe the comynalte.”

and to leave 10,000

The Senatouris assentede sone

for the guard of the

And saide, beter myghte no man seyne.

472

city. The senators

On the morowe this was it done[105];

assented.

God bringe hem wele home agayne.

In the morning

The Pope did display than

the Pope displayed

The hie baner of Rome,

476

the banner of Rome,

And he assoiled every ma

Througħ gracious god in Dome.

He praide of helpe and socou

and after a prayer

Seinte Petir and Poule also

480

for the preservation

And oure lady, þat swete floure,

of the city,

To saue the Cite of Rome from woo.

they marched out.

Forth thai ride towarde the Oost.

But Ferumbras, going

Ferumbras romede a-boute;

484

his rounds,

‹p015› FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.

He saw the Romaynes come by the Cost,[106]

discovered their

Thereof he hade grete dowte.

coming,

He blewe an horne, of bras it was;

sounded the alarm,

The Sarsyns be-go to wake.

488

“Arise vp” he saide in aras,[107]

“We bene elles alle I-take,

And Armes anone, every wight,

To horse with spere and shelde!

492

Ye may se here a ferefu sighte

Of oure enemyes in the felde.

Astopars,[108] goo ye biforne vs,

and drew up his

For ye be men of myghte;

496

troops.

Ethiopes, Assayneȝ and Askalous,

Go nexte afore my sighte.

My Fadir and I with Babyloynes,

Ho[109] shal kepe the rerewarde.

500

King Lukafe with Baldeseynes,

To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.”

[leaf 13]

The Romaynes aspied, þat thai were ware

Of here comynge tha,

504

And therfore hade thay moche care.

Natheles on hem thai go—

Seinte Petir be here socoure!—

And laiden on side, bake and bo.

508

There bigan a sturdy shoure

There began a hard

Sire [110]Ferumbras of Alisaundre oo,[111]

struggle.

That bolde man was in dede,

Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye,

512

He roode in riche Weede.

Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye

Ferumbras slew Sir

He bare through witħ a spere,

Bryer of Apulia

Dede to the grounde ther he la

516

Might he no more hem dere!

‹p016› A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.

That sawe Huberte, a worthy man,

Howe Briere was I-slay,

Ferumbras to qwite tha

520

To him he rode ful eve.

With a spere vppone his shelde þa

Stifly ganne he strike;

The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde;

524

His Hawberke wolde not breke.

Many goode strokes were delte.

Ferumbras was a-greved tho,

He smote with mayne and mygħte

528

and the worthy Hubert.

The nekke asonder, the ventayle also,

That dede he sate vprighte.

There was bataile harde and stronge;

Many a steede wente ther a-straye,

532

And leyen at the grounde I-stonge,

That resyn never aftyr that day,

IX thousand of the payens pride

9000 pagans were

That day were slay,

536

killed,

And viij thousande of the Romaynes side,

and 8000 Romans.

That in the feelde dede layne.

Lukafere, þat paynym proude,

Lukafer destroyed

Slough Romaynes eyȝtene,

540

eighteen Romans,

Of wer moche sorowe he coude,

he also slew Gyndard,

His strokes were over alle sene.

a senator of Rome,

Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome,

who had slain ten

Had slayne Sarsenys te,

544

[leaf 14] Saracens.

Tille he met with the cursed gome,

Lukifere slough him than.

Tho come the Pope with grete aray,

Then came the Pope

His baner to-fore him wente.

548

with a great guard

Ferumbras than ga to assaye,

and his banner before

If he myght that praye entente,

him.

Supposynge in this though[t]e,

Ferumbras, supposing

Ther was the souerayne;

552

him to be the

He spared him therfore rigħt nogħt,

sovereign,

‹p017› FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.

But bare him dow ther in þe play.

burst open the thick

Anoo he sterte on him all ane

crowd and threw him

His Ventayle for to onlace,

556

down to the ground.

And saugh his crow newe shafe,

But seeing his

A-shamed thanne he was.

tonsure, he was

“Fye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe!

ashamed.

What doist thou armede in the feelde,

560

“Fie, priest,”

That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe,

he said, “what

What doist tho witħ spere and shelde?

doest thou in the

I hoped, tho hadiste be an Emperoure,

battle-field?

Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here,

564

Or some worthy conqueroure.

Go home and kepe thy Qwe!

Shame it were to me certayne

It would be a shame

To sle the in this bataile,

568

for me to slay thee.

Therfore turne the home agay!”

Go home and think of

The Pope was gladde þer-of certayne,[112]

thy choir-service!”

He wente home to Rome that nyght

The Pope retired with

Witħ Five thousande and no more,

572

5000 men,

XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight,

15,000 being killed.

Full grete sorowe was therfore.

Owe telle we of the messange,

That wente to Charlemayne,

576

Charlemagne, having

Certyfyinge him by lettres dere,

learned from the

Howe the Romaynes were slayne,

messenger the great

And howe the Contrey brente was

disaster which had

Vnto the Gate of Rome,

580

befallen the Romans,

And howe the people song ‘alas,’

Tille socoure from him come.

“Who” quod Charles, that worthy kinge,

said, he would not

“The Sowdo and Ferumbras?

584

desist until he had

I nyl lette for no thinge,

[leaf 15] chased the

Till I him oute of Cristendome chace.

soudan and Ferumbras

Therefore Gy of Burgoy,

out of Christendom.

Mynne owen nevewe so trewe,

588

‹p018› THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.

Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne,

He gave 1000 pounds

To wage wytħ the pepul newe.

of francs to his

Take this with the nowe at this tyme,

nephew Guy of

And more I wole sende the,

592

Burgundy,

Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde,

and sent him off with

But þat he dede be;

orders to advance

And faste hye the thyderwarde,

against the soudan by

For I drede thay haue grete nede,

596

forced marches.

And I shalle come aftirwarde

Himself would follow

As faste, as I may me spede.”

as soon as possible.

Peke we of Sir Laba

And let Charles and Gy be,

600

Howe he ordeyned for hem tha

To Distroye Rome Citee.

“Sir Lukafe, thou madiste thi boost

Laban reminded

To conque the Romaynes

604

Lukafer of his

And to bringe me the Ooste

vaunting promise to

Of the xij peris and Charlemayne.

bring him Charlemagne

Vppo a condicio I graunte the

and his douzepeers,

My doghter, dere Dame Floripas.

608

in return for his

Wherefore, I aske nowe of the

daughter Floripas.

To holde covenaunte in this cas.”

“That I saide” quod Lucafere,

Lukafer said, he

“To Mahounde I make a vowe

612

would do all he had

To done al þat I hight the the,

promised.

Ye and more than[113] for Florip love.”

He ordeyned assaute anone in haste

With 10,000 men he

With x thousande men and moo;

616

attacked the city on

And Ferumbras at that oþer side faste

one side, the other

Assailed hem with grete woo.

being assaulted by

The saute endured al þat daye

Ferumbras. The combat

From morowe, tille it was nyght,

620

continues as long as

To throwe and shete by euery waye,

daylight lasts. At

While that hem endured the light.

night they retired to

Tho wente thai home to thai tentys,

their tents.

‹p019› THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.

Tille it were on the morowe.

624

Isres, who possessed

Isres in his fals ententes

by inheritance

Purposed treso and sorowe.

the guard of the

He was chief Porter of the Tow,

[leaf 16] principal

By heritage and fee so he shulde be.

628

gate, planned treason.

He wente to the Sowda,

He repaired to the

For the riche Cite betraye woolde he,

soudan and offered to

And saide “lorde, gife me grace

betray the city on

For my goodes and for me,

632

condition that his

And I wole delyuer the this place

life and property

To haue and holde for ever in fee.

should be spared.

The keyes of this riche Cite

I haue in my bandon.”

636

“That graunte I” quod Laban “the

The soudan promised

To be free withoute raunso.”

it.

Ferumbras made him yare,

Ferumbras with 20,000

With xxti thousand me and moo,

640

men went with Isres.

With this Isres for to fare,

And to wynne the Cite soo.

As sone as he entred was

On entering the gate,

The chief Gate of alle,

644

And alle his men in aras,[114]

he caused the

He lete the Portcolys falle.

traitor’s head to be

He smote of the traitourus hede

struck off by the

And saide “god gife him care!

648

portcullis, and

Shal he never more ete brede,

All traitours evel mot[115] thai fare!

If he myght leve and reigne here,

He wolde betraye me;

652

For go he west, soutħ or Nortħ,

Traitour shalle he never be.”

to be carried on the

He dide lete bere his hede on a spere

point of a spear

Througħ-oute this faire Citee.

656

through the city.

‘Treson, treso’ thai cried there,

“Treason,” cried the

Pite it was to here and see.

people within,

‹p020› FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.

The people fled by every waye,

Thai durst no-where a-bide.

660

The hye wey ful of dede men laye,

and all streets were

And eke by every lanys side.

soon covered with

Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente,

dead men. Ferumbras

And alle the Relekes he seased anoo,

664

went to St. Peter’s,

The Crosse, the Crow, the Nailes bente;

seized the relics,

He toke hem with him everychone.

the cross, the crown

He dide dispoile al the Cite

and the nails,

Both of tresoure and of goolde,

668

And after that brente he

[leaf 17] burned

Alle þat ever myght be toolde.

the whole city, and

And alle the tresoure witħ hem þai bare

carried away all the

To the Cite of Egremou.

672

treasures and the

Laban the Sowdo soiourned there[116]

gold to Agremore,

Thre monþes and thre dayes more

where the soudan went

In myrtħ and Ioye and grete solas.

to stay. Three months

And to his goddes offrynge he made,

676

and three days they

He and his sone Sir Ferumbras

spent there in great

Here goddis of golde dide fade,

festivities, making

Thai brente Frankesense,

offerings to their

That smoked vp so stronge,

680

gods, and burning

The Fume in her presence,

frankincense in their

It lasted alle alonge.

honour.

Thai blewe hornes of bras,

Thai dronke beestes bloode.

684

They drank the blood

Milke and hony ther was,

of beasts and milk,

That was roial and goode.

and ate honey and

Serpentes in Oyle were fryed

snakes fried in oil.

To serve þe Sowdo with alle,

688

“Antrarian Antrarian” thai lowde cryed

That signyfied ‘Ioye generalle.’

Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis

Two monþes or thre.

692

Lete we now be alle this,

‹p021› GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.

And of Gye nowe speke we.

Ow speke we of Sir Ge

That toward Rome hied witħ his Oost.

696

Wha he approched there-to so nyȝe,

When Sir Guy drew

That he myght se the cooste,

near Rome, finding

Alle on a flame þat Cite was,

the whole city in

That thre myle al abowte,

700

flames,

Ther durst no ma, þat ther was,

Come nyȝe the Cite for grete dowte.

That was a sory Cite than,

Sir Gye was in grete care,

704

he grieved much

Ther was nowhere a soryer ma,

For sorowe he sighed ful sare,

And saide “welallas”[117] the while

“For we come ar to late,

708

that he had arrived

For by some treson or some gyle

too late.

Thai entred in at some Gate.

There is no more but for to abyde,

He resolved there to

Tille Charles come, the kinge,

712

wait for Charlemagne

In this mede Vnder grene wode side,

[leaf 18]

To telle him of this tithinge,

and then to tell him,

Howe Laban hath the Cite brente

how Laban had burnt

And bore the Religes[118] a-waye,

716

the city, and had

And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente

sent the relics to

With Shippes of grete aray,

Agremore,

To Egremou his chief Cite,

his principal town in

Ther to live and ende;

720

Spain.

And manassitħ Charles and his baronye.

God gife hem evelle ende!”

Kinge Charles he forgate nought

King Charles advanced

To come to reskowe Rome,

724

to rescue Rome with

Alle his Doȝypers were I-sought,

his douzepeers

Fulle sone to him thay come.

Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures

and 300,000 soldiers.

‹p022› CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.

Kinge Charles with him dide lede,

728

They were doughty in all stourys

And worthy men of dede.

Sir Roulande þat worthy knighte,

Roland led the

He ladde the Fowarde,

732

vanguard,

And Sir Olyue, that was so wighte,

Oliver the rear,

Gouerned the Rerewarde.

The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye,

the king was

With Dukes And Erilles roialle,

736

Gouerned alle the medil partye.

with the main body.

By commaundemente generall

He ordeynede grete plente

The provisions

Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne,

740

In shippes to saile by the see,

were conveyed by sea.

To serven him ful wel and fyne.

Sir Gye aspied his comynge,

Guy seeing them come,

He knewe the baner of Fraunce,

744

went to

He wente anoo ayen the kinge

meet the king, and

And tolde him of þat myschaunce,

told him the mischief

Howe that the cursed Sowda

done by the soudan,

Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye,

748

And how he hath slay alle and some,

That he hatħ founde of Criste faye.

And more-over he made his a-vowe,

who moreover had made

To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce

752

a vow to seek Charles

And do him wo ther I-nowe.

in France in order

“God gif him moch myschaunce!”—

to afflict him with

“A” quo Charles “þat neditħ noght,

grief. [leaf 19] “He

He shal fynde me nere.

756

will find me near,”

By god, þat dere me bogħt,

said Charles, “and

He shal by it ful dere.

shall dearly pay for

I shalle him never leve I-wis

it.

Withinne walle ner witħoute,

760

I swere by god and seinte Denys,

Tille I have sought him oute;

Unless he consents to

And but if he will Baptised be

be baptized,

‹p023› HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.

And lefe his fals laye,

764

Babyloyne shal he never see

he never shall see

For alle his grete aray.”

Babylon again.” They

Anoon to shippe every ma

all took ship without

With vitaile and with store,

768

delay.

Euen towarde the proud Sawda

With-oute any more.

Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode

Into the Ryver of Gaȝe,

772

Propitious winds

Even over the salte flode

drove them into the

And ouer the profounde rase.

river Gase, where

XXX legeeȝ from Egremou

they landed, 30 miles

By londe for south it is,

776

from Agremore,

And ther withoute any more

To londe thai wente I-wis,

And brente and sloughe al þat thai fonde,

and laid waste the

And stroyed both Toure and tow.

780

country.

Thai lefte no thinge on grounde,

That thai ne bete it dow.

Tithinggis were tolde to Laban,

Laban, hearing this

Howe Charles was I-come

784

news,

And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man

And brente and stroyed alle and some

With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris,

That were both stoute and gaye,

788

And with him al his Dosyperis,

Pepul of grete araye.

“And but ye ordeyne remedy,

He wole you brenne and sloo,

792

Youe and youre riche Baronye,

He wole leve a-life neuere oo.”

Whan Laban herde these tidyngys,

His herte woxe alle coolde

796

And saide “this is a wonder thinge!

[leaf 20]

Howe durste he be so boolde?

was astonished at

Litill kennyth he what I may doo,

Charles’s presumption.

‹p024› A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.

He dredith me litil nowe.

800

But certes he shalle, e he goo,

To Mahounde I make a vowe.

Sir Lucafe and Ferumbras

He assembled all his

To him dide he calle

804

barons,

And Mavo and Sortebras

And his Barons alle.

I charge you vppo youre legeaunce,

That ye bringe me that gloton,

808

and charged them to

That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce,

bring him alive that

Hidere to my Pavilo.

glutton that called

Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle

himself king of

The xij Peris ychoo!

812

France, and to slay

I shalle tech him curtesye,

the remnant.

I swere by god Mahounde.”

Ferumbras anoo than

Ferumbras went forth

Arrayed him for to ride

816

with many Saracens.

With proude Sarasyns many a man,

That boldely durst a-bide.

Rowlande met with Ferumbras

He meets with Roland.

And gafe him such a stroke

820

That al astonyed þerof he was,

It made him lowe to stoupe.

Ferombras smote him agayne

They deal each other

With myghte and mayn, with ire

824

heavy strokes.

That he stenyed alle his brayne,

Him thought, his eye were alle on fyre.

With Lucafe Olive mette,

Oliver cuts off a

And hit him on the sheelde

828

quarter of Lukafer’s

A stroke, that was right wel sette;

shield.

A quarter flye in the feelde.

Thus thai hurteled to-gedere

The combat lasted the

Alle the lefe longe daye,

832

whole day.

Nowe hider and nowe theder;

Mony an hors wente ther astraye.

Well fought the

The Dosyperis thay foughten wele,

twelve peers.

‹p025› CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.

Duke Neymys and Oge,

836

With goode swerdes of fyne stele

And so dide Gye and Syr Brye.

Ferumbras was euer a-bowte

[leaf 21]

To fyghte witħ Olyvere,

840

Ferumbras charges

And Olyue with-oute dowte

Oliver.

Leyde on with goode chere.

Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras,

King Charles, seeing

To him fast he rode

844

this, rides on to

And it on the helme witħ his mace,

Ferumbras,

That stroke sadlye abode.

and strikes his helm

Ferumbras was woode for woo,

with his heavy mace.

He myght for prees come him to

848

Ferumbras cannot

For no worldis thinge, that myght be tho.

approach him on

Kinge Charles anoon[119] Ioye oute-drowe,

account of the crowd.

And with his owen honde

Charlemagne with his

XXXti Sarseynys ther he slowe,

852

sword Mounjoy slew 30

That laie dede vppone the sonde;

Saracens.

Many of hem therfore made joy Inowe.

Sir Lucafere of Baldas,

Lukafer of Baldas,

He presed to Charles sone,

856

encountering Charles,

And saide “Sir, with harde grace,

What hastowe here to done?

I behight Laban to bringe the to him

told him that he had

And the xij peris alle;

860

promised the soudan

Now shaltowe come from al thy kyn

to bring him Charles

Into the Sowdans halle.

and the douzepeers.

Yelde the to me” he saide,

“Thy life shalle I safe.”

864

A stroke on him than Charles layde;

Charles strikes him

He made the Paynym to rafe.

on his helmet,

He smote him on the helme

With mown-Ioye, his gode bronde.

868

Ne hadde he be reskued than,

He hade slayn him with his honde.

‹p026› THE SARACENS QUIT THE FIELD.

Than came Baldeȝynȝ with thronge

but Lukafer is

To reskue there here lorde,

872

rescued by a great

And nubens with hem amonge

throng. Roland,

And Turkes by one accorde.

drawing Durendale,

Tho Roulande Durnedale oute-drowe

cleared a space

And made Romme[120] abowte.

876

around him and

XL of hem ther he slowe,

Tho were thai in grete dowte.

Roulande as fiers as a lio

With Durnedale[121] tho dinge

880

hammered the heads of

Vppon the Sarsyns crowne,

the Saracens.

As harde as he myght flynge.

[leaf 22]

Duke Neymys and Sir Olyue,

So do the other peers,

Gy and Alloreynes of Loreyne,

884

And alle the noble xij Peris,

Oge and Brye of Brytayne,

Thai foughten as feythfully in þat fight,

The feelde ful of dede men laye.

888

XXXti thousande, I you plight,

and 30,000 Saracens

Of Sarsenys ther were slay.

were slain.

Al thinge moste haue a ende,

The nyghte come on ful sone,

892

At night the Pagans

Every wighte retourned to wende;

quit the field.

Ferumbras to his men gan gone

And saide “oure hornes blowe we,

This day haue we a ful ille afraye,

896

To saie the south and not to lye,

Oure goddis holpe vs not to daye,

What devel þat ever he eilith.

This bataile was so sharpe in faye,

900

That many a man it wailyth.

Shalle I never in herte be glade to daye,

Ferumbras vows, never

Till I may preve my myghte

to desist

With Roulande, that proude ladde,

904

Or with Olyue, that is so lighte,

‹p027› CHARLES PRAISES THE OLD KNIGHTS.

That evel hath vs ladde;

And in Paris be crowned kinge

unless he be crowned

In despite of hem alle,

908

king at Paris.

I wole leve for no thinge

What so evere byfalle.”

Kinge Charles with grete honou

Charles went to his

Wente to his Pavilo;

912

pavilion and

Of the treyumple he bare the flou

In dispite of Mahounde.

Almyghty God and Seynte Denyse

thanked God

He thanked ful ofte sithe

916

And oure lady Marie of Paris,

and St. Mary of

That made hem gladde and blitħ.

France.

He recomendide the olde Knightes,

He praised the elder

That þat daye hade the victorye,

920

knights for having

And charged the yonge with al her myghtes

won the victory and

To haue hem in memorye;

exhorted the young

For worthynesse wole not be hadde,

ones

But it be ofte sougħte,

924

[leaf 23]

Ner knigħthode wole not ben hadde,

Tille it be dere boghte.

“Therfore ye knightes, yonge of age,

Of oolde ye may now lere,

928

Howe ye shalle both hurle and rage

In felde with sheelde and spere.

And take ensample of the xij Peris,

to take an example by

Howe thai have proved her myght,

932

them.

And howe thai were both wight and fiers

To wynnen honourys in righte.

These hethen houndes we shal a-tame

By God in magiste,

936

They make merry and

Let us make myrtħ in goddis name

go to supper.

And to souper nowe goo we.”

Prayer addressed

Thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente,

to the red Mars

That in the trende baye hase made þy trone,

940

Armipotent,

That god arte of bataile and regent

‹p028› SPRING IS THE TIME OF LOVE.

And rulist alle that alone,

To whom I profre precious present,

To the makande my moone

944

Witħ herte, body and alle myn entente,

A crow of precious stoones,

And howe to the I gyfe

Withouten fraude or engyne,

948

Vppo thy day to make offerynge,

And so shal I ever, while þat I live;

By righte þat longith to my laye,

In worshipe of thy reverence

952

On thyn owen Tewesdaye

With myr, aloes and Frankensense,

Vppo condicio that thou me graunte,

to grant the

The victorye of Crysty Dogges,

956

Mahometans the

And that I may some[122] hem adaunte

victory over the

And sle hem dow as hogges,

Christians.

That have done me distruccio

And grete disherytaunce

960

And eke slayn my men with wronge.

Mahounde gyfe hem myschaunce!”

N the semely seson of the yere,

In the spring of the

Of softenesse of the sonne,

964

year

In the prymsauns of grene vere,

Whan floures spryngy and bygynne,

[leaf 24]

And alle the floures in the fritħ

Freshly shews here kynde,

968

Than it is semely therwytħ,

man ought to show his

That manhode be in mynde;

manhood

For corage wole a man to kitħ,

If he of menske haue mynde,

972

And of loue to lysty and lithe,

and to think of love.

And to seke honu for þat ende.

For none can be a

For he was neuere gode werryou,

good warrior, unless

That cowde not loue a-ryght;

976

he knows how to love.

‹p029› THE SOUDAN RALLIES HIS TROOPS.

For loue hath made many a conquerou

And many a worthy knighte.

This worthy Sowdan, though he heþen we,

The soudan was a

He was a worthy conquerou;

980

great conqueror;

Many a contrey with shelde and spere

He conquerede wyth grete honoure.

And his worthy sone Ferumbras,

Ferumbras and

That kinge was of Alisaund,

984

And Lucafe of Baldas,

Lukafer wrought

That cruel kinge of Cassaund,

That wroughten wonders with here honde

wonders with their

With myghte and mayne for to fyghte,

988

hands.

And over-ride mony a manly londe,

As men of Armes hardy and wighte.

The Sowdan seyinge this myschief,

How Charles hade him a-greved,

992

That grevaunce was him no thinge lese,[123]

He was ful sore ameved.

He sente oute his bassatoures

The soudan sent for

To Realmes, provynces fer and ne,

996

his vassals,

To Townes, Citeis, Castels and Tours,

To come to him the he were,

To Inde Maior and to Assye,

To Ascoloyne, Venys, Frige and Ethiope,

1000

To Nubye, Turkye and Barbarye,

To Macedoine, Bulga and to Europe.

Alle these people was gadred to Agremore,

and assembled more

Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle,

1004

than 300,000 Saracens

Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as more,

at Agremore.

Some horible and stronge as devel of helle.

He made hem drinke Wilde beestes bloode,

[leaf 25]

Of Tigre, Antilope and of Camalyo,

1008

As is here vse to egre here mode,

Whan þai in werre to battayle goon.

He saide to hem “my frendes de,

He addressed them in

As my trust is alle in you,

1012

order

‹p030› THE SARACENS SACRIFICE TO THEIR GODS.

On these Frenche dogges, that bene here,

to increase their

Ye moste avenge me nowe.

ardour,

Thai have done me vilanye,

Mikille of my people have thay slay.

1016

And yet more-over thay manace me

And drive me to my contrey agayn;

Wherefore I wole at the bygynnynge

ordered a solemn

To Mahounde and to my goddis alle

1020

sacrifice to his gods,

Make a solempne offerynge;

The better shall it vs byfalle.

The laste tyme thai were wrothe,

We hade not done oure dute.

1024

Therefore to saye the southe” . . . .

There were many hornys blowe,

The preestes sende thikke I-nowe

Goolde, and silver thikke thai throwe,

1028

With noyse and crye thai beestes slowe,

And thought to spede wel I-nowe;

And every man his vowe he made

To venge the Sowda of his tene.

1032

Here goddis of golde thai wex alle fade,

The smoke so grete was hem bitwene.

Whan alle was done, the Sowdan than

Charged Ferumbras redy to be

1036

and charged Ferumbras

On the morowe, ere day began,

To ride oute of þat Cite

With xxxti thousande of Assiens,

to march with 30,000

Frigys, Paens and Ascoloynes,

1040

of his people

Turkis, Indeis and Venysyens,

Barbarens, Ethiopes and Macidoynes,

“Bringe him to me, that proude kinge;

against the Christian

I shal him teche curtesye,

1044

King, whom he wished

Loke that thou leve for nothinge

to teach courtesy,

To sle alle his other mayne,

[leaf 26] and to slay

Safe Rouland and Olyuere,

all his men except

That bene of grete renowne,

1048

Roland and Oliver,

‹p031› FERUMBRAS CHALLENGES 6 CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS TO SINGLE COMBAT.

If thai wole reneye he goddis the

if they would

And leven on myghty Mahounde.”

renounce their

Erumbras with grete araye

gods. Ferumbras led

Rode forthe, Mahounde him spede,

1052

out his troops;

Tille he came nyȝe the Charles lay

until arriving near

By syde in a grene mede.

Charles’s camp, he

In a woode he buskede his men

ordered them to

Prively that same tyde,

1056

halt in a wood, and

And with his felowes noon but ten

advanced with only

To kinge Charles he gan ride

ten of his men to the

And said “si kinge, that Arte so kene,

camp of Charlemagne,

Upon trwes I come to speke with the,

1060

If thou be curteis, as I wene,

Thou wolte graunte a bone to me,

That I migħte fight vppo this grene,

and offered him to

With Rouland, Olyvere and Gye,

1064

fight at once against

Duke Neymes and Oge I mene,

Roland, Oliver, Guy,

Ye and Duke Richarde of Normandye,

Duke Naymes, Ogier

With al sex attones to fight.

the Dane, and Richard

My body I prof here to the

1068

of Normandy.

And requyre the, kinge, tho do me right,

As thou art gentille Lord and fre;

And if I may conquere hem in fere,

If he should conquer

To lede them home to my Faderis halle;

1072

them, he would lead

And if thai me, I graunte the here,

them away to his

To be thy man, body and alle.”

father’s hall; if he

The kinge Answered with wordis mylde

should be conquered,

And saide “felowe, þat neditħ nought,

1076

he would be his man.

I shalle fynde of my a Childe,

That shal the fynde that thou hast sought.”

The kinge lete calle Sir Roulande

The king sent for

And saide “thou most with this man figħt,

1080

Roland and ordered

To take this bataile here on honde,

him to undertake

Ther-to God gyfe the grace and myghte!”

the combat. Roland

Roulande answered with woordis boolde

refuses,

And saide “Sir, have me excuse!”

1084

‹p032› ROLAND REFUSES TO UNDERTAKE THE COMBAT.

He saide, certeynly he ne wolde;

The bataile vttirly he refused.

because Charles had

“The laste day ye preised faste

praised the old

The oolde knightes of he worthynes.

1088

knights. [leaf 27]

Let hem goon fortħ, I haue no haste,

“May they show their

Thai may goo shewen he prowes.”

valour now.” Charles,

For that worde the kinge was wrothe

vexed, smites Roland

And smote him on the mouthe o hye,

1092

on the mouth, so that

The bloode at his nose oute-goth,

the blood springs

And saide “traitour, thou shalte a-bye.”

from his nose, and he

“A-bye” quod Roulande “wole I noughte,

calls him a traitor.

And traitour was I never none,

1096

By þat lord, þat me dere hath bought!”

And braide oute Durnedale þe anone.

Roland draws his

He wolde haue smyte the kinge the,

sword, but the other

Ne hadde the barons ronne bytwene;

1100

barons separate them

The kinge with-drowe him for fe

and try to conciliate

And passed home as it myght beste bene.

them.

The Barons made hem at one

With grete praye and instaunce,

1104

As every wrath moste over-gone,

Meanwhile Oliver,

Of the more myschiefe to make voydaunce.

who, being sorely

Olyuere herde telle of this,

wounded, kept his

That in his bedde laye seke sore.

1108

bed, on hearing of

He armede him ful sone I-wisse,

this dispute, had

And to the kinge he wente withoute more

armed himself and

And saide “Sir Kinge, a bone graunte me

went to Charles. He

For alle the servyse, that I haue done,

1112

reminds him of his

To fight with þat kinge so free

long services, and

To morue day, ere it be none.”

demands the battle.

Charles answered to Olyue:

Charles remonstrates

“Thou arte seke and woundede sore,

1116

with him.

And thou also my cosy dere,

Therfore speke thereof no more.”—

“Sir Kinge” he saide “I am alle hoole,

But Oliver insists.

I aske you this bone in goddis name.”

1120

‹p033› OLIVER GOES TO FIGHT WITH FERUMBRAS.

“Certes” he saide “I holde the a fole,

But I praye, god sheelde the fro shame.”

Oliver rides to the

Forth he rideth in that Forest,

forest, and finds

Tille he gan Ferumbras see,

1124

Ferumbras alighted

Where he was ligħt and toke his rest,

under a tree, to

His stede renewed til a grene tre.

a branch of which

“Sir” he saide “reste tho wele!

his steed was tied.

Kinge Charles sente me hidu.

1128

“Arise,” he said,

If thou be curteys knighte and lele,

“I am come to fight

Rise vp and let vs fight to-geder.”

with thee.” [leaf 28]

Ferumbras sate stille and lough,

Ferumbras, without

Him liste not to rise oute of the place.

1132

moving, demands his

“My felowe” quod he “what arte thou?

name.

Telle me thy name for goddis grace.”

“Sir” he saide “Generyse,

“I am Generys,” says

A yonge knighte late dobbet newe.”

1136

Oliver, “a young

“By Mahounde” quod he “thou arte not wyse,

knight lately dubbed.”

For thy comyng shaltowe sore rewe.

I holde Charles but a foole

Ferumbras observes,

To sende the hide to me,

1140

“Charles is a fool to

I shall the lerne a newe scole,

send thee.

If thoue so hardy to fighte be.

I wende, he wolde haue sende Roulande,

Olyue and iiij mo Dosyperys,

1144

That hade bene mygħty men of honde

Go and tell him to

Bataile to a-bide stronge and fiers.

send me Roland and

With the me liste no playe begynne,

Oliver, and such four

Ride agay and saye him soo!

1148

other douzepeers. For

Of the may I no worshype wynne,

little honour were it

Though I slougħ the and such V mo.”

to me to fight with

“Howe longe” quod Olyue “wiltowe plete?

thee.”

Take thy armes and come to me,

1152

“Spare thy words,”

And prove þat thou saiest in dede,

says Oliver, “and

For boost thou blowest, and þenkes[124] me.”

take thy arms.”

Whan Ferumbras herde him speke so wel,

‹p034› OLIVER LAYS HOLD OF THE BOTTLES OF BALM,

He caught his helme in grete Ire,

1156

Ferumbras is wrath

That wroght was of goode fyne stele

and seizes his

With Perlis pight, Rubeis and Saphire.

helmet, which Oliver

Olyue halpe him it to onlase;

assists him to lace.

Gilte it was alle abowte.

1160

Ferumbras thanks him,

Ferumbras þanked him of his grace

courteously bowing to

And curteisly to him gan lowte.

him. They mount their

Thai worthed vp o here stedes,

steeds,

To Iuste thai made hem preest,

1164

Of Armes to shewe he myghty dedis

rush together like

Thai layden here speres in a-reeste,

fire of thunder, and

To-geder thai ronne as fire of thonde,

have their lances

That both here Launces to-braste.

1168

broken. [leaf 29]

That they sete, it was grete wonder;

They draw their

So harde it was, þat thay gan threste.

swords.

Tho drowe thai oute here swordes kene

And smyten to-geder by one assente.

1172

There thai hitte, it was wele sene;

To sle eche other was here entente.

Ferumbras smites

Syr Ferumbras smote Olyue

Oliver on his

Vppo the helme righte on hye

1176

helmet so that the

With his swerde of metel cle,

fire flies. Oliver

That the fyre he made oute-flye.

strikes at the head

Olyue him hitte agay vpo the hede

of Ferumbras, breaks

[125]the hede than fulle sore,

1180

away the circle of

He carfe awaye with mygħt and mayne

his helmet, and the

The cercle, that sate vppo his crow.

sword glancing off

The stroke glode down by his bake,

down his back, he

The Arson he smot ther awaye

1184

cuts off two bottles

And the botelles of bawme withoute lake,

of balm,

That uppone the grene ther thai laye,

That were trussed by-hynde him faste.

Tho Ferumbras was fu woo;

1188

Olyue light adow in haste,

The botellis he seased both two,

‹p035› THROWS THEM INTO THE RIVER, BUT HAS HIS HORSE KILLED.

He threwe hem into the River than

which he throws into

As fer as he myghte throwe.

1192

the river.

“Alas” quod Ferumbras “what doistowe,[126] manne?

Thou art wode, as I trowe.

Thai were worth an C m pounde

Ferumbras tells

To a man, þat were wounded sore.

1196

him that they were

Ther was no preciosour thinge vppo grounde,

invaluable to a

That myghte helpe a man more.

wounded man, and that

Thou shalt abye by Mahounde,

he

That is a man of myghtes moost.

1200

I shall breke both bake and crow

And sle the, ther thou goist.”

should atone for

Tho Olyue worth vp agay,

their loss with his

His swerde he hade oute I-drawe.

1204

life. He strikes at

Ferumbras him smote with mayne

Oliver, who wards off

And mente to haue him slawe.

the blow with his

He smote as doth the dinte of þondir;

shield, but his steed

It glased down by his sheelde

1208

is killed under him.

And carfe his stedes neke a-sonder,

[leaf 30]

That dede he fille in the felde.

Wightly Olyue vp-sterte

Oliver quickly starts

As Bacheler, doughti of dede,

1212

up and tries to kill

With swerde in honde him for to hirte

his adversary’s horse,

Or Ferumbras goode stede.

That Ferumbras aspied welle,

He rode a-waye than ful faste

1216

And tiede him to a grene hasel,

but Ferumbras rides

And come ayen to him in haste

off and ties it to

And saide “nowe yelde the to me!

a hazel. “Yield

Thou maiste not longe endure;

1220

thyself to me,” says

And leve on Mahounde, þat is so de,[127]

Ferumbras; “believe

And thy life I shalle the ensure.[128]

on Mahound, and I

Thou shalt be a Duke in my cont,

will make thee a duke

And men haue at thy owe wille.

1224

in my country and

To my Sustir shaltowe wedded be,

give thee my sister.”

‹p036› THEY TAKE BREATH. OLIVER DECLARES HIS NAME.

It were pite the for to spille!”

“Better” quod Olyue “shul we dele,

By God that is in magiste,

1228

“Ere I yield to

And of my strokes shaltow more fele,

thee,” answered

Er I to the shalle yelde me.”

Oliver, “thou shalt

Thai smeten togeder witħ egre mode,

feel my strokes.”

And nathir of othire dradde;

1232

They fight for a

Thai persed he hauberkes, that were so goode,

considerable time;

Tille both thayr bodyes bladde.

the blood ran from

Thay foughte soo longe, þat by assente

both their bodies. By

Thai drewe hem a litil bysyde,

1236

mutual consent they

A litil while thaym to avente,

stop to take breath.

And refresshed hem at þat tyde.

“Generis” quod Ferumbras,

Ferumbras asks Oliver

“As thou arte here gentil knighte,

1240

again his name and

Telle me nowe here in this place

kin.

Of thy ky and what tho hight;

Me thenkith by the now evermore,

Thou shuldist be one of the xij peris,

1244

“Thou must be one

That maiste fighte with me so sore,

of the douzepeers,

And arte so stronge, worthy and fiers.”

as thou fightest so

Olyuere answered to hym agay:

well.”

“For fe I leve it not ontoolde,

1248

“I am Oliver, cousin

My name is Olyuere certay,

to Charlemagne.”

Cousyn to kynge Charles the boolde,

[leaf 31]

To whome I shalle the sende

Qwikke or dede this same daye,

1252

By conqueste here in this feelde,

And make the to renye thy laye.”

“O” quod Ferumbras tha to Olyue,

“Welcome tho arte in-to this place,

1256

“Thou art welcome

I have desyrede many a yere

here,” says

To gyfe the harde grace.

Ferumbras; “thou

Thou slough my uncle Sir Persagyne,

slewest my uncle,

The doughty kinge of Italye,

1260

The worthyeste kinge þat lyued of men,

‹p037› OLIVER RECEIVES A HEAVY BLOW.

By Mahounde, thou shalt abye!”

now thou shalt pay

Tho thai donge faste to-gede

the penalty!” The

While the longe day endured,

1264

fight continued the

Nowe hithe and nowe thide;

whole day.

Fro strokes wytħ sheeldes here bodies þai couered.

And at the laste Olyue smote him so

At last Oliver,

Vppo the helme, þat was of stele,

1268

smiting Ferumbras

That his swerde brake in two.

upon the helmet, has

Tho wepe had he nevere a dele.

his sword broken.

Who was woo but Olyuere than?

He saugh noone other remedy.

1272

He saide “si, as tho arte gentile man,

On me nowe here haue mercy.

It were grete shame I-wis,

And honu were it noo,

1276

To sle a man wepenles;

That shame wolde neve goo.”

“Nay traitour, thou getiste noo.

Hade I here an hundred and moo!

1280

Knele dow and yelde the here anoo,

And eles here I woole the sloo.”

Olyue saugh, it wolde not be,

To truste to moch in his grace.

1284

He ranne to the stede, þat stode by the tre,

He ran to the steed

A swerde he raught in þat place,

at the tree and

That was trussed on Ferumbras stede,

seized a sword that

Of fyne stele goode and stronge.

1288

was hanging there;

He thought he quyte[129] Ferumbras his mede.

Almoost hadde he abyde to longe;

For in turnynge Ferumbras him smote,

[leaf 32]

That stroke he myghte welle fele,

1292

but in turning on

It come on hym so hevy and hoote,

Ferumbras he received

That down it made hym to knele.

a blow that made him

Tho was Olyue sore ashamede

kneel down.

And saide “thou cursed Sarasyne,

1296

‹p038› CHARLES PRAYS TO GOD.

Thy proude pride shall be atamed,

By God and by seinte Qwyntyne.

Thou hast stole on me that dynte,

I shall quyte the thy hire.”

1300

A stroke than Olyue him lente,

But Oliver returns

That hym thought his eye we on fi.

him fearful stroke.

Kinge Charles in his pavilo was

Charles, seeing

And loked towarde þat fyghte

1304

Oliver on his knees,

And saugh, howe fiers Ferumbras

Made Olyuere knele dow right.

Wo was him tho in his herte;

To Ihesu Criste he made his mone;

1308

prayed to Christ

It was a sight of peynes smerte,

That Olyuere kneled so sone:

“O Lord, God in Trinite,

That of myghtis tho arte moost,

1312

By vertue of thy maieste

That alle knoweste and woste,

Lete not this hethen man

Thy seruaunte ouercome in fyght,

1316

That on the bileve ne kan,

Ihesu, Lorde, for thy myghte!

But graunte thy man the victorye,

that he might grant

And the Payny skomfited to be,

1320

the victory over the

As thou arte Almyghty God of glorye!

Pagan.

Nowe mekely, Lorde, I pray to the.”

To Charles anoone an Aungel came

And broght him tidingges sone,

1324

An angel announces

That God had herde his praie tha

him, that his prayer

And graunte him his bone.

was heard. Charles

Tho Charles thanked God aboue[130]

thanks God.

With herte and thought, worde and dede,

1328

And saide “blessed be tho, lorde almyghty,†

That helpiste thy seruaunte in nede.”

These Champions to-gedir thai gone

[leaf 33]

‹p039› FERUMBRAS BEING WOUNDED CRIES MERCY.

With strokes grete and eke sure,

1332

They begin again.

Eche of hem donge othir o,

Alle the while thai myghte endu.

Ferumbras brake his swerde

Ferumbras breaks his

On Olyueris helme on hye.

1336

sword on Oliver’s

Tho wexe he ful sore a-ferde;

helmet.

He ranne for an othir redyly

He runs for another

And saide “Olyuere, yelde the to me

and asks Oliver to

And leve thy Criste laye,

1340

surrender.

Thou shalte have alle[131] my kingdome free

And alle aftir my daye.”

“Fye, Saresyne” quod Olyuere tha,

“Trowest thou, that I were wode,

1344

To forsake him, þat made me ma

And boght me with his hert blode.”

He raught a stroke to Ferumbras,

But Oliver aims at

On his helme it gan dow glyde,

1348

Ferumbras a blow

It brast his hawberke at þat ras

which cuts his

And carfe hym throughe-oute his syde,

hauberk, so

His bare guttis men mygħt see;

that his bowels are

The blode faste dow ranne.

1352

laid bare.

“Hoo, Olyvere, I yelde me to the,

Ferumbras implores

And here I become thy man.

his mercy, and

I am so hurte, I may not stonde,

I put me alle in thy grace.

1356

My goddis ben false by water and londe,

consents to be

I reneye hem alle here in this place,[132]

christened, his gods

Baptised nowe wole I be.

having proved false.

To Ihesu Crist I wole me take,

1360

That Charles the kinge shal sene,[133]

And alle my goddes for-sake.

Take myn hawberke and do it on the,

He requested him to

Thou shalte haue fu grete nede.

1364

take his hauberk, to

‹p040› THE SARACENS RUSH OUT OF THE WOOD.

X thousande Saresyns waiten vppo me,

And therfore go take my stede.

fetch his horse,

Lay me to-fore the, I the praye,

and to carry him

And lede me to thy tente.

1368

to his own tent.

Hye the faste forth in thy way,

[leaf 34]

That the Saresyns the not hente.”

A-noo it was done, as he ordeynede,

And faste forth thai ryden.[134]

1372

The Saresyns anone assembled,

But the Saracens,

For to haue with hem foghten.

who lay concealed

Ferumbras saugħ the feelde thore

in the wood, rush

Of Sarsynes fully filled;

1376

out. Oliver, being

Of Olyvere dradde he ful sore,

surrounded, sets

That Saresyns shulde him haue killed.

He praide, that he wolde let him dow

“Vndir yonde Olyfe tree,

1380

For if ye cast me dow here, with hors shoo[135]

Alle to-trede shalle I be.”

down Ferumbras under

He priked forth and layde him tha,†

an olive-tree, and

Out of the horses trase,

1384

defends himself with

And with his swerde by-gan him we,

his sword,

For amonge hem alle he was.

A Saresy smote him witħ a spere,

That it brake on pecis thre;

1388

His hauberke mygħt he not de,

So stronge and welle I-wroght was he.

He hit þat Saresyns with his swerde

dealing the Saracens

Througħ the helme in-to the brayne.

1392

many a hard blow.

He made an other as sore aferde,

He smote of his Arme with mayne.

Then Roland rushed

But tha come Roulande witħ Durnedale

into the throng of

And made way him a-bowte.

1396

the enemy and slew

He slowe hem dow in the vale,

many;

Of him hade thai grete dowte.

The prees of Saresyns was so stronge

‹p041› ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE MADE CAPTIVES.

A-boute Roulande that tyde.

1400

Thai sloughe his horsys with thronge,

his horse being

And dartis throwe on every syde.

killed by arrows and

Whan Roulande was on his Fete,

darts,

Tha was he woo witħ-alle.

1404

he fights on foot,

Many of hem he felte yete

And dede to grounde made hem falle.

At the last his swerde brake,

Tha hadde he wepy noo,

1408

but his sword

As he smote a Saresyns bake

breaking, [leaf 35]

A-sundre dow to the Arso.

Tho was he caught, he mygħt not flee,

he is taken

His hondes thai bounde faste

1412

And lad him forth to here Cite,

and led away.

And in depe priso they hem caste.

Olyue sawe, howe he was ladde,

A sorye ma tha was he;

1416

Him hadde leuer to haue bene dede

Than suffren that myschief to be.

Smertly aftire he pursued tho,

Oliver rides to

To reskue his dere brother.

1420

rescue him,

The prees was so grete, he myghte not so,

It myghte be no othir,

Be he was cowþe[136] by ver force

With LX of Astopartes.[137]

1424

Thai hurte him foule and slougħ his hors

but his horse being

With gauylokes and wyth dartis.

also killed,

Yet on foote, ere he were foolde,

He slough of hem fiftene.

1428

He was not slay, as god woolde,

he is overpowered

But taken and bounded[138] with tene.

and bound. Both were

Tho were take to Lucafe,

conducted to Lukafer

The proude kinge of Baldas,

1432

of Baldas.

Both Roulande and Olyue.

‹p042› CHARLES FINDS FERUMBRAS.

Gladde was he of that cas.

Kinge Charles was in herte woo,

When he saughe his neuewes so ladde,

1436

Charles sees them,

He cried to the Frenshme tho:

and calls for a

“Reskue we these knyghtes at nede.”

rescue. Many enemies

The kynge himselfe slough many one,

were slain, but the

So dede the Barons bolde.

1440

Saracens had fled

It wolde not bene, thai were ago,

with their prisoners,

Magre who so woolde.

and Charles is

The Saresyns drewe hem to here Cite,

obliged to turn back.

Kinge Charles turned agayne.

1444

Under a holm tree

He saugħ under an holme tre,

they find Ferumbras.

Where a knight him semed lay slay.

Thederward he rode witħ swerde in honde.

Tho he saugħ, he was alyve;

1448

He lay walowynge vppon the sonde

With blody woundes fyve.

[leaf 36]

“What arte thow?” quod Charlemayne,

“Who hath the hurte so sore?”

1452

“I am Ferumbras” he saide certay,

“That am of hethe lore.”

“O fals Saresy” quod the kinge,

“Thou shalte have sorowe astyte;

1456

whom he is going to

By the I haue lost my two Cosynes,

put to death.

Thy hede shalle I of-smyte.”

“O gentil kinge” quod Ferumbrase,

“Olyuere my maister me hight

1460

But on his requesting

To be Baptised by goddis grace,

to be baptized,

And to dye a Criste knighte.

Honu were it noon to the

A discoumfite ma to slo,

1464

That is conuerted and Baptized wolde be

And thy man bycome also.”

The kinge hade pite of him tha,

Charles took pity

He toke him to his grace

1468

with him,

And assyned anoo a man

‹p043› ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE BROUGHT TO THE SOUDAN.

To lede him to his place.

led him to his tent,

He sende to him his surgyne

and ordered a surgeon

To hele his woundes wyde.

1472

to attend him.

He ordeyned to him such medycy,

That sone myght he go and ryde.

He soon recovered,

The kinge commaunded bishope Turpy

To make a fonte redye,

1476

To Baptise Ferumbras þerin

In the name of god Almygħtye.

He was Cristened in þat welle,

and bishop Turpin

Floreyne the kinge alle him calle,

1480

baptised him, by the

He forsoke the foule feende of helle

name of Floreyn.

And his fals goddis alle.

But he continued to

Nought for tha Ferumbras

be called Ferumbras

Alle his life cleped was he,

1484

all his life.

And aftirwarde in somme place,

Afterwards he was

Floreyne of Rome Cite.

known as Floreyn of

God for him many myracles shewe,

Rome

So holy a man he by-came,

1488

on account of his

That witnessitħ both lerned and lewde,

holiness.

The fame of him so ranne.

Owe for to telle of Roulande

Roland and Oliver

And of Olyuere, that worthy wos,[139]

1492

being brought to

Howe thai were brougħt to þe Sowda

the Soudan, Laban

By the kinge of Boldas.

enquires their names.

The Sowda hem sore affrayned,

What þat here names were.

1496

Rouland saide and noght alayned:

“Syr Roulande and sire Olyuere,

They confess their

Nevewes to Kinge Charles of Fraunce,

names.

That worthy kinge and Emperoure,

1500

That nowe are takyn by myschaunce

To be prisoneres here in thy toure.”

“A, Olyue, arte thou here?

That haste my sone distroyede,

1504

‹p044› ROLAND AND OLIVER ARE IMPRISONED.

And Rouland that arte his fere,

That so ofte me hatħ anoyed.

To Mahounde I make a vowe here,

The Soudan swears

That to morue, ere I do ete,

1508

they shall both be

Ye shulle be slay botħ qwik in fere,

executed the next

And lives shalle ye bothe lete.”

morning before his

Tho saide maide Florepas:

dinner.

“My fader so derewortħ and de,

1512

But Floripas advises

Ye shulle be avysed of this cas,

him to detain them as

How and in what manere

hostages, and

My brothir, þat is to priso take,

May be delyuered by hem nowe,

1516

By cause of these two knightes sake,

That bene in warde here with yo.

Wherefore I counsaile yo, my fader dere,

To have mynde of Sir Ferumbras.

1520

to remember his son

Pute hem in youre priso here,

Ferumbras,

Tille ye haue better space.

So that ye haue my brother agay

for whom they might

For hem, þat ye haue here;

1524

be exchanged.

And certey elles wole he be slay,

That is to you so lefe and dere.”

“A, Floripp, I-blessed thou bee,

Thy counsaile is goode at nede,

1528

The Soudan finds her

I wolde not leve my sone so free,

counsel good,

So Mahounde moost me spede,

For al the Realme of hethen Spayne,

[leaf 38]

That is so brode and large.

1532

Sone clepe forth my gaylour Bretomayne,

and orders his gaoler

That he of hem hadde his charge,

Bretomayn to imprison

“Caste hem in your priso depe,

them,

Mete and drinke gyfe hem none,

1536

but to leave them

Chayne hem faste, þat thay not slepe;

without food.

For here goode daies bene a-gone.”

Tho were thay cast in prison depe[140];

‹p045› FLORIPAS COMPASSIONATES THEIR SUFFERINGS.

Every tyde the see came inne.

1540

At high tide the sea

Thay myght not see, so was it myrke,

filled their deep

The watir wente to her chynne.

cells. They suffered

The salte watir hem greved sore,

much from the salt

Here woundis sore did smerte.

1544

water, from their

Hungir and thurste greved heme yet more,

wounds, and from

It wente yet more nere here herte.

hunger.

Who maye live withoute mete?

vj dayes hadde thay rigħt none,

1548

On the sixth day,

Ner drinke that thay mygħt gete,

Bute loked vppon the harde stone.

So on a daye, as God it wolde,

Floripas to hir garde wente,

1552

Floripas, who was

To geder Floures in morne colde.

gathering flowers in

Here maydyns fro hir she sente,

her garden, heard

For she herde grete lamentacio

them lament.

In the Priso, that was ther nye;

1556

She supposed by ymagynacio,

That it was the prisoners sory.

She wente he ner to here more,

Thay wailed for defaute of mete.

1560

Moved to compassion,

She rued on hem anoo ful sore,

she asks her

She thought, how she myght hem beste it gete.

governess Maragound

She spake to her Maistras Maragounde,

to help her in

Howe she wolde the prisoneres fede.

1564

getting food for the

The develle of helle hir confounde,

prisoners. Maragound

She wolde not assente to þat dede,

refuses, and reminds

But saide “Damesel, thou arte woode,

Floripas of her

Thy Fadir did vs alle defende,

1568

father’s command.

Both mete and drinke and othere goode

[leaf 39]

That no man shulde hem thider sende.”

Floripe by-thought hir on a gyle

Floripas, thinking of

And cleped Maragounde anoon rigħt,

1572

a trick, called to

To the wyndowe to come a while

her governess to come

And se ther a wonder syght:

to a window and

“Loke oute” she saide “and see a fer

‹p046› FLORIPAS KILLS THE GAOLER.

The Porpais pley as thay were wode.”

1576

see the porpoises

Maragounde lokede oute, Floripe come ne

sporting beneath.

And shofed hire oute in to the flode.

Maragound looking

“Go there” she saide “the devel the spede!

out, is pushed into

My counsail shaltowe never biwry.

1580

the flood.

Who so wole not helpe a ma at nede,

On evel deth mote he dye!”

She toke witħ hire maidyns two,

To Britomayne she wente hir waye

1584

Floripas asks

And saide to him, she moste go

Bretomayn to let her

To visete the prisoneris that daye,

see the prisoners.

And saide “sir, for alle loues,

Lete me thy prisoneres see.

1588

I wole the gife botħ goolde and gloues,

And counsail shalle it bee.”

Brytomayne that Iaylor kene

Answered to hir sone agayne

1592

And saide “Damesel, so mote I the,

Tha were I worthy to be slay.

Hath not youre Fader charged me,

To kepe hem fro every wyght?

1596

And yet ye wole these traytours see?

I wole goo telle him Anoo right.”

He gan to turne him anone for to go,

To make a playnte on Floripas.

1600

The gaoler threatened

She sued him as faste as she myghte go,

to complain to her

For to gif him harde grace.

father, but Floripas,

With the keye cloge, þat she caugħt,

having seized his

Witħ goode wille she maute[141] than,

1604

key-clog, dashed

Such a stroke she hym the raught,

out his brains. She

The brayne sterte oute of his hede þa.

then went to tell

To hire Fader forth she gotħ

her father, she had

And saide “Sire, I telle you here,

1608

surprised [leaf 40]

I saugħ a sight, that was me lotħ,

the gaoler feeding

Howe the fals Iailour fedde your prisone,

the prisoners and

‹p047› THE SOUDAN GIVES THE PRISONERS INTO HER GUARD.

And how the covenaunte made was,

promising to deliver

Whan thai shulde delyuered be;

1612

them; wherefore she

Wherefore I slougħ him witħ a mace.

had slain him.

Dere Fadir, forgif it me!”

“My doghtir dere, that arte so free,[142]

The warde of hem now gif I the.

1616

The Soudan gives the

Loke, here sorowe be evere newe,

prisoners into her

Tille that Ferumbras delyuered be.”

guard.

She thanked her Fadere fele sithe

And toke her maydyns, and forth she gotħ,

1620

She now proceeded to

To the prisone she hyed hire swytħ.

the prison,

The priso dore vp she dothe

And saide “sires, what be ye,

That make here this ruly moone?

1624

What yo lakkitħ, tellyth me;

asked the prisoners

For we be here nowe alle alone.”

what they wanted,

Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere

To Floripe, that was bothe gente and fre,

1628

And saide “lo, we two caytyfes here

For defaute of mete dede moste be.

vj dayes be comy and goo,

Sith we were loked in priso here,

1632

That mete nor drinke hade we noo

To comforte witħ oure hevy che.

But woolde god of myghtes moost,

The Sowdo wolde let vs oute goo,

1636

We to fight witħ alle his Ooste,

To be slay in feelde anoo.

To murthir me for defaute of mete,

It is grete shame tille a kinge;

1640

For every man most nedes ete,

Or ellis may he do no thinge.”

Tho saide Floripe with wordes mylde,

and promised to

“I wolde fayne, ye were now here,

1644

protect them from any

From harme skatħ[143] I wole you shelde,

harm.

‹p048› CHARLES DESPATCHES GUY TO THE SOUDAN.

And gife you mete with right gode che.”

A rope to hem she lete dow goo,

She let down a rope,

That above was teyde faste.

1648

[leaf 41] and drew up

She and hir maydyns drewe þer vppo,

both, and led them to

Tille vp thay hadde hem at the last.

her apartments.

She led hem into here chambir dere,

That arrayed for hem was rigħt wele,

1652

Both Roulande and Olyvere,

And gafe he there a right gode mele.

There they ate,

And whan thay hadde ete alle her fille,

A batħ for hem was redy there,

1656

took a bath,

Ther-to thay went ful fayre and stille,

And aftyr to bedde with right gode che.

and went to bed.

Now Floripas chamber is here prisone,

Withoute wetinge of the Sowdo;

1660

The Soudan knew

Thai were ful mery in that Dongeo,

nothing of his

For of he wiste ma never oone.

prisoners being in

Now lete we hem be and mery make,

Floripas’ chamber.

Tille god sende hem gode delyueraunce.

1664

Aftir the tyme, þat thay were take,

What did Charles, the kinge of Fraunce,

Ther-of wole we speke nowe,

Howe he cleped forth Sir Gy

1668

Meanwhile Charlemagne

And saide “on my message shaltowe,

tells Guy that he

Therfore make the faste redy,

must go to the

To bidde the Sowde sende me my Nevewes botħ

Soudan to demand the

And the Releqes also of Rome;

1672

surrender of Roland

Or I shal make him so wrotħ,

and Oliver, and of

He sha not wete what to done.

the relics of Rome.

And by þat god, þat hath me wroght,

I shal him leve Towre ner Tow.

1676

This barga shal so dere be bought

In dispite of his god Mahou.”

Naymes of Bavaria

Uke Neymes of Baue vp stert tha

represents that a

And saide “Sir, hastowe no mynde,

1680

messenger to the

How the cursed Sowda Laban

Soudan should

‹p049› THE OTHERS REMONSTRATE, BUT MUST GO TOO.

Alle messengeris doth he shende?

certainly be slain;

Ye haue lost inowe, lese no mo

and that they ought

Onworthily Olyue and Roulande.”

1684

to be anxious not to

“By god, and thou shalt with him go,

lose any more besides

For al thy grete brode londe.”

Rouland and Oliver.

Ho Ogere Danoys, þat worthy ma,

[leaf 42] Then said

“Sir” he saide “be not wrotħ!

1688

the king, ‘By god,

For he saitħ soutħ.”—“go tho tha!

thou shalt go with

By Gode thou shalte, be tho never so loth.”

Guy.’ Ogier the Dane

Sire” quod Bery Lardeneys,

remonstrates, but is

“Tho shalte hem se never more.”—

1692

ordered to go too. So

“Go thou forth in this same rees,

are Thierry of Ardane

Or it shalle the repente ful sore.”

Olk Baliante saide to the kinge,

and Folk Baliant,

“Liste ye youre Barons to lese?”—

1696

“Certis, this is a wondir thinge!

Go thou also, tho shalte not chese!”

Leroyse rose vp anone

Aleroys

And to the kinge þan ga he speke

1700

And saide “what thinke ye, sir, to done?”—

“Dresse the forth witħ he eke!”

Iron of Brabane spake an worde

and Miron of Brabant.

And saide “Sir, thou maiste do þy wille.

1704

Knowist thou not that cruel lorde,

How he wole thy Barons spille?”—

“Trusse the forth eke, sir Dasaberde,

Or I shalle the sone make!

1708

For of all thinge thou arte aferde,

Yet arte tho neyther hurte ner take.”

Isshope Turpy kneled adow

Bishop Turpin kneels

And saide “lege lorde, mercy!”

1712

down to implore the

The kinge him swore by seynt Symo:

king’s mercy, but he

“Thou goist eke, make the in hast redye!”

must go too,

Ernarde of Spruwse, þat worthy knygħt,

as well as Bernard of

Saide “sir, avyse yo bette,

1716

Spruwse

Set not of youre Barons so ligħt,

‹p050› THE SOUDAN ASSEMBLES HIS COUNCIL.

Thou maiste haue nede to he yette.”—

“Thou shalte goo eke for alle thy boost,

Haue done and make the fast yare!

1720

Of my nede gyfe tho no coost,

Ther-of haue thou right no care!”

Rye of Mounteȝ, þat marqwyȝ bolde,

and Brier of

Was not aferde to him to speke.

1724

Mountdidier.

To the kinge sharply he tolde,

His witte was not worth a leke:

[leaf 43]

“Woltowe for Angre thy Barons sende

To þat Tiraunte, þat alle men sleitħ?

1728

Or thou doist for þat ende,

To bringe thy xij peres to the detħ.”

The kinge was wrotħ and swore in halle

By him, þat boght him witħ his blode:

1732

“On my messange shall ye go alle!

Be ye never so wrotħ or wode.”

Thay toke here lefe and fortħ thay yede,

The knights take

It availed not agayne him to sayne.

1736

leave and start.

I pray, god gif hem gode spede!

Ful harde it was to come agay.

Owe let hem passe in goddis name,

And speke we of the Sowdo,

1740

The Soudan assembled

Howe he complayned him of his grame,

his council.

And what that he myght beste done.

“Sortybraunnce and Bronlande[144]” seyde he,

Sortibrance and

“Of counsail ye be fulle wyse.

1744

Brouland

How shal I do to avenge me

Of kinge Charles, and in what wyse?

He brennyth my Toures and my Citees,

And Burges he levethe me never oo.

1748

He stroieth my me, my londe, my fees.

Thus shalle it not longe goo.

And yet me greveth most of alle,

He hath made Ferumbras renay his laye.

1752

‹p051› HE DESPATCHES XII MESSENGERS TO CHARLES.

Therfore my counselors I calle,

To remedy this, howe thay best maye.

For me were lever that he were slay,

Thane he a Criste hounde shulde be,

1756

Or witħ Wolfes be rente and slay,

By Mahounde mygħty of dignyte.”

To answerde Sortybraunce and Broulande

advise him

And saide “gode counsaile we shal yo gyfe,

1760

If thoue wilte do aftyr covenaunte,

It shal yo profit, while yo lyve.

Take xij knightis of worthy dede

to send 12 knights,

And sende hem to Charles on message nowe.

1764

and to bid Charles

A-raye hem welle in roial wede,

For th honou and for thy prowe.

[leaf 44]

Bidde Charles sende thy sone to the

to give up Ferumbras

And voyde thy londe in alle haste,

1768

and to withdraw from

Or ellis thou shalt him honge on a tre,

his country.

As hye, as any shippes maste.”

“Nowe by Mahounde” quod Laban,

“This counseil is both trewe and goode,

1772

I shalle him leve for no ma

To parforme this, though he we woode.”

He did his lettris write in haste,

The knightes were called to goo þerwitħ,

1776

The knights are

That thay hyȝe he to Charles faste

dispatched.

And charke[145] hy vppo life and lithe.

Fortħ thai ride towarde Mantrible þa,

In a medowe, was fayre and grene,

1780

Near Mantrible

Thai mette witħ Charles messageris te.

they meet with the

Duke Neymes axed he, what thai wolde mene,

Christian messengers.

And saide “Lordynges, whens come ye?

Duke Naymes inquires

And whider ye are mente, telle vs this tyde.”

1784

whither they intend

“Fro the worthy Sowdo” tha saide he,

to go.

“To Charles on message shalle we ride,

‹p052› THE PEERS KILL THE SOUDAN’S MESSENGERS.

Euel tithyngges we shalle him telle,

Fro Laban, that is lorde of Spayne.

1788

Farewele, felowes, we may not dwelle.”

“A-byde” quod Gy “and turne agayne,

Having heard their

We wole speke with yo, er ye goo,

message,

For we be messengeris of his.

1792

Ye shal aby everichone,

So God brynge me to blis.”

Anoo here swerdes oute thay brayde

And smote dow right al a-boute.

1796

Tille the hethe were dow layde,

Thai reseyued many a sore cloute.

Thai smyte of here hedes alle,

the delegates of

Eche ma toke one in his lappe.

1800

Charles cut off their

Fal what so euer byfalle,

heads, which they

To the Soudo wole they trappe.

take with them to

Tille thai come to Egremoure,

present to the Soudan

Thai stynte for no worldes thinge;

1804

at Agremore.

Anone thai fonde the Sawda thore,

At his mete proudely sittynge,

[leaf 45] The Soudan

And þat maide fai Dame Floripas

was just dining.

And xiiij princes of grete price

1808

And kinge Lukafe of Baldas,

Thas was both bolde, hardy and wyse.

Doughty Duke Neymes of Baue

Naymes delivers

To the Sowdone his message tolde

1812

his message: ‘God

And saide “god, þat made heve so cle,

confound Laban and

He saue kinge Charles so bolde

all his Saracens, and

And confounde Laba and all his me,

save Charles,

That on Mahounde byleved[146]

1816

And gife hem evel endinge! ame.

To morue, longe er it be eve,

who commands thee

He commaundith the vppo thy life

to send back his

His Nevewes home to him sende,

1820

two nephews and to

And the Religes[147] of Rome withoute strife;

restore the relics.’

‹p053› THE PEERS ARE IMPRISONED IN FLORIPAS’ TOWER.

And ellis getist thou an evel ende!

xij lurdeynes mette vs on the waye;

Thai saide, thay come streight fro the.

1824

Thai made it botħ stoute and gay;

Here hedis here maistowe see.

They then produce the

Thai saide, thai wolde to Charles goo,

heads of the Soudan’s

Evel tidingges him to telle.

1828

messengers.

Loo here here heddis euerychone,

Here soulis bene in helle.”

“O” quod Lavane “what may this be,

To suff this amonge my knightes alle?

1832

To be rebuked thus here of the

The Soudan vowed

At mete in myn owe halle!

a vow that they

To Mahounde myghty I make a vowe,

should all ten be

Ye shall be hanged alle ten,

1836

hanged as soon as

Anoon as I have ete I-nowe,

he had finished

In presence of alle my me.”

his dinner. But

Maide Floripas answered tho

Floripas recommended

And saide “my derworth Fadir de!

1840

him to put off his

By my counsaile ye shal not so,

resolution, until

Tille ye haue your Barons alle in fe,

a general council

That thai may se what is the best,

of his barons had

For to delyuere my brother Sir Ferumbras.

1844

determined on the

And aftirward, if þat ye liste,

best way of the

Ye may gife hem ful evel grace.”

liberation of

“Gramercy, doghter, thou saieste welle,

Ferumbras. [leaf 46]

Take hem alle into thy warde.

1848

The Soudan gives them

Do feter hem faste in Ire and stele

into her guard.

And set hem in strayȝte garde.

Thus was I neuer rebukede er nowe;

Mahounde myghty gyfe he sorowe!

1852

Thay shalle be flayn and honged on a bowe,

Longe ere tyme[148] to morowe.”

Floripas leads the

Flori toke these messangeris

knights into her

And ladde hem vp in-to here tou,

1856

tower, where

‹p054› FLORIPAS ENQUIRES AFTER GUY.

There thai founde two of here feris.

they were glad to

Thay thanked thereof god of honoure.

find Roland and

Tho sayde Duke Neymys of Baue:

Oliver.

“Gladde men we be nowe here,

1860

To fynde Roulande and Olyue

In helthe of bodye and of goode che.”

Thai kissed eche other with herte gladde

And thanked god of his grace;

1864

And eche toolde othir, howe thay sped hadde,

They told each other

And howe thay come in-to that place

how they had fared.

By helpe of mayde Flori hire self,

“God kepe hir in honoure!

1868

For thus hath she brought vs hider alle twelfe,

To dwelle in hir owe boure.”

Tho thay wessh and wente to mete,

After washing,

And were served welle and fyne

1872

Of suche goode, as she myght gete,

Of Venyso, brede and gode wyne.

There thai were gladde and wel at ease;

they dined off

The Soudo ne wist it noght.

1876

venison, bread and

Aftyr thay slepe and toke her ese,

wine, and then

Of no man tha thay ne roght.

went to sleep. The

On the morowe Flori, that mayde fre,

following day,

To Duke Neymes spake in game:

1880

Floripas asks Naymes

“Sir gentil knigħt,” tho saide she,

his name,

“Telle me, what is your name.”

“Whi axe ye, my lady dere,

My name here to knowe alle?”

1884

“For he[149] spake with so bolde chere

To my Fadir yestirdaye in his halle.

Be not ye the Duke of Burgoyne, sir G,

and enquires after

Nevewe unto the kinge Charles so fre?”

1888

[leaf 47] Guy of

“Noe, certes, lady, it is not I,

Burgundy, whom she

It is yondir knight, þat ye may see.”

had loved for a long

“A, him have I loved many a day;

time, and for

‹p055› GUY CONSENTS TO TAKE HER FOR HIS WIFE.

And yet knowe I him noght.

1892

whom she would do all

For his loue I do alle that I maye,

she could for their

To chere yo witħ dede and thought.

benefit, and would be

For his love wille I cristenede be

baptised,

And lefe Mahoundes laye.

1896

Spekith to him nowe for me,

As I yo truste maye;

And but he wole graunte me his loue,

if he would agree to

Of yo askape shalle none here.

1900

love her in return.

By him, þat is almyghty aboue,

Ye shalle abye it ellis ful dere.”

Tho wente Duke Neymes to Sir Gye

And saide “This ladye lovetħ the,

1904

Naymes tells Guy

For thy loue she maketħ us alle merye,

And Baptizede wole she be.

Ye shalle hir take to your wedded wife,

to take her for his

For alle vs she may saue.”

1908

wife,

“By God” quod Gye “þat gafe me life,

But Guy refuses,

Hire wole I never haue,

Wyle I neuer take hire ner no woma,

as he never will take

But Charles the kinge hir me gife.

1912

a wife, unless she be

I hight him, as I was trewe ma,

To holde it, while I lyve.”

given him by Charles.

Tho spake Roulande and Olyue,

Rouland and Oliver

Certyfyinge him of he myschefe,

1916

persuaded him,

Tellinge him of the parelles, þat þay in we,

For to take this lady to his wedded wife.

“But tho helpe in this nede,

We be here in grete doute.

1920

Almyghty god shalle quyte thy mede,

Elles come we nevere hennys oute.”

Thus thay treted him to and fro;

At the laste he sayde, he wolde.

1924

so that he at last

Floripas thay cleped fortħ tho;

consented.

And brought fourth a Cuppe of golde,

Floripas, holding a

Ful of noble myghty wyne,

golden cup of wine,

‹p056› LUKAFER VISITS THE PRISONERS.

And saide “my loue and my lorde,

1928

[leaf 48]

Myn herte, my body, my goode is thy,”

And kissed him witħ that worde,

kissed him, and

And “sir” she saide “drinke to me,

requested him to

As the Gyse is of my londe;

1932

drink to her after

And I shalle drinke agay to the,

the fashion of her

As to my worthy hosbonde.”

country. She also

Thay clipped and kissed botħ in fere

drinks to him. They

And made grete Joye and game,

1936

all make merry.

And so did alle, that were the,

Thai made ful mery alle in same.

Tho spake Floripas to the Barons boolde

And saide “I haue armu I-nowe;

1940

Therfore I tel yo, what I wolde,

And þat ye dide for your prowe.

To morue, wha my Fadir is at his soupe,

For the following day

Ye shalle come in alle attonys;

1944

Loke ye spare for no fere,

Sle dow and breke botħ bake and bones;

Kithe yo knightis of hardynesse!

Ther is none helpe, but in this wyse,

1948

Then moste ye shewe youre prowes,

And wynne this Castel in this guyse.”

Thai sayden alle, it was welle saide,

And gladde thay were of this counsaile.

1952

Here armu was fortħ layde,

they all prepare to

At souper the Sowdo to assaile.

assail the Soudan at

Kinge Lucafere prayde the Sawdo,

supper. Lukafer comes

That he wolde gif him lysence,

1956

to the Soudan and

To the prisoners for to goo,

asks leave to see the

To see the maner of her presence.

prisoners, in order

He gafe him lefe, and forth he wente

to know the manner of

Vp vnto Floripas Toure.

1960

their detention.

To asspie the maner was his enten,

He to accuse agayne honoure.

Finding the door

Wha he come, he founde the dore fast I-stoke,

locked, he burst it

‹p057› HE TEACHES THEM A NEW GAME.

He smote there-on with his fist,

1964

open with a blow of

That the bar bega to broke.

his fist.

To make debate, wel him list.

“Who artowe” quod Floripas[150]

“Þat maketh he sucħ araye†?”

1968

“I am kinge Lucafere of Baldas,

[leaf 49]

The Sowdo sente me hidir in faye;

To see his prisoneris is my desire

And speke with hem everycho,

1972

He told them that he

To talke with hem by the fire

was come to speak to

And speke of dedis of Armes amonge.”

them,

Tho saide Duke Neymes “welcome be ye

To us prisoners here!

1976

What is your wille, nowe telle ye;

For we be me of feble chere.”

“I woolde wete of Charles the kinge,

and to enquire after

What ma he is in his contre,

1980

Charlemagne.

And what meyne he hatħ, and of what thinge

He rekyneth moost his dignyte.”

Duke Neymes saide “an Emperoure

Duke Naymes answers.

And kinge he is of many a londe,

1984

Of Citeis, Castels, and many a Toure,

Dukes, Erles, Barons bowynge to his honde.”

“But saye me, felowe, what is your vse,

To do in cont aftyr the none.

1988

He then asks what

And what is the custome of your hous,

amusements they have

Tille me to souper shalle gone?”

after dinner. Naymes

“Sir, somme me iouste[151] witħ spe and shelde,

says, ‘Some joust,

And somme me Carol and singe gode songes,

1992

some sing, some play

Some shote with dartis in the feelde,

at chess.’

And somme play at Chesse amonge.”

“Ye bene but foulis of gode dissporte;

‘I will teach you

I wole yo tech a newe play.

1996

a new game,’ says

Sitte dow here by one assorte,

Lukafer.

‹p058› LUKAFER IS ROASTED TO CHARCOAL.

And better myrthe never ye saye.”

He teyde a tredde on a pole

With a thread he

With an nedil ther-on I-fest,

2000

fastened a needle

And ther vppo a qwi cole.

on a pole and put a

He bade every man blowe his blast.

burning coal upon it.

Duke Neymes hade a long berde,

He blew it at

Kinge Lucafe blewe eve to hy,

2004

Naymes’s beard and

That game hade he never before lered.

burnt it. Naymes

He brent the he of Neymes berde to the skyne.

waxed wroth, and

Duke Neymes tha gan wex wrotħ,

snatching a burning

For he hade brente his berde so white

2008

[leaf 50] brand from

To the Chymneye forth he goth

the fire he smites at

And caught a bronde him witħ to smyte.

Lukafer and throws

Witħ a goode wille he him smote,

him into the fire,

That both his eye breste oute.

2012

He caste him in the fire al hote;

For sothe he hadde a rigħt gode cloute.

And with a fyre forke he helde him doune,

Tille he were rosted to colis ilkadele.

2016

where he was roasted

His soule hade his god Mahou.

to charcoal. Floripas

Flori bade hi warme him wele.

applauds this,

“Sires” tho saide Floripas,

“Entendith nowe al to me!

2020

This Lucafe of Baldas

Was a lorde of grete mayne.

My Fadir hade him euer yn che

I telle you for sothe everydele,

2024

He wolde anoo aftyr him enque,

but points out their

And therefore loke, ye arme you we!”

danger, and advises

Florip wente in, as the maner was,

them to arm. At

To here Fadir at souper tyme.

2028

supper time she goes

No man spake worde of kinge Baldas,

to her father.

Ner no man knewe of his sharp pyne.

The xij peris armed hem wel and fyne

With swerdes drawe and eg chere.

2032

While thay mery[152] drinkyn the wyne

‹p059› THE PEERS TURN THE SARACENS OUT OF THE CASTLE.

And sittinge alle at here soupe.

As they were sitting

Thai reheted the Sowdo and his Barons alle

at table, the twelve

And made orders wondir fast,

2036

peers rushed in and

Thai slowe dow alle, þat were in the halle,

slew all whom they

And made hem wondirly sore a-gast.

met.

Olyvere egerly sued Laba

Laban, pursued by

With swerd I-drawe in his honde.

2040

Oliver, jumps out of

Oute at the wyndowe lepte he þa

a window on to the

Vppo the salte see stronde,[153]

sea-shore and escaped

And he skaped away fro hime,

But woo was he þerfore,

2044

That he went awaye witħ ly

without injury.

To worche hem sorowe more.

Roulande tha came rennynge

And axed, where was Laban.

2048

Olyuere answerede moornynge

[leaf 51]

And saide, howe he was agoo.

Tho thai voided the Courtes at the last

They killed all in

And slowe tho, that wolde a-byde,

2052

the castle, and then

And drewe the brigge and teyed it fast,

drew up the bridges

And shitte the gatis, that were so wyde.

and shut the gates.

Laban, that by the ebbe escapede,

Of harde, er he come to londe,

2056

He alle astonyed and a-mapide,[154]

For sorowe he wronge botħ his honde

And made a vowe to Mahounde of myght,

Laban vowed a vow

He wolde that Cite wynne

2060

And never go thens by day nor nyght,

For foo, for frende, ner for kynne.

“And tho traytouris will I do honge,

On a Galowes hye with-oute the gate;

2064

that he would hang

And my Doghter, þat hore stronge,

them all and burn his

I-brente shal be there-ate.”

daughter. He sent to

To mauntryble he gan sende anoo

Mantrible for troops

Aftir men and tentis goode,

2068

and

‹p060› THE SOUDAN BESIEGES THE CASTLE.

And Engynes to throwe witħ stoo

engines,

And goode armu many foolde.

The sege he did leyen a-bowte

and besieged Agremore.

On every side of that Cite.

2072

To wallis with Engynes thai gan rowte,

To breke the Toures so fre.

Tho saide Flori, “lordingges goode,

Floripas recommends

Ye bene biseged in this toure,

2076

the peers

As ye bene wight of mayne and moode,

Proveth here to saue youre honou.

The toure is stronge, drede yo nought,

And vitayle we have plente.

2080

Charles wole not leve yo vnsougħt;

Truste ye welle alle to me.

Therefore go we soupe and make merye,

to enjoy themselves.

And takith ye alle your ease;

2084

And xxxti maydens lo here of Assyne,[155]

The fayrest of hem ye chese.

Take your sporte, and kith yo knyghtes,

Whan ye shalle haue to done;

2088

For to morowe, when the day is light,

[leaf 52]

Ye mooste to the wallis goo

And defende this place witħ caste of stoo

And with shotte of quarelles and darte.

2092

My maydyns and I sha bringe goode wone,

So eueryche of us shalle bere hir parte.”

On morowe the Sowdo made assaute

In the morning the

To hem, that were witħ-Inne,

2096

soudan attacks the

And certes in hem was no defaute,

castle,

For of he myght thay nought wynne.

Here shotte, here cast was so harde,

Thay durste not nyȝhe the walle.

2100

Thay drowe hem bakwarde,

but is repulsed.

Thay were bete over alle.

King Laba turnede to his tentes agay,

‹p061› HE ASKS BROULAND’S ADVICE.

He was nere wode for tene,

2104

He cryede to Mahounde and Apolyne

He accuses his gods

And to Termagaunte, þat was so kene,

of sleepiness, and

And saide “ye goddes, ye slepe to longe,

shakes them to wake

Awake and helpe me nowe,

2108

up.

Or ellis I may singe of sorowe a songe,

And of mournynge right I-nowe.

Wete ye not wele, that my tresoure

Is alle witħ-inne the walle?

2112

Helpe me nowe, I saye therfore,

Or ellis I forsake yo alle.”

He made grete lamentacio,

His goddis byganne to shake.

2116

Yet that comfortede his meditacio,

Supposinge thay didde awake.

He cleped Brenlande to aske counsaile,

What was beste to done,

2120

And what thinge myght hi moste avayle,

To wynne the Cite sone.

“Thou wotist welle, þat alle my tresou

Is there in here kepinge,

2124

And my doughter, þat stronge hore,

God yif her evelle endyn!”

“Sir” he saide “ye knowe welle,

[leaf 53] Brouland

That Toure is wondir stronge.

2128

tells him, as the

While þay haue vitayle to mele,

castle is strong and

Kepe it thay wole fulle longe.

well stored with

Sende to Mauntreble, you cheif Cite,

provisions, the peers

That is the keye of this londe,

2132

will hold it very

That no passe, where it so be,

long;

With-oute youre speciall sonde,

but if he would send

To Alagolofu, þat geaunte stronge,

orders to Alagolafre,

That is wardeyne of þat pas,

2136

the bridge-keeper at

That no man passe that brigge alonge,

Mantrible, not to

But he have special grace.

allow any one to pass

So shalle not Charles witħ his meyne

without leave,

‹p062› ESPIARD IS DESPATCHED TO MANTRIBLE.

Reskowe tha Agramoure.

2140

they would get no

Tha thay shalle enfamyched be,

assistance from

That shalle hem rewe ful sore.”—

Charles, and die from

“Mahoundis blessynge have tho and myne,

hunger.

Sortybraunce, for thy rede.”—

2144

“Espyarde, messange myne,

Espiard is despatched

In haste thou most the spede

to Mantrible,

To my Cite Mavntreble,

To do my message there,

2148

To Alogolof, þat giaunte orrible.

Bydde him his charge wele lere,

And tel him, howe that the last daye

Ten fals traytours of Fraunce

2152

Passed by that same waye

By his defaute witħ myschaunce,

Charginge him vppo his hede to lese,

That no man by the brigge,[156]

2156

Be it rayne, snowe or freze,

But he his heede dow ligge.”

Espiarde spedde him in his waye,

Tille he to Mauntrible came,

2160

To seke the geaunte, ther he laye

On the banke bysyde the Dame,

And saide “the worthy Sowdo,

That of alle Spay is lorde and si,

2164

Vppo thy life commaundeth the anoo,

and commands the giant

To deserue better thyn hire.

The laste day tho letist here passe

Ten trattoures of douse Fraunce.

2168

God giffe the evel grace,

And he also moche myschaunce!

He charged the vppo life and detħ,

To kepe this place sikerlye;

2172

While in thy body lastetħ the bretħ,

not to suffer any one

Lette noo enemye passe the-bye.”

to pass the bridge.

‹p063› ALAGOLAFRE BARRICADES THE BRIDGE.

Alagolofur rolled his ye

And smote with his axe o the stone

2176

And swore by Termagaunte and Apolyne,

That ther-by shulde passen never one,

But if he smote of his hede,

And brought it to his lorde Laba,

2180

He wolde never ete no brede,

Nere never loke more on ma.

xxiiijti Cheynes he didde ouer-drawe,

Alagolafre drew 24

That noo man passe mygħt,

2184

chains across the

Neyther for loue nere for awe,

bridge.

No tyme by daye, nere by nyghte.

“Go, telle my lorde, I shalle it kepe;

On payne of my grete heede

2188

Shalle ther no ma goo ner crepe,

But he be take or dede.”

This geaunte hade a body longe

And hede, like an libarde.

2192

Ther-to he was devely stronge,

His skynne was blake and harde.

Of Ethiope he was bore,

Of the kinde of Ascopartes.

2196

He hade tuskes, like a bore,

An hede, like a liberde.

Laban nolde not forgete

The soudan assaults

The saute to renewe,[157]

2200

the castle again,

To wynne the Toure, he wolde not lete.

Here trumpes lowde thay blewe.

Every man wente to the walle,

With pikeys or witħ bowe.

2204

[leaf 55]

Thai made assaute generalle,

The walles downe to throwe.

But thay witħ-inne bare he soo,

but the 12 peers slay

Thay slowe of the Saresyns iij hundre.

2208

300 Saracens.

Thay wroghte hem both care and woo,

‹p064› MAVON BATTERS THE CASTLE.

Vppo her fightinge thay wondride.

Tho cryed Laba to hem on hye,

“Traytours, yelde yo to me,

2212

Laban threatens to

Ye shall be hongede els by and bye

hang them, and utters

Vppo an hye Galowe tree.”

imprecations

Tho spake Flori to the Sowdo

And sayde “thou fals tyraunte,

2216

Were Charles come, thy pride we done

Nowe, cursede myscreaunte.

against Floripas, who

Alas! that thou ascapediste soo

returns them.

By the wyndowe vppo the stronde.

2220

That thy ne hade broke a-twoo!

God sende the shame and shonde!”—

“A! stronge hore, god gife the sorowe!

Tho[u] venemouse serpente.

2224

Withe wilde horses[158] tho shalt be drawe to morowe,

And on this hille be brente,

That al men may be wa by the,

That cursed bene of kynde.

2228

And thy love shalle honged be,

His hondes bounde him byhynde.”

He called forth Mavo, his Engynou,

The soudan calls for

And saide “I charge the,

2232

Mavon, his engineer,

To throwe a magnelle to yon tou,

and orders him to

And breke it downe on thre.”

direct a mangonel

Mavon set vp his engyne

against the walls.

With a stoo of .vj. C wigħt,

2236

Mavon knocked down

That wente as eve as eny lyne,

a piece of the

And smote a cornell dow right.

battlements.

Woo was Roulande and Olyue,

That þat myschief was be-falle,

2240

And so were alle the xij peres;

Roland and Oliver

But Flori tha comforte hem alle:

lament; they are

“Sires” she saide “beitħ of goode chere!

comforted by Floripas.

This Toure is stronge I-nowe.

2244

‹p065› MARSEDAGE IS KILLED AND BURIED.

He may cast twies or thries or he hit ayen þer,[159]

[leaf 56]

For sothe I telle it yo.”

Marsedage, the roialle kinge,

Rode in riche weede,

2248

Fro Barbary commyng,

Vppo a sturdy stede,

Cryinge to hem vppo the walle:

“Traytouris, yelde yo here!

2252

Brenne you alle ellis I shalle,

By myghty god Iubyte.”

Gy aspied, that he came ne,

Guy kills Marsedage

A darte to hime he threwe ful eve,

2256

the king of Barbary,

He smote him throwe herte & liver in fe.

by throwing a dart at

Dame Floripe lough witħ loude steve

him.

And saide “Sir Gye, my loue so free,

Thou kanste welle hit the prikke.

2260

He shall make no booste in his contre;

God giffe him sorowe thikke!”

Wha Laba herde of this myschie,

A sory ma was he.

2264

He trumped, his mene to relefe;

They stop the attack

For to cease that tyme mente he.

Mersadage, kinge of Barbarye,

He did carye to his tente,

2268

And beryed him by right of Sarsenye

to bury Marsedage,

With brennynge fire and riche oynemente,

And songe the Dirige of Alkaro,

That bibill is of here laye,

2272

And wayled his deth everycho,

and bewail him 7 days

vij nyghtis and vij dayes.

and nights.

Anoo the Sowdo, south to say,

Then the soudan more

Sente iij hundrid of knightis,

2276

closely blockades the

To kepe the brigge and the waye

castle.

Oute of that Castil rightis,

That noo of hem shulde issue oute,

‹p066› FLORIPAS PRODUCES A MAGIC GIRDLE.

To feche vitayle by no waye.

2280

He charged hem to wacche wel a abowte,

That thay for-fameli myght dye.

Thus thay kepte the place vij dayes,

[leaf 57]

Tille alle hire vitaile was nyȝe spente.

2284

The provisions being

The yates thai pas the streyte weyes.

exhausted,

Tho helde thai hem with-in I-shente.

Tho spake Roulande with hevy chere

Woordes lamentable,

2288

Wha he saugħ the ladies so whiȝte of le,

Faile brede on here table,

And saide “Charles, tho curteys kinge,

Roland complains

Why forgetist tho vs so longe?

2292

of Charles’s

This is to me a wondir thinge;

forgetfulness;

Me thinkitħ, thou doiste vs grete wronge,

To let vs dye for faute of mete,

Closed thus in a dongeo.

2296

To morowe wol we asaye what we ko gete,

By god, that berithe the crow.”

Tho saide Floripas “sires, drede noghte

but Floripas cheers

For noo houng that may befalle.

2300

him up,

I knowe a medycyne in my thoughte

To comforte yo witħ alle.

I have a girdil in my Force,

saying she possessed

Who so girde he ther-with aboute,

2304

a magic girdle which

Hunger ner thirste shal him neuer dere,

was a talisman

Though he were vij yere witħ-oute.”

against hunger and

“O” quod Sir Gy “my loue so trewe,

thirst for those who

I-blessed mote ye be!

2308

wore it.

I pray yo, that ye wole us alle hit shewe,

That we may haue oure saule.”

She yede and set it fortħ anoo,

Thai proved alle the vertue,

2312

They all successively

And diden it aboute he euerycho.

put it on and felt as

It comforted alle both moo and fewe,

if they had feasted.

As thai hade bene at a feste.

‹p067› MAPYN ENTERS FLORIPAS’ CHAMBER.

So were thay alle wele at ease,

2316

Thus were thai refresshed botħ moost & lest

And weren bifore in grete disese.

Laba wondred, how thai myght endu

Witħ-oute vitaile so longe.

2320

Laban wondered at

He remembred him on Floripas senctu,

their endurance, but

And of the vertue so stronge.

at last remembering

Tho wiste he welle, that throgħ famyne

the girdle, [leaf 58]

Might he he never wynne.

2324

He cleped to him fals Mapyne,

he induced Mapyne

For he coude many a fals gynne:

He coude scale Castel and Toure

And over the walles wende.

2328

“Mapyne” he saide “for my honoure,

Thou mooste haue this in mynde:

That hore, my doghter, a girdil hatħ she,

Fro hounger it savyth he alle,

2332

That wonnen may thay never be,

That foule mote hir bifalle!

Kanstowe gete me that gyrdill by craft,

to attempt to steal

A thousande pounde tha shal I gefe the;

2336

it at night.

So that it be there not lefte,[160]

But bringe it hithi to me.

Tho kanste see by nyghte as welle

As any man doth by daye.

2340

Whan thay bene in here beddes ful sti,

Than go forth thider right in thy waye.

Thou shalt it in here Chamber fynde,

Thou maist be thereofe sure.”

2344

“Sir, there-to I wole me bynde,

If my life may endure.”

Fortħ wente this fals Mapyne

By nyght into the Tou—

2348

Mapyne entered the

God gife him evel endinge!—

chamber of Floripas

Euen in to Floripas bou.

through

‹p068› MAPYN WITH THE GIRDLE IS THROWN INTO THE SEA.

By a Chemney he wente inne;

Fulle stilly there he soughte it.

2352

a chimney;

He it founde and girde it aboute him,

And aftyr ful dere he bogħt it;

he finds the girdle

For by the light of a lampe the

and puts it on,

Floripas ga him aspye,

2356

but Floripas

Alle a-frayed oute of hir slepe for fere,

perceives him

But lowde than gan she crye

and cries out.

And saide “a thefe is in my boure,

Robbe me he wole or sloo.”

2360

Ther-with come Rouland fro his tou

Roland hurries to her

To wete of hir woo.

assistance, [leaf 59]

He founde Mapyne bysyde hir bedde,

Stondinge amased for drede,

2364

To the wyndowe he him ladde,[161]

And there he smote of his hedde,

cuts off Mapine’s

And caste him oute in-to the see.

head, and throws

Of the gyrdille was he not wa;

2368

him out through

But wha he wist, the girdel hade he,

the window without

Tho hadde he sorowe and care.

noticing the girdle.

Floripe to the Cheste wente

Floripas, seeing her

And aspyed, hire gyrdel was goo,

2372

girdle lost, is much

“Alas!” she saide, “alle is it shente!

grieved;

Sir, what haue ye done?

He hath my girdel aboute hy.

Alas! þat harde while!

2376

A rebelle hounde dotħ ofte grete tene;

Howe be we alle begilede.”

Tho spake Roulande witħ che boolde,

“Dameselle! beytħ noughte aferde!

2380

Roland comforts her.

If any vitaile be aboute this hoolde,

We wole hem wynne withe dinte of swerde

To morowe wole wee oute-goo

They agree to attempt

And assaye, howe it wole it be.

2384

a sally to obtain

I make a vowe to god alone,

food.

‹p069› THE PEERS, SURPRISING THE SARACENS, OBTAIN PROVISIONS.

Assaile hem wole we!

And if thay haue any mete,

Parte withe he wole we.

2388

Or elles strokes thay shal gete

By God and seynte Mary my avou!”[162]

In the morne, er the larke songe,

In the morning

Thai ordeynede hem to ride

2392

To the Saresyns, þat hade so longe

Leyen hem besyde.

Duke Neymes and Oge

Naymes and Ogier

Were ordeynede to kepe the place.

2396

remain in the castle,

The x othir of the xij peres

the others start

Wente oute to assaye here grace.

Thay founde hem in logges slepynge,

and surprise the

Of hem hade thay no thought.

2400

Saracens still

Thai slowe dow þat came to honde,

sleeping in their

Mahounde availed hem noghte.

huts. [leaf 60]

In shorte tyme the ende was made,

Thay ten slough iij hundred the.

2404

They slew 300 and

Tho founde thai vitaile, thay were glad,

carried off as much

As moche as thay myghte home be.

food as they could

Duke Neymes and Oge, that kept the tou,

bear.

Say hem witħ here praye.

2408

Thai thanked god hye of honoure,

That thai spedde so þat day.

Thay avaled the brigge and lete him yn,

Flori and here maydyns were gladde,

2412

And so were thay, that were with-yn;

For alle grete hounger thay hadde.

Thai ete and dronken right I-nowe

And made myrtħ ever amonge.

2416

But of the Sowdo laban speke we nowe,

Howe of sorowe was his songe.

Han tidyngges came to him,

That his me were slay,

2420

And howe thai hade stuffed he also[163]

‹p070› THE SOUDAN IS ENRAGED WITH HIS GODS.

With vitaile in agayne,

For sorowe he woxe nere wode.

The soudan is enraged,

He cleped Brenlande and Sortybraunce.

2424

And tolde he witħ angry mode

Of his harde myschaunce.

“Remedye ordeyne me,

Ye be chief of my counsaile;

2428

That I of hem may vengede be,

It shalle you bouth availe.

O ye goddes, ye faile at nede,

That I have honoured so longe,

2432

I shalle yo bre, so mote[164] I spede,

and is going to burn

In a fayre fyre ful stronge;

his gods,

Shalle I neuer more on yo bileve,

But renaye yo playnly alle.

2436

Ye shalle be brente this day er eve,

That foule mote yo befalle!”

The fire was made, the goddes were broght

To have be caste the-inne.

2440

[leaf 61]

Tho alle his counsaile him by-sought,

but, appeased by his

He shulde of þat erroure blynne,

wise men,

And saide “Sir, what wole ye done?

Wole ye your goddis for-sake?

2444

Vengeaunce shalle tha on yo come,

With sorowe, woo and wrake!

Ye moste make offrynge for youre offence,

For drede of grete vengeaunce,

2448

With oyle, mylke and ffrankecense

By youre prestis ordynaunce.”

Tho he dide bere hem in aye,

he sacrifices again,

And to hem made dewe offerynge.

2452

The prestis assoyled him of þat synne,

and is assoiled by

Ful lowly for him prayinge.

the priests.

Tho he cleped his counselers

Brulande and Sortybraunce,

2456

Laban holds council.

‹p071› THE PEERS THROW LABAN’S GOLD AT THE ASSAILANTS.

Axynge, howe he myght destroye the xij peres,

That Mahounde gife hem myschaunce.

Thay cowde no more ther-o,

But late saile aye the toure.

2460

Witħ xxti thousande thai ga go,

And bigonne a newe shoure

A new assault begins,

To breke dow the Walles,

With mattokes and witħ pike,

2464

but the ditches

Tille iiij hundred of hem alle

are filled with

Lay slayne in the dike.

assailants, who were

So stronge was the cast of stoone.

slain by the showers

The Saresyns drewe he abakke,

2468

of stones hurled down

Tille it was at hye none;

by the peers. The

Tho gonne thay aye to shake.

Saracens retire. A

Tho fayled hem cast, þat were with-inne;

second attack ensues.

Tho cowde thai no rede,

2472

There being no stones,

For stoone was ther noone to wynne.

Tho were thay in grete drede.

Than saide Florip, “beitħ not dismayde!

Ye shalle be holpe anoo.

2476

Floripas gave

Here is syluer vessel and now,”[165] she sayde,

them her father’s

“That shulle ye prove goode woo.”

silver and gold to

She set it forth, thay caste oute faste

cast amongst the

Alle that came to honde.

2480

assailants. [leaf 62]

Off siluer and goolde vessel thay made waste

That wast[166] dow vppo the sonde.

Wha thai saugħ that roial sight,

Thai leften alle here dede;

2484

And for the tresoure thay do fight,

Who so myghte it awey lede.

The soudan in alarm

Tho the Sowdo wexe nere wode,

for his treasure

Seinge this tresoure thus dispoyle,

2488

gives up the assault.

That was to him so dere and goode

Laye in the dike thus defoule.

He bade that thai shulde leue

‹p072› THE SOUDAN ASKS HIS GODS’ FORGIVENESS.

And turne he agayne in haste.

2492

He wente home tille his tente than

With grete sorowe and mournyn mode.

To-fore his goddis wha he came,

He cryed, as he were wode:

2496

“O fals goddis, that ye betħ,

He is enraged with

I have trustid to longe youre mode.

his gods,

We[167] were leve to suff dede,

Tha lif this life here lenger nowe.

2500

I haue almoste loste the bretħ,

xij fals traytours me overe-lede,

And stroyen alle þat I haue.

Ye fals goddis, the devel youe spede!

2504

Ye make me nowe for to rave;

Ye do fayle me at my nede.”

In Ire he smote Mahounde,

and smites Mahound so

That was of goolde fulle rede,

2508

that he fell on his

That he fille dow to the grounde,

face;

As he hade bene dede.

Alle here bisshopes cryde oute

And saide “Mahounde, thy ore!”

2512

And dow to the erthe wele lowe thay loute,

Howlynge and wepynge sore,

And saide “Sire Sowdo, what haue ye done?

Vengeaunce shalle on the falle,

2516

But tho repente the here anone.”

“Ye” quod he “I shrewe yo alle!”

but the priests

Thai made a fyre of franencense

induce him

And blewe hornes of bras,

2520

And casten in milke hony for the offence,

[leaf 63]

To-fore Mahoundes face.

Thay counsailed Laban to knele a dow

to kneel down and ask

And aske forgevenes in that place.

2524

forgiveness.

And so he didde and hade pardo

Throgh prayere and specialle grace.

‹p073› RICHARD STARTS ON MESSAGE TO CHARLES.

Then[168] this was done, þa sayde Roulande

Meanwhile Roland

To his Felowes xj:

2528

exhorted Richard of

“Here may we not longe holde londe,

Normandy to go on

By God that is in heve.

message to Charles,

Therefore sende we to Charles, the kinge,

that he might come

That he wolde reskowe vs sone;

2532

to their rescue.

And certyfye him o oure strayȝte beinge,

They all would the

If ye thinke, it be to done.

following morning,

Richard of Normandye, ye most goo,

before day break,

I holde yo both wyse and hende.

2536

make an attack on

And we shalle tomorowe, as stil as stoo,

the Saracens, and

The Saresyns a-wake, er ye wynde.[169]

meanwhile he should

And while we be mooste bysy in oure werke,

steal off in the

And medel witħ hem alle in fere,

2540

darkness. In the

Stele ye a-waye in the derke!

morning

And spede you faste, ye were there!”

On the morowe afti the daye

Thay were armede ful ryghte,

2544

Thai rode fortħ stilly in here way,

they sally out.

God gouerne hem, mooste of myght!

Floripe and here maydyns kept the tou

Floripas and her

And woonde vp the brigges on hye,

2548

maidens draw up the

And prayde god, to kepe here paramou,

bridges after them.

The Duke of Burgoyne, Sir Ge.

She preyde to Rouland, er he wente,

To take goode hede of hi,

2552

That he were neyþer take nere shente,

As he wolde her loue wynne.

On thay set with herte stronge

And alle he sore afrayed.

2556

Richard the whiles away he wronge,

Thile[170] thai were alle dismayede.

Richard went off

Towarde the Mountrible he hyed him faste,

towards Mantrible.

To passe, if that he myghte.

2560

[leaf 64]

Thedir he came at the laste.

‹p074› GUY IS MADE PRISONER.

God kepe him for his mocħ myght!

His xij[171] felowes besyed he soo

The others slay many

That many of he thay sloughe.[172]

2564

Saracens;

Gye slowe the kinge of Babyloyne tho;

The Babyloynes of his hors him drowe,

but Guy, overpowered

And with force him drowe there

by the Babylonians,

And bounde his hondes ful fast.

2568

is taken prisoner.

A newe game thai ga him lere,

For in depe priso thay him caste.

But Laba wolde him first se,

To wete what he was.

2572

“Telle me thy name nowe” quod he,

Laban asks his name.

“Thy songe shalle be ‘alas.’”—

“Sire” he saide “my name is Gye,

Guy tells him.

I wole it never forsake.

2576

It were to me grete vilanye

A othir name to take.”—

“O fals traytour” quod Laba,

“My doghtir, þat stronge hore,

2580

Hath me for-sake and the hath ta,

Tho shalte be honged therfore.”

He is to be hanged.

Roulande made grete moone,

It wolde noo other be.

2584

Homwarde thai ga goo,

.iij.c Saresyns ther saye he,

300 Saracens crowding

That kepte the pace at the brigge-ende,

near the gate of the

Armed wel in goode araye,

2588

castle, attempted to

That thai sholde not in wende,

prevent the other

But be take or slay þat daye.

peers from entering.

Roulande to his felowes saide:

“Beth alle of right gode chere!

2592

And we shal make hem alle afrayde,

E we go to oure soupere.”

There byganne a bykeringe bolde

A fearful struggle

Of x Bachelers that tyde,

2596

begins.

‹p075› BRYER IS SLAIN.

Agayne iijc me I-tolde,

That durste righte wel a-byde.

Tho was Durnedale set a werke,

[leaf 65]

XL of hethen he sloughe,

2600

He spared neþe lewde ner clerke,

And Floripas the-of loughe.

The shotte, the caste was so stronge,

Syr Bryer was slay there

2604

Sir Bryer is killed.

With dartes, gauylokes and speres longe,

xxti on hym there were.

Roulande was woo and Olyue,

Thay sloughe alle that thai mette.

2608

Tho fledde the Turkes alle for fe,

At last the Saracens

Thay durste no longer lette

take to flight.

And saide, thai we no men,

But develis abroke oute of helle,

2612

“.iij. hundred of vs agay hem te.

Oure lorde Mahounde hem qwelle!

XL of vs here be ascaped,

And hardde we be bistadde.”—

2616

“Who so wole of he more be iaped,

I holde him worsse than madde.”

Tho Roulande and Olyue

The peers retire

Made grete woo and sorowe,

2620

inside the castle,

And toke the corps of Sir Bryere

taking the corpse of

And beryed it on the morowe.

Bryer with them.

Floripe asked Roulande anoone

Floripas enquires

“Where is my loue Sir Gye?”—

2624

after Guy,

“Damesel” he saide “he is goo,

And therfore woo am I.”—

and on hearing of his

“Alas” she saide “than am I dede,

capture, begins to

Nowe Gye my lorde is slay,

2628

lament despairingly.

Shall I neuer more ete brede

Tille that I may se hi agay.”—

“Be stille” quod Roulande “and haue no ca,

Roland promises to

We shal hy haue ful wele.

2632

rescue Guy.

‹p076› GUY IS GOING TO BE HANGED,

Tomorowe wele we thiderward fa

With spere and shelde of stele.

But we bringe him to this Tou—

Leeve me elles no more—

2636

With victorye and grete honou,

Or thay shalle abye it ful sore.”

[leaf 66]

On the morowe, whan tha daye was clere,

Laban ordeynede Gye honged to be.

2640

On the following

He cleped forth Sir Tampere

morning Laban orders

And badde him do make a Galowe tre,

Sir Tamper to erect

“And set it eve by-fore the tou,

a gallows before

That þilke hore may him see;

2644

the castle, where

For by lord Mahounde of honou,

Floripas could see it.

This traitour there shalle honged be.

Take withe the .iij. hundred knigħtes

Of Ethiopis, Indens and Ascopartes,

2648

That bene boolde and hardy to fight

With Wifles, Fauchons, Gauylokes[173] and Dartes;

Leste þat lurdeynes come skulkynge oute,

For ever thay haue bene shrewes.

2652

Loke eche of he haue sucħ a cloute,

That thay neuer ete moo Sewes.”

Forth thay wente with Sir Gye,

Guy is led bound.

That bounde was as a thefe faste,

2656

Tille thay come the tow ful nye;

Thai rered the Galowes in haste.

Roulande perceyued here doynge

And saide “felows, let armes[174]!

2660

Roland calls his

I am ful gladde of here comynge,

companions to arms.

Hem shall not helpe her charmes.”

Oute thai riden a wele gode spede,

They rush forth.

Thai ix towarde hem alle.

2664

Florip witħ here maydyns toke gode hede,

Biholdinge over the tou walle.

Thai met first witħ Sir Tampe,

‹p077› BUT IS RESCUED BY ROLAND AND OLIVER.

God gife him evelle fyne!

2668

Such a stroke lente hym Olyue,

Oliver cuts down Sir

He clefe him dow to the skyne.

Tamper; Roland kills

Rouland bare the kinge of Ynde

a king of India,

Ther with his spere frome his stede.

2672

.iiij. fote it passed his bak byhynde,

His herte blode þe didde he blede.

He caught the stede, he was ful goode,

And the swerde, þat the kinge hadde,

2676

takes his sword and

And rode to Gye, there he stode,

horse, [leaf 67] and

And onbounde hy and bade him be gladde.

gives them to Guy,

And girde him witħ that goode swerde,

having unbound him.

And lepen vppo here stedes.

2680

“Be thou” he saide “righte nougħt a-ferde,

But helpe vs wightly at this nede.”

They slay many

An hundred of hem sone thay slowe

Saracens, and put the

Of the beste of hem alle;

2684

rest to flight.

The remenaunte a-way fast thay flowe,

That foule motte hem byfalle!

Rouland and his Felowes were glad

That Gye was safe in dede.

2688

Thay thanked god, that thay[175] him hadde

Gyfen thaye† sucħ grace to spede.

As thay wente towarde the Tou,

Retiring towards the

A litil bysyde the hye waye,

2692

castle,

Thai saugh comynge with grete vigou

they see admiral

An hundred vppo a laye.[176]

Costroye and

Costroye ther was, the Admyra,

the soudan’s

With vitaile grete plente,

2696

standard-bearer

And the stondarte of the Sowdo Roial.

escorting a great

Towarde Mauntrible ride he,

convoy, destined for

.iiij. Chariotes I-charged witħ flessh and brede,

the sultan, across a

And two othe with wyne,

2700

field near the high

Of divers colouris, yolowe, white and rede,

road.

And iiij Somers of spicery fyne.

‹p078› THE PEERS LAY HOLD OF A CONVOY.

Tho saide Roulande to Olyue:

“With these meyne moste we shifte,

2704

To haue parte of here vitailes he,

For therof us nedith by my thrifte.”—

“Howe, sires” he saide “god you see!

Roland calls to them

We pray youe for youre curtesye,

2708

Parte of your Vitaile graunte me,

to share the

For we may nother borowe ner bye.”

provisions with them.

Tho spake Cosdroye, that Admyral,

“Ye gete none here for nogħt.

2712

Costroye refuses,

Yf ye oght chalenge in specia,

It most be dere I-boght.”—

“O gentil knightes” quod Olyuere,

“He is no felowe, þat wole haue alle.”

2716

“Go fortħ” quod the stondart, “tho getist noon here,

Thy parte shalle be fulle smalle.”—

“Forsoth” quod Roulande “and shift we wole,

[leaf 68]

Gete the better, who gete maye!

2720

To parte with the nedy it is gode skille,

And so shalle ye by my faye.”

He rode to the Admyral witħ his swerde

and is slain by

And gafe him suche a cloute,

2724

Roland.

No wonder thogħ he were aferde,

Both his eyȝe braste oute.

Olyuere met withe the proude stondarde,

He smote him througħ the herte.

2728

Oliver kills the

That hade he for his rewarde;

standard-bearer.

That wounde ga sore smerte.

Thai were slay, that wolde fight

Er durste bikure abyde.

2732

Thai forsoke her parte anoo rigħt,

It lefte alle o that o side.

Forth thai drewe þat vitaile

The convoy is

Streight in-to the Toure.

2736

conveyed into the

There was no ma durst hem assayle

castle.

For drede of here vigou.

‹p079› THE SOUDAN DEFIES HIS GODS.

Floripe hem resceyved with honou

And thanked Roulande fele sythe,

2740

Floripas thanks

That she saugħ Gye hir paramou,

Roland for bringing

That wolde she him qwite and kithe.

back Sir Guy,

Thai ete and dronken and made hem gladde,

Hem neded ther aftyr fulle sore

2744

Of suche, as god hem sente hade,

I-nowe for iiij moonþes and more.

and proposes that he

Florip saide to Roulande than,

shall choose himself

“Ye moste chese you a love[177]

2748

a mistress from

Of alle my maydyns, white as swa.”—

amongst her maidens.

Quod Rouland “þat were myscheve;

But Roland refuses to

Oure lay wole not, þat we with youe dele,

take any that is no

Tille that ye Cristy be made;

2752

Christian.

Ner of your play we wole not fele,

For tha were we cursed in dede.”

Owe shall ye here of Laba.

The soudan, on

Whan tidyngges to him we come,

2756

hearing such bad news,

Tho was he a fulle sory ma.

Whan he herde, howe his vitaile were nome,

And howe his men were slayne,

And Gye was go safe he froo,

2760

[leaf 69]

He defyed Mahounde and Apolyne,

again defies his gods,

Iubiter, Ascarot and Alcaro also.

He commaundede a fire to be digħt

and threatens to

With picche and Brymsto to bre.

2764

throw them into the

He made a vowe with alle his mygħt,

flames.

“Thai shal be caste ther-Inne!”

The prestes of he lawe ther-o,

Thai cride oute for drede

2768

And saide “alas, what wole ye done?

The worse than moste ye spede!”

The Sowdo made a grete othe

And swore by his hye trone,

2772

That though hem were never so lotħ,

‹p080› RICHARD ARRIVES AT MANTRIBLE.

Thai sholde be brente Icho.

Tho came the bisshope Cramadas

But bishop Cramadas

And kneled bifore the Sowdo,

2776

kneels before him and

And charged him by the hye name Sathanas,

appeases him.

To saven his goddes ycho:

“For if ye brenne youre goddes he,

Ye wynny her maliso,

2780

Than wole no man do yo che,

In feelde, Cite, ne in tow.”

The Sowdo was astonyed þan

And gan him sore repente

2784

Of the foly, that he byga,

And els hade he be shente.

A thousande of Besauntes he offred þaym to,

The soudan makes an

By counsail of sir Cramadas,

2788

offering of 1000

To please witħ his goddys tho,

besants to his gods.

For fere of harde grace.

The Sowdone commaunded euery daye

To assaile the tou witħ caste.

2792

But thay with-in gafe not an Eye,

For thai wroghte in wast.

When Richard arrived

Owe speke we of Richarde of Normandy,

as far as Mantrible,

That on message was sente,

2796

he found the bridge

Howe he spede and his meyne.

barred by 24 chains,

Whan he to Mauntrible wente,

and Alagolafre

He founde the brigge Ichayned sore;

standing before it.

xxiiijti were ouere-drawe.

2800

[leaf 70]

Alagolofure stode there byfore,

That many a man hade slawene.

Whan Richard saugħ, ther was no gate,

Determined not to

But by flagot the flode,

2804

leave his errand

His message wolde he not lete;

unperformed, he knelt

His hors was botħ bigge and goode.

down and commended

He kneled, bisechinge god of his grace,

himself to God. A

To save him fro myschiefe.

2808

hind appears

A white hende he saugħ anoo in þat place,

‹p081› RICHARD CROSSES THE RIVER AND OVERTAKES CHARLES.

That swa ove the cliffe.

and swims across.

He blessed him in godis name

Richard follows her,

And folowed the same waye

2812

and, passing over in

The gentil hende, þat was so tame,

safety,

That o þat othir side gan playe.

He thanked god fele sythe,

That him hade sente comforte.

2816

He hied him in his message swiþe,

hurries on to

To speke witħ Charles his lorde.

Charlemagne.

But I shalle yo telle of a traytour,

That his name was called Genelyne,

2820

He counseiled Charles for his honou

Meanwhile Genelyn,

To turne homewarde agey.

the traitor, had

He saide “the xij peres bene alle dede,

advised Charles to

And ye spende your goode in vayne,

2824

retire to France,

And therfore dotħ nowe by my rede,

because the 12 peers

Ye shalle see hem no more certey.”

were all slain. The

The kinge bileved þat he saide,

king believed him,

And homwarde gan he fare.

2828

and marched homeward,

He of his xij Dosiperes was sore dismayed,

lamenting for his

His herte woxe right fulle of ca.

peers. Richard

Rycharde of Normandy came prikande

overtakes him, and is

And hertly to ride begane.

2832

recognised by Charles,

Kinge Charles aspyed him comande;

He commaunded to abide euery ma.

who asks him about

“What tidingges?” quod the kinge to Richarde,

the others. Richard

“Howe fare my felowes alle?”

2836

tells the king, how

“My lorde” he saide “god wote, ful harde,

they are besieged

For thai be byseged with-in ston-walle,

within the castle,

Abydynge youre helpe and you socou,

and are waiting for

As men þat haue grete nede.

2840

his assistance.

For Ihesues loue, kinge of honou,

Thiderward ye yo spede!”

Charles, vowing

“O Genelyne” quod the kinge,

vengeance on

“Nowe knowe I thy treso,

2844

[leaf 71] Genelyn,

I shalle the qwite, be seynte Fremounde,

‹p082› CHARLES MARCHES TO AGREMORE.

Wha this viage is do.”

The kinge turned him agey,

turned and marched to

And alle his Ooste him witħ,

2848

Agremore.

Towarde Mountrible certeyne.

And[178] graunte him gree and grith!

Richarde him tolde of that place,

Howe stronge it was I-holde

2852

Richard informed him

With a geaunte foule of face,

of the giant, who

The brigge hath chayned many folde;

kept the bridge,

The River was both depe and brode,

Ther myght no ma over-ryde.

2856

and how he had passed

“The last tyme that I over-rode,

the river by a

By myracle I passed þat tide.

miracle.

Therfore sir, I shal yo telle,

Howe ye mote governe yo here.

2860

In yonde wode ye moste dwelle

He proposed a plan,

Priuely in this mane,

that 12 knights

And xij of vs shalle vs araye

disguised as

In gyse of stronge marchauntes,

2864

merchants, with

And fille oure somers withe fog and haye,

To passe the brigge Currauntes.

We shalle be armed vnder the cote

their arms hidden

With goode swerdes wele I-gyrde,

2868

under their clothes,

We moste paye tribute, wele I wote,

should pay the toll,

And elles over we may not sterte.

and the bridge being

But wha the chaynes be lete dow

let down,

Ouer ther for to passe,

2872

Than wole I, þat ye come o,

In haste to that same place.

Wha I see tyme for to come,

Tha shalle I my horne blowe.

2876

should blow a horn

Loke, ye be redy alle and some,

as a signal for the

For that sha ye welle knowe.”

others to approach.

Forth thay wente in þat araye

They start and arrive

To Mountrible, that Cite.

2880

at Mantrible.

‹p083› THE BRIDGEWARD OF MANTRIBLE REFUSES TO LET THEM PASS.

Alagolofu to he gan seye,

Alagolafre asks

“Felawes, wheder wole ye?”

whither they are

Richarde spake to the geaunte

going.

And saide “towarde the Sowdo,

2884

Richard says, they

With dyu[e]rs chaffe as trewe marchaunte,

are merchants on

We purpose for to goo,

their way to the

To shewen him of pellu and Gryse,[179]

Soudan,

Orfrays of Perse Imperyalle,

2888

[leaf 72]

We wole the yefe tribute of assaye

and they are willing

To passe by lycence in especya.”

to pay the toll.

“Licence gete ye noo of me,[180]

Alagolafre refuses to

I am charged that noone sha passe,

2892

let them pass, and

For x lurdeyns of Fraunce were he;

tells them about the

God yefe hem evell grace!

10 knights, who had

Thay passed this way to Egramou;

passed there and done

Thay haue done the Sowdo grete tene,

2896

so much mischief to

Thay have wonne his toure and his tresou,

the Soudan;

And yet holde thai it, I wene.

Wherfo, felawes, I arest yo alle,

therefore he will

Tille I knowe, what þat ye bene.”

2900

arrest them all.

Sire Focarde brayde oute his swerde witħ-alle,

Sir Focard draws his

Wel sore he gan to tene

sword and

And saide “fye o the Sarasyne!

For alle thy grete harde hede

2904

Shaltow never drinke water ner wyne,

By god! thou shalte be dede.”

He smote at him witħ egre chere

smites at him.

But he gafe thereof right nought.

2908

“Alas” quod Richard “thou combrest vs he,

By god, that me de hatħ boghte.”

The cheynes yet we alle faste,

The geaunte wexe nere wode,

2912

Richard blewe his horne in haste,

Richard blows his

That was both shrille and goode.

horn, and Charles

Kinge Charles hied him anoo

advances.

‹p084› ALAGOLAFRE AND BARROCK ARE SLAIN.

Towarde the brigge so longe;

2916

The Geaunte faught with he alone,

He was so harde and stronge.

With a Clo of a Oke he faugħt,

Alagolafre fights

That was wele bound with stele.

2920

them with a great oak

He slough al þat eve he raugħt,

club.

So stronge was his dinte to dele.

Richard seizes a bar

Richard raught him witħ a bar of bras,

of brass and knocks

That he caught at the gate.

2924

him down.

He brake his legges, he cryed “alas”

And felle alle che-mate.

Loude tha ga he to yelle;

Thay herde him yelle througħ þat Cite,

2928

Like the grete develle of helle,

And saide “Mahounde, nowe helpe me!”

[leaf 73]

iiij men him caught the,

4 men get hold of him

So hevy he was and longe,

2932

and throw him into

And cast him ouer in-to the rive.

the river.

Chese he, whither[181] he wolde swymme or gon!

They loosened the

Anoo thay brast the Chaynes alle,

chains;

That ouer the brigge were I-drawe.

2936

The Saresyns ronne to the walle,

but, the Saracens

Many Criste men were the I-slawe.

assembling on the

Than came forth Dam barro, the bolde,

walls of the city,

With a sithe large and kene,

2940

many Christians were

And mewe a-dow as þikke as shepe in folde,

slain. Alagolafre’s

That came byforne hir by-dene.

wife, Barrock the

This Barro was a geaunesse,

giantess, comes on

And wife she was to Astragote,

2944

with her scythe and

She did the Criste grete distresse,

mows down all whom

She felled downe alle þat she smote.

she meets.

There durst no man hire sithe abyde,

She grenned like a develle of helle.

2948

Kinge Charles with a quarel þat tide

Charles dashes out

Smote hir, that she lowde ga yelle,

her brains,

‹p085› CHARLES IS SHUT IN IN THE TOWN.

Euer[182] the founte througħ-oute the bray;

That cursede fende fille dow dede.

2952

Many a man hade she there slay,

Might she never aftyr ete more brede!

Charles entred in the firste warde

and with 15 knights

With xv knightis and no moo;

2956

enters the outer gate

Of hym his oste toke no garde,

of the town,

He wende his oste hade entred also.

thinking his army

The Sarysyns ronne to the gate,

would follow him.

And shet it wonder faste.

2960

But the gate was

Charles me come to late;

instantly closed upon

Tho was Charles sore agaste.

him, and his men came

Betwene two wardes he was shit,

too late.

Defende he him if he ca!

2964

The Sarysyns with him thay mette,

Charles was in great

Grete parel was he in tha.

danger;

Tho Genelyne saie, the kinge was inne

but Genelyn, seeing

And the yates faste I-stoke,

2968

him shut in,

Ther myght no ma to him wynne,

So was he faste witħ-inne I-loke,

To his frendes he gan speke

And saide “the kinge is dede,

2973

[leaf 74] exclaimed

And alle xij peres eke.

that the king and

On peyne” said he “to lese myn hede,

the 12 peers were

Let vs hye to Fraunce warde!

dead, and proposed to

For I wele be crownede kinge,

2976

retire, as he wished

I shalle yo alle wele rewarde,

to be king himself.

For I wole spare for no thinge.”

Anoo thay assented to Genelyne,

Thay saugh, ther was no better rede.

2980

The Frenssh me drewe he al ayene,

They are going to

Thay wende the kinge hade bene dedde.

return,

Tho Ferumbras witħ his meyne tha

but Ferumbras

Came for to seke the kinge,

2984

And saugh hem turne euery ma;

‹p086› CHARLES IS RESCUED BY FERUMBRAS.

Him thought, it was a wondir thin.

“Where is the kinge?” quod Ferumbras.

Quod Genelyne “with-in the walle,

2988

Shaltowe neue more see his face!”

“God gyf the a yvel falle!

Turne agayne, tho traytoure!

calls him a traitour,

And helpe to reskowe thy lorde.

2992

And ye, sires, alle for you honou!”

rallies the French,

Thay turned agayne with that worde.

Ferumbras with axe in honde,

and with his axe

Myghtyly brake up the gate,

2996

bursts open the gate.

Ther myght laste him noo yro bonde,

He hade ne-honde I-come to late.

The kinge hadde fought so longe witħ-ynne,

That onnethe myght he no more.

3000

Many ther were aboute him,

His me were wounded ful sore.

Ferumbras came with gode spede,

He made the Sarasyns to fle.

3004

He chased the

He reskowed the kinge at his nede,

Saracens and rescued

XL Sarasyns sone killed he.

the king.

Thai ronnen a-weye by every side,

Thai durste nowhe rowte.

3008

In shorte tyme was falled her pride,

Thay caught many a sore cloute.

That Cite was wonne that same daye,

Mantrible is taken,

And every tou ther-ynne

3012

Of Mountreble, þat was so gaye,

For alle he soubtile gynne,

[leaf 75]

Fulle of tresou and richesse,

with all its engines

Of Siluer and goolde and per,

3016

and treasures.

And clothes of goolde, wroght of Saresynes,

Of riche aray and roialte.

Richard found 2

Richarde, Duke of Normandy,

children of 7 months

Founde ij Children of .vij. monþes oolde,[183]

3020

old and

‹p087› HE HURRIES ON TO AGREMORE.

xiiij fote longe we thay,

4 feet high.

Thay we Barrakes sonnes so boolde;

They were sons of

Bygote thay we of Astragot.

Barrock, begotten by

Grete joye the kinge of hem hade.

3024

Astragot.

Hethe thay we botħ, wele I wote,

Therfore he to be cristenede he bade.

Charles caused them

He called þat one of hem Roulande,

to be baptized, and

And that other he cleped Olyue:

3028

called the one Roland

“For thai shalle be myghty men of honde.”

and the other Oliver.

To kepe hem, he was fulle chere.

Thay myght not leve, her Dam was dede;

But they soon died

Thai coude not kepe hem fortħ.

3032

Thai wolde neyþer ete butter nere brede,

Ner no me[184] was to hem worthe.

He Dammes mylke they lakked the,

for want of their

Thay deyden for defaute of here dam.

3036

mother’s milk.

Kinge Charles made hevy che,

And a sory ma was than.

The kinge lete ordeyne anoo,

The Cite to be gouerne

3040

Of the worthyest of he ycho,

That weren of wer best lerne.

Duke Richarde of Normandy,

The king appoints

He was made chief gouernou;

3044

Richard governor of

And ij C with him in hys company

the city,

To kepe the brigge and tou.

Fortħ he rode to laba tha,

and hurries on

With his Ooste and Si Ferumbras.

3048

to Agremore with

A spye to the Sowdo fast ran

his army and with

And tolde him al that cas,

Ferumbras.

How Charles was come with his ost,

And Mountrible hade he wonne,

3052

“Alagolofur slay is for alle his bost,

This game was evel bego.”

Whane laban herde of his comynge,

‹p088› FLORIPAS RECOGNISES THE FRENCH BANNER.

Him thought his herte gan breke.

3056

“Shalle I never be withoute moornynge,

[leaf 76]

Tille I of him be wreke.”

He commaunded to blowe his Claryons

To assemble alle his Ooste.

3060

His counsaile to him he lete calle

And tolde, how kinge Charles was in þat coost,

Laban, being told by

Hadde wonne Mountrible and slay his men

a spy that his city

“And dishirytħ to disheryte me,

3064

was taken and the

And proudely manessith me to flee,

bridge-ward killed,

Or drive me oute of this contre.

Me mervaylythe moch of his pride.

By Mahounde, moost of mygħt!

3068

Ye and my sone withe him doth ride,

To the develle I hem bedigħt.

But I be venget of hem both

swears to avenge him.

And honge he on a tree,

3072

To myghty Mahounde I make myne othe,

Shalle I never Joyfulle be.

Therfore I charge yo in alle wyse

He calls a council,

That thay be taken or slay.

3076

and charges his

Thane shalle I pynne heme at my gyse

barons to take

And do hem alle qwike be flay.”

Charles alive that

On the morowe, whan it was day,

he might flay him.

Kinge Charles was in the felde,

3080

Charles approaches.

Byfore Agremou in riche aray

On stede witħ spe and sheelde.

Floripe lay on the tou o hye

Floripas first

And knewe the bane of Fraunce.

3084

recognises the banner

To Roulande she gan faste crye

of France

Tidynges of goode chaunce:

“Kinge Charles is comen and Ferumbras,

and tells the others.

Here baners botħ I do see,

3088

With alle her oste yonde in þat place;

Welcome to vs thay alle be.”

Roulande and Olyuere

‹p089› CHARLES DISMOUNTS LABAN AND LEADS HIM TO AGREMORE.

Arayed hem for to ride;

3092

Roland and all his

And here felawes alle in fe,

companions sally

To Charles thay go that tyde.

forth to meet

Laban come forth with his mayne,

Charlemagne. Laban

Saresyns, that were ful felle,

3096

draws up all his

Turkes, Indens, and Arabye

people

Ye and of the Ethiopes like the develes of helle.

There were stronge wardes sette

[leaf 77]

By ordynaunce of dyuers batayle.

3100

in battle-order.

Whan thay to geder were met,

Eythir othir sore ga assayle.

Ther were Saresyns al to-hewe;

The French make a

Roulande sloughe many one.

3104

great slaughter of

Thay lay so thikke dede on rewe,

the Saracens.

That onneþe myghte men ride or goo.

Kinge Charles met with Laba

Charles encounters

And bare him dow of his stede,

3108

the Soudan, unhorses

He lighted dow and ceased him tha,

him,

He thought to qwite him his mede.

He brayde oute Mowjoye wytħ gode wille

And wolde have smeten of his hede,

3112

and would have cut

Ferumbras prayde him to abyde stille,

To cryste him, er he we dede.

off his head, but

The Saresyns saughe Laban take,

for Ferumbras, who

Thay fledde away fulle faste.

3116

requested that

Lenger durste thay no maistryes make,

his father might

Thai were so sore agaste.

be baptized. The

The Criste hem chased to and fro,

Saracens, seeing

As a grehounde doth the hare.

3120

Laban a prisoner,

.iij. c. ascaped with moche woo,

fly; but the

To Belmore gan thay fa.

Christians pursue

Kinge Charles ladde Laba

them. 300 escaped to

In-to Agremou Cite.

3124

Belmarine. Charles

And wha þat he the came

leads Laban to

A ful sory man was he.

Agremore. Floripas

His doghter welcomed him

welcomes her father,

‹p090› FLORIPAS BRINGS OUT THE SACRED RELICS.

With right gode che.[185]

3128

He loked on hir al grymme,

but he is enraged at

As he wode wroth we,

seeing her.

And saide “fye on the, stronge hore,

Mahounde confounde the!”

3132

Charles saide “here-of no more,

But let us nowe mery be!”—

“Sir” she saide thanne,

She then bids

“Welcome ye be into this tou!

3136

Charlemagne welcome,

Here I presente to you, as I can,

and presents the holy

Relikes of grete honou,

relics to him.

That were at Rome I-wonne

And broght into this halle.

3140

That game was evel bygonne,

It sithen rewed us alle.”

[leaf 78]

Kinge Charles kneled adow

To kisse the Relikes so goode,

3144

Charles kisses them,

And badde the a oryso

and says a prayer;

To that lorde, þat deyde o rode.

he then thanks

And þanked Floripe witħ al his herte,

Floripas for her

That she hade saued his meyne

3148

assistance to his

And holpe hem oute of peynes smerte

knights, and for

And kepte the Relekes so fre.

having preserved the

Kinge Charles did calle bisshope Turpy

precious relics. He

And bade him ordeyne a grete fat,

3152

orders Turpin to

To baptyse the Sowdo yne;

prepare a vessel,

“And loke what he shalle hat.

wherein to baptize

Unarme him faste and bringe him ne,

the Soudan

I shal his godfader be.

3156

Fille it fulle of wate cle,

For Baptysed shalle he be.

Make him naked as a Childe,

He moste plunge ther-inne.

3160

For now most he be meke and mylde,

and to wash off his

And I-wassh awaye his synne.”

sin in the water.

‹p091› LABAN IS SLAIN, AND FLORIPAS WEDDED TO GUY.

Turpyn toke him by the honde

Turpin leads Laban to

And ladde him to the fonte.

3164

the font,

He smote the bisshope witħ a bronde

but the Soudan

And gaf him an evel bronte.

strikes at him,

He spitted in the water cle

spits on the vessel,

And cryed oute on hem alle,

3168

utters invectives

And defied alle þat criste we.

against all

That foule mote him by-falle!

Christians,

“Ye and tho, hore serpentyne,

And that fals cursed Ferumbras,

3172

and curses Ferumbras.

Mahounde gyfe hem botħ evel endyn,

And almyghty Sathanas!

By you came all my sorowe,

And al my tresure for-lorne.

3176

Honged be ye both er tomorowe!

In cursed tyme were ye bor.”

Ferumbras saide to the kinge,

“Sir, ye see, it wole not be,

3180

Lete him take his endynge,

For he loueth not Cristyante.”

“Duke Neymes” quod Charles tho,

Charles commands

“Loke þat execucio be do,

3184

Naymes to cut off his

Smyte of his hedde! god gyfe him woo!

head. [leaf 79]

And goo we to mete anoone.”

It was done as the kinge commaunde,

He is executed; his

His soule was fet to helle,

3188

soul goes to hell,

To daunse in þat sory lande

there to dance with

With develes, þat we ful felle.

devils.

Dame Florip was Baptysed tha

And here maydyns alle,

3192

Floripas was baptized

And to Sir Gye I-maryed.

with all her maidens,

The Barons honoured hir alle.

and wedded to Guy.

Alle the londe of Spayne

Charles divided Spain

Kinge Charles gyfe he two,

3196

between Guy and

To departe bitwyxt hem twayne,

Ferumbras,

Ferumbras and G also.

‹p092› CHARLES RETURNS TO FRANCE.

And so thay livede in ioye and game,

And brether both thay we,

3200

In pees and wer both I-same,

The durste no ma hem de.

Kinge Charles turned home agay

Towarde his contre,

3204

He charged Sir Brye of Bretayne

and charges Sir Bryer

His tresoure for to be:

of Bretayne to take

To kepe the Relikes of grete pris

care of the relics,

And his other tresou,

3208

and to bring all his

And bringe hem safe to Parys,

treasure to Paris.

There to a-bide in store.

He saide “farewell, Sir Ferumbras,

Ye and Gye, my dere frende!

3212

After taking leave of

And thy wyf Dame Floripas!

Guy and Floripas,

For to Fraunce nowe wole I wende.

Be ye togeder as breth[e]r botħ!

No ma ye neditħ to drede,

3216

Be ye nevere to-gedere wrotħ,

But eyther helpe othir at his nede.

Vysityth me, wha ye haue space;

In-to Fraunce makitħ your disporte,

3220

God wole you sende the better grace,

In age to do me comforte.”

Thai toke leve of the kinge,

With ful hevy che,

3224

And turned agay botħ mornynge,

With wepynge water cle.

Kinge Charles with the victory

he sails to Mounpeler,

Sailed to Mounpeleres,

3228

And thanked almyghty god in glorye,

[leaf 80] where he

That he hade saued his Dosiperes,

thanks God for the

And fende him of the Saresynes

victory,

The hyer honde to have,

3232

For alle here strenghe[186] and he Engynes

‹p093› GENELYN IS HANGED AT PARIS.

The Relikes of Rome to saue.

and for the relics.

At oure lady of Parys

He presents the

He offred the Crosse so fre;

3236

cross to Paris, the

The Crow he offred at seynte Denyse,

Crown to St. Denis,

At Boloyne the nayles thre.

the three nails to

Alle his Barons of him we gladd,

Boulogne.

Thai gafe him grete presente.

3240

For he so wele hade I-spedde,

Thay did him grete reuerence.

Charles well

The kinge hade wel in mynde

remembered the

The tresone of Genelyne,

3244

treachery of Genelyn,

Anoo for him he dide sende

To yefe him an evel fyne:

“Thou traitour unkynde” quod the kynge,

“Remembrist tho not how ofte

3248

Thou hast me betrayed, þou fals Genelyne?

Therfore thoue shalt be honged on lofte!—

Loke that the execucio be do,

That throgh Parys he be drawe,

3252

and ordered him to be

And honged on hye on mount Fawco,

drawn and hanged at

As longeth to traytoures by lawe;

Montfaucon in Paris.

That alle men shall take hede,

What deth traytourys sha fele,

3256

That assente to such falshede,

Howe the wynde here bodyes shal kele.”

Thus Charles

Thus Charles conquered Laba,

conquered the Soudan

The Sowdo of Babyloyne,

3260

of Babylone.

That riche Rome stroyed and wa

And alle the brode londe of Spay.

[187] . . . . . .[an]d of his Barons

. . . . . . .[hi]s pride

3264

. . . . . . . .eligons

. . . . . . . .þat tyde

. . . . . . .on Charles soule

. . . . . . .s also

3268

‹p094› CONCLUSION.

. . . . . . .Peter and Poule

God lete hem never wete of woo!

[leaf 81]

But brynge here soules to goode reste!

That were so worthy in dede.

3272

And gyf vs ioye of the beste,

God give joy to all

That of here gestes rede!

who read this romance.

Here endithe the Romaunce of the Sowdon of Babyloyne and of Ferumbras his sone who conquerede Rome, And Kynge Charles off Fraunce withe xij. Dosyperes toke the Sowdon in the feelde And smote of his heede.

FOOTNOTES. ◊

89  Read: myghtes

90  MS. dōō

91  leaf worn.

92 –† See the note.

93  See the note.

94  or Ar

95  See the note.

96  See the note.

97  looks like hound.

98  Read ‘wide’

99  sic.? assaute.

100  MS. Ml

101  This line in a much later hand.

102  Read: were ordeyned

103  Estragote

104  Read: reste

105  See the note.

106  MS. Oost corrected to Cost.

107  Read: a ras.

108  See the note.

109  Read: We

110  MS. Berumbras.

111  See the note.

112  Read: ‘without faile.’

113  See the note.

114  Read: ‘a ras.’

115  MS. met.

116  See the note.

117  MS. is rubbed, but it looks more like welawai.

118  Read: ‘reliqes.’

119  A modern hand has written in the margin “Mount.”

120  See the note.

121  Insert: ‘gan.’

122  Read: ‘sone.’

123  Read: ‘lefe.’

124  Read: ‘as thenketh.’

125  Blank in MS. See the note.

126  MS. deistowe.

127  Read: ‘free.’

128  MS. ensuce.

129  See the note.

130 –† See the note.

131  Probably an error for ‘half.’

132  In the margin the Scribe adds:—‘The merci Ladi helpe.’

133  See the note.

134  Read: ‘soghten.’

135 –† See the note.

136  Read: ‘caughte.’

137  Ascopartes.

138  Miswritten for ‘bounden.’

139  ‘was.’

140  Read: ‘dirke.’

141  Read: ‘mente.’

142  Read: ‘trew.’

143  Read: ‘harme & skathe.’

144  See the note.

145  Sic in MS. Query—‘charge.’

146  Read: ‘byleven.’

147  Read: ‘reliqes.’

148  Read: ‘I dyne.’ See the note.

149  Sic in MS. Read: ‘ye.’

150 –† These two lines are written as one in the MS.

151  MS. .

152  Miswritten for ‘were’?

153  MS. strowde.

154  Read: ‘a-wapide.’

155  Read: ‘Assye.’

156  See the note.

157  These two lines are written as one in the MS.

158  See the note.

159  See the note.

160  Read: ‘lafte.’

161  See the note.

162  See the note.

163  See the note.

164  MS. mete.

165  ? I now.

166  Read: ‘went.’

167  ? Me.

168  ? ‘When.’

169  Read: ‘wende.’

170  ? ‘while.’

171  ? xj.

172  See the note.

173  MS. Gamylokes.

174  Read: ‘as armes.’

175 -† See the note.

176  MS. ‘alaye.’ See the note.

177  Read: ‘leve.’

178  Read: ‘God.’

179  Read: ‘gray.’

180  See the note.

181  ? ‘whether.’

182  Read ‘over.’

183  See the note.

184  Read: ‘mete.’

185  These two lines are written as one in the MS.

186  Read: ‘strengthe’

187  A corner of the leaf torn off.

NOTES. ◊

Page 1, line 1. myghteste, evidently an error of the scribe for myghtes, cf. ll. 1635, 1312, 3068, 2546, 1200, 2059; and Syr Ferumbras, l. 2719.

“Nov help hem þe heȝ kyng of hevene,

Þat art of miȝtes most.”

God in glorie occurs again in l. 3229; cf. the French expression Damedeu de glore; Fierabras 2332.

p. 1, l. 2. made and wroght in l. 5 are the 2nd person sing. preterite, which in all other instances in this poem ends in -est. But perhaps we might suppose a change of person here, and regard made and wroght as the third person. For examples of the change of person see Syr Ferumbras, ll. 2719, 4393, and Guy of Warwick, ed. Zupitza, l. 2324.

p. 1, l. 7. shulde to love; to before an infinitive, governed by an auxiliary verb, is pretty common in Middle English works. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, 1925.

p. 1, l. 9. ȝyfe. This is the only instance of ȝ being written in the present poem at the beginning of a word. ȝife is written if in all other passages of the poem, cf. ll. 550, 651, 763, and 1061, etc. As to the pronunciation of ȝ in the middle of a word, it is doubtful, whether it had still preserved its ancient guttural sound, or not, as the same words are written sometimes with it and sometimes without it, and are often made to rhyme with words in which ȝ or gh would be etymologically incorrect; e. g. nye, which is spelt nyȝe in l. 2284, rhymes with Gye, in l. 2657. We even find whiȝte, in l. 2289, instead of white (l. 2008: smyte). At the end of a word ȝ has the sound of s.

p. 1, l. 13. idoone. The prefix i-, O.E. ge-, sometimes occurs in this poem, but more frequently it is not written; see Introduction, p. xxxviii.

p. 1, l. 14. cf. l. 2516.—ll. 1–14 may be said to contain the moral of the whole poem, which we know the romance writers to be very fond of placing at the beginning of their works. “La moralité de tout un poème,” says Léon Gautier, in his Epopées Françaises, I. 233, “est quelquefois exprimée dans ses premiers vers.” ‹p096›

p. 1, l. 16. moch = much (as in l. 754) is the usual spelling in this poem. We likewise find meche, l. 179, and mikille, l. 1016.

p. 1, l. 19, his refers to Rome.

p. 1, l. 22. Laban, the father of Ferumbras, is styled sowdan only in this poem, and once in the Destruction de Rome, l. 1436:

“Les noveles en vindrent al soldan diffaié.”

The French, the Provençal and the English version of Sir Ferumbras all agree to call him amyral or amirans.

p. 1, l. 24. The mention of King Louis and of the abbey of St. Denis (l. 27) seems to be an imitation of the Destruction, l. 7 et seq.:

“Le chanchon est perdue et le rime fausee,

Mais . . li rois Louis, dont l’alme est trespassee

—Ke li fache pardon la verge honoree—

Par lui et par Gautier est l’estoire aunee

Et le chanchon drescie, esprise et alumee

A saint Dynis de France premierement trovee.”

St. Denis also occurs in the beginning of the French Fierabras, l. 4:

“A Saint Denis en France fu li raules trouvés.”

Cf. besides note to l. 26. witnessith = attests, testifies; cf. Stratmann, p. 645. It occurs again in l. 1489.

p. 2, l. 25. Romaunce, the French or Romance language. We often find the authors of romances, both of translations and of imitations from the French, referring to the original; cf. Syr Eglamour of Artoys, sign. E i:

“His own mother there he wedde,

In Romaunce as we rede.”

Again, fol. ult.: “In Romaunce this cronycle is.”

[Quoted by Warton, History of English Poetry, II. 146, footnote.]

p. 2, l. 26. bokes of antiquyte. This is to be regarded as one of those frequent assertions of the authors of these poems, who in order to give more credit to their tales, thought it necessary to affirm their antiquity and celebrity in old times. Cf. Gautier, Epop. Fr., II. 87: “Il fut de bon ton d’annoncer, au commencement de chaque poème, qu’on avait trouvé la matière de ce poème dans quelque vieux manuscrit latin, dans quelque vieille chronique d’abbaye, surtout dans les manuscrits et dans les chroniques de Saint-Denis. On se donnait par là un beau vernis de véracité historique. Plus les trouvèrent ajoutaient aux chansons primitives d’affabulations ridicules, plus ils s’écriaient: ‘Nous avons trouvé tout cela dans un vieux livre.’”

p. 2, l. 27. Seinte Denyse is the genitive depending on abbey.

p. 2, l. 28. there as = where, or where that. See Koch, Englische Grammatik, II. § 511.

p. 2, l. 29. Laban. So the father of Ferumbras is called in the Destruction de Rome, where only in six passages (ll. 891, 899, 1116, 1194, 1174, 981) we find the form Balan, which is the only one used in the French Fierabras, in the Provençal version, and in the English ‹p097› Syr Ferumbras.—of hie degre; this kind of expletive occurs again in l. 100: clerk of hie degre; cf. also l. 168: king of hie honour.

p. 2, l. 31. Cristiante = the company of Christians, the countries inhabited by Christians, cf. ll. 235, 374. It signifies “the religion taught by Christ” in l. 3182. Cristiante and Christendom are used promiscuously in Middle English writers.

p. 2, l. 33. Agremare : there. The rhyme becomes perfect by reading Agremore : thore, which we find in l. 1805; cf. also l. 1003 Agremore : more (i. e. negro), and ll. 672, 775, 2140, 2895.

p. 2, l. 34. Flagot. See Index of Names, s. v. Flagot, and cf. note to l. 1723.

p. 2, l. 37. This line is too long, nevertheless it seems to be correct as it stands, clearly imitated from several passages of the Destruction de Rome.

l. 420.

“Ensamble ou li issirent xv roi corone. Et xiiii   amaceours . .”

l. 1155.

“Bien i ad xxx rois et xiiii amaceours.”

l. 689.

“xxx roi sont ou li et xiiii amaceours.”

l. 163.

“Et xiiii amaceours.”

p. 2, l. 41. hit instead of it is found again in l. 2309; in all the other instances it is spelt as in modern English.

p. 2, l. 42. pryke, to spur a horse, to excite, to spur or to stimulate. It is O.E. prician, which occurs in Ælfric’s Grammar, ed. Zupitza, p. 174 (pungo = ic pricige). This and the following line are imitated from Chaucer; cf. C.T. Prologue, ll. 10, 11, and see Introduction, p. xlvi. Kynde = naturalis, ingenuus; kynde wit = common sense. Kynde is O.E. cynde (Modern English kind).

p. 2, l. 73. frith means “forest,” or more correctly “enclosed wood.” The original sense of forest is “unenclosed wood” (see Diez, Etymol. Wörterbuch, I. 185). Stratmann, Dict. p. 228, s. v. frið, seems to be right in connecting frith with O.E. frið, freoðo = pax, tutela, saeptum. Morris, Allit. Poems, Glossary, derives it from the Gaelic frith. “frith is still used in Provincial English, meaning unused pasture-land, brushwood” (Halliwell).

p. 2, l. 45. yȝe (O.E. êagum) : flye (O.E. flêogan). With regard to the power of ȝ, see the note to l. 9, and cf. the spelling eyen in ll. 826, 1302, 2012.

p. 2, l. 46. tre may be singular (O.E. trêowe) as well as plural (O.E. trêowum).

p. 2, l. 49. The following lines (49–53) correspond with ll. 94–100 of the Destruction, which run as follows:

“Li admirals d’Espaigne s’est ales desporter

As puis sur Aigremore, avec li. M. Escler;

La fist ses ours salvages a ses hommes berser.

La veissies meint viautre, maint brachet descoupler,

Payens et Ascopars as espees jouer,

Coure par le marine et chacier maint sengler,

Maint ostour veisies et maint falcon voler.”

‹p098›

p. 2, l. 50. shope, literally “shaped:” he shope him, “he got himself ready, he planned, devised, intended.” The phrase is of frequent occurrence in Chaucer.

p. 2, l. 52. bawson, badger. For the use of badgers, see Skeat’s note to Specimens of English Literature, p. 383.

p. 2, l. 56. Alaunts, a kind of large dogs of great strength and courage, used for hunting the wolf, the bear, the boar, &c. Cf.

“Aboute his chare wente white alauntz

Twenty and mo, as grete as any stere,

To hunte at the lyoun or at the bere.”

Chaucer, ed. Morris, II. 66/1290.

According to Diez (Etymol. Wörterb., I. 12, s. v. “alano”) alaunts means “Albanian dogs.” Lymmeris, “blood-hounds.” Halliwell quotes the following passage: “A dogge engendred betwene an hounde and a mastyve, called a lymmer or a mongrell.” Lymmer is the French limier, O.Fr. liemier, which etymologically means a dog that a courser leads by a lime, i. e. a thong or leash. Lime is the same word as French lien, a leash; Latin ligamen. Lymmer is preserved in Modern English limer, a “lime-hound.”

p. 2, l. 56. Rache and brache are both retained in the modern speech; rache seems to be particularly used in Scotland. “Brache is said to signify originally a bitch hound—the feminine of rache, a foot-scenting dog” (Morris, Gawayne, Gloss. p. 89). Rache is, according to Stratmann, O.Icel. rakki; brache is O.Fr. braque, M.H.Ger. braccho. Cf. also Halliwell’s Dict. s. v. “brach.” The French racaille is etymologically connected with rache; see Diez, Etym. Wörterb., II. 407.

p. 2, l. 57. commaunde for commaunded (l. 228), formed on the same analogy as comforte (l. 2242) for comforted (ll. 312, 2117), aliȝt for alighted; gerde for girded; graunte (l. 607) for graunted, etc.

p. 2, l. 59. fere, O.E. fran (Mod. Eng. fear), is an active verb, meaning “to frighten, to terrify.” It is still found in this sense in Shakespeare.—launde : commaunde. The very same rhyme occurs again in l. 3189, where launde is spelt lande. The rhyme need not cause any difficulty, cf. Guy, p. xi. κ. Or must launde be taken here for lande = saltus? Cf. Morris, Gloss. to Allit. Poems, s. v. launde.

p. 3, l. 62. set, means “seat, sedes”; O.Icel. set, O.H.G. sez, M.H.G. sitz. This stanza as it stands seems to be incorrect, there being no rhyme to sete; possibly a line has been lost after l. 63.

p. 3, l. 67. The subject of the sentence is wanting. For more instances see Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 10. It is to be observed that for the most part the subject wanting is of the same person as the object of the preceding sentence.—he was god and trew of divers langages = “he well knew, understood them perfectly.”

p. 3, l. 68. dromonde : poundis. Read dromounde (which occurs l. 125): pounde (see l. 2336). ‹p099›

p. 3, l. 69. We find fro and from in this poem. Both belong to the Midland dialect. Fro is confirmed by the rhyme fro : so (l. 2760). It is derived from the Scandinavian fra; Mod. Eng. has retained it in “froward,” and in the phrase “to and fro.” The same word enters as a prefix into composition in O.E. compounds, as fr-ettan, etc. Babyloyne, the author pronounced Babyloyne as well as Babylone (either rhyming, cf. ll. 30, 3260).

p. 3, l. 74. qweynte, “famous, excellent,” cf. Skeat, Etymol. Dict. p. 482, s. v. quaint. for the nones, “for the nonce, for the occasion.” Cf. Zupitza’s note to Guy, 612; it is often used as a kind of expletive.

p. 3, l. 75. to presente you. The Destruction de Rome has: “vous quidai presenter.”

p. 3, l. 76. French: “Uns vens nous fist à Rome parmi le far sigler.” Destr. l. 120.

p. 3, l. 77. Cf. Destr. ll. 115–16. See Introduction, p. xxiii.

p. 3, l. 78. About the rhyme Rome : one, see Introduction, p. xliii.

p. 3, l. 79. bygone, “afflicted, pressed hard;” literally it means, “overrun, covered.” Cf. Shakespeare, Julius Caesar:

“Even such a one,

So pale, so spiritless, and woe-begone.”

p. 3, l. 82. vilane : remedye. Read vilanye, as in l. 2577, where it rhymes with Gye, see Introduction, p. xliv, and Ellis, Pronunciation, I. 271.

p. 3, l. 83. colde, used here and in l. 91 in nearly the same sense as in the expressions collected by Zupitza, in his note to Guy, 1149.

p. 3, l. 84. tithynge. So with th in ll. 1787, 714, 783; in ll. 65, 91, 149, 324, etc., we read tidinge. There are several instances where d and th in the middle of a word seem to be promiscuously used in this poem; as hithire l. 1265, hider 1869 (cf. also dogdir 2580, and doghter 96, 124, etc.).

p. 3, l. 86. Mahounde, Appolyn and Termagant are the principal deities (cf. ll. 2105, 2177, 2761) of the Mahometans, who were considered as pagans = payens (ll. 535, 1040) or paynym (ll. 539, 866, etc.). Other idols of the Saracens are mentioned in ll. 2761–2 of the Sowdone. Compare also Gautier’s note to l. 8, of his Edition critique de la Chanson de Roland, and Skeat, Prioress’s Tale (Clarendon P.S.), 161/2000.

p. 3, l. 88. theyme instead of hem occurs only three times in the poem (ll. 88, 1237, 2787). There must be some corruption here, as there is no rhyme to theym. The last stanza ends at l. 87, and the next one begins at l. 89. As far as the sense is concerned we could easily do without this line; it ought perhaps to be regarded as spurious.

p. 3, l. 93. Ferumbras is spelt differently in the different versions of the romance. In the Sowdan we always find Ferumbras, in the Ashmole MS. Ferumbras and Fyrumbras. He is called Fierabras in the French ‹p100› Ferabras in the Provençal version; the Destruction has Fierabras, but more frequently Fierenbras. In Caxton’s Life of Charles the Great his name is Fyerabras, Skelton has Pherumbras, Lyndsay Pharambras, and in Barbour’s Bruce we read Ferambrace; see Introduction, pp. xxv and xxxii.

p. 4, l. 99. Oliborn. This name does not occur in any other version of this poem. The same is the case with regard to Espiard, l. 103. None of the French versions gives any name to the Soudan’s messenger. In the Ashmole MS. l. 3823, the messenger is called Malyngryas.

p. 4, l. 102. Assye = Asia. This name does not occur in the other versions of the poem; cf. note to l. 1000.

p. 4, l. 103. Cf. the Destruction, l. 202:

“Par tote la terre sont li baron mande”

ferre and nere, cf. ll. 117, 996, and the note to l. 528 of Syr Ferumbras.

p. 4, l. 104. frike, “quick, bold,” O.E. frec. See Stratmann, Dictionary, p. 225.

p. 4, l. 108. Þon. Compare Introduction, p. xxxvii.

p. 4, l. 109. The passage is not clear. Perhaps there is some corruption here and we ought to read: anon rowte, “assembled quickly, immediately”; rowte would then be the preterite formed on the analogy of lighte, graunte, commaunde, etc. See Introduction, p. xxxviii.

p. 4, l. 110. Destruction, l. 217:

“Par C fois M payen.”

p. 4, l. 112. douȝte : route. See Introduction, p. xliv, and note to l. 9.

p. 4, l. 113. Lucafer is the name of the Saracen King in all the versions of this romance but in the French one, where with the single exception of one passage (l. 2242 Lucafer), he is always called Lucifer, cf. Introd. p. xx.

p. 4, l. 114. lorde and governoure. This repetition of the same idea by two synonymous words, the one of English and the other of French origin, is very common in M.E. writers. Thus we read in this poem, l. 2164 lorde and sire, l. 225 serchid and sought, ll. 3199, 1936 joye and game, l. 742 wel and fine.

p. 4, l. 118. A carrik was a kind of large ship, called caraca in Italian, carraca in Spanish and Portuguese, carraque in French, kraecke in Dutch. The etymology is not clear. See Diez, Etymol. Wörterb., I. 112. Halliwell has ‘carrack, a Spanish galleon. Sometimes English vessels of great value and size were so called.’

p. 4, l. 119. Destruction, l. 385:

“Par vii fois sont C mil, si l’estoire ne ment.”

p. 4, l. 124. his faire daughter Floripas. Floripas is described as follows in the Destruction, ll. 252–262:

“Aitant es vous la bele ou il n’out qu’enseignier

Vestue d’un diapre, onke ne vi tant chier, ‹p101›

Ses crins sur ses epaules plus lusoient d’or mier,

Sa char out bele et blanke plus que noifs en fevrier,

Les oes avoit plus noirs que falcon montenier,

Et le colour vermaile con rose de rosier,

La bouche bien seant et douce pour baisier,

Et les levres vermailes come flour de peskier;

Les mameles out dures com pomme de pomnier,

Plus sont blanches que noifs que chiet apres fevrier;

Nuls hom ne porroit ja sa grant bealte preisier.”

Compare also the French Fierabras, ll. 2007, et seq.

p. 4, l. 128. This line is clearly imitated from the Destruction, ll. 331–2:

“En sa main .i. baston que contremont bailie,

Et manace François pour faire les loye.”

Cf. Introduction, p. xxiii.

p. 5, l. 131. breddes, “birds”; l and r very often change their place in a word. Thus we find worlde and wrolde, crafti and carfti, etc.

p. 5, l. 132. sowdon and sowdan are used promiscuously in the rhymes.

p. 5, l. 146. Destruction, ll. 445–6:

“N’i remeigne chastels, dongeons ne fermete

Moustiers ne abbeie que ne soit embrase.”

p. 5, l. 150. Compare the Destruction, ll. 503–4:

“L’apostoile de Rome ad la novele oie

Ke payen sont venu els plains de Romanie.”

p. 5, l. 157. unknowne makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read yknowne or not unknowne. In the Destruction, ll. 509–513—

“Seignours, ke le feromes, franke gent segnorie?

Li admirals d’Espaigne a no terre seisie;

Il en ont ja gastee une moult grant partie:

Au bref terme serra ceste terre exillie;

Qui bon consail saura vienge avant si nous die.”

p. 5, l. 160. unneth, O.E. unêaðe, “uneasily, scarcely.” Chaucer has unnethë, the final e being almost always sounded. See Introduction, p. xxxix.

p. 5, l. 163. gydoure evidently means “guide, conductor, commander.”

p. 5, l. 164. houne = hounde. On the elition of final d, see Skeat, Specimens of Early English, 320/261, and Preface to Havelok, p. xxxvii.

p. 5, l. 165. Ifreȝ. There is no person of this name in any other version. Perhaps this Ifres may be identical with Jeffroi, mentioned as a senator of Rome in the Destruction (ll. 1122, 1139, 1367).

p. 6, l. 170. About the phrase “douce France” compare Léon Gautier’s note to l. 15 of his Edition critique de la Chanson de Roland.

p. 6, l. 171. Savaris. The author has found this name in the Destruction, l. 540.

p. 6, l. 173. Kinge : thinge. In my dissertation on the language and the sources of the Sowdan of Babylon, p. 4, bottom, I have shown ‹p102› that i or y, which corresponds to O.E. y, the umlaut of u, rhymed with original i in this poem, which proves that the author wrote in the East Midland dialect. But among the examples collected there (p. 5), I ought not to have cited kinge, because this word is not peculiar to the East Midland speech, but occurs with the same form in all dialects. See Introduction, p. xxxv.

p. 6, ll. 175–6 are imitated from the Destruction, ll. 546–7. See Introduction, p. xxiii.

p. 6, l. 176. ner, the common form for nor (267, 1633) in this poem. “Polaynes are knee-pieces in a suit of armour. This term for genouilleres is found in the household book of Edward I.” (Morris, Glossary on Sir Gawayne, s. v. polaynes).

p. 6, l. 181. tyte, “soon, quick.” The editor of the Roxburghe Club edition of the Sowdan curiously confounds tyte with tightly = “adroitly,” occurring in Shakespeare, Merry Wives, I. 3. Tyte is derived from O.Icel. tîðr, “creber,” the neuter of which tîtt, used adverbially means “crebro, celeriter.” See Stratmann, p. 561, s. v. tîd.

p. 6, l. 189. Chek = “cotton, linen or woollen cloths, woven or printed in checkers.” (Latham, Dictionary, 1876.)

p. 6, l. 191. A line seems to be wanting here. There is no rhyme to displayed.

p. 6, l. 201. randon, “rapidity, force.” About the etymology see Diez, Etym. Wörterbuch, I. 342, and Skeat, Etym. Dict.

p. 7, l. 202. than seems to be an error for thay.

p. 7, l. 214. Sarysyns. There are several spellings of the name of this people in the poem: Sarsyns, Sarsenys, Sarisyns, Sarasyns.

p. 7, l. 222. that day occurs again in l. 223. The author probably only wrote it once; the repetition is most likely due to the scribe.

p. 7, l. 224. The following lines are imitated from the Destruction, ll. 613–619; see Introduction, p. xxiii.

p. 7, l. 228. The French text (Destruction, l. 624) has:

“Maintenant soient tot occis et descoupe.

Ne voil que mi serjant en soient encombre.”

p. 8, l. 247. The original meaning of brayde is “start, blow,” but this makes no sense here, nor can it mean “a boast,” as the editor of the Roxburghe Club edition explains it. But Mid. Eng. brayde, as well as O.E. brægd or bregd, often signifies “deceit, craft, a cunning trick, a fraudulous contrivance, a stratagem or artifice.” See Mätzner’s Wörterb. and Halliwell’s Dict. This, I think, is also the meaning of brayde in l. 247. Floripas has been engaged to Lukafer who had promised the Soudan, her father, to bring the emperor Charlemagne and all his twelve peers to the foot of his throne, in return for the hand of his daughter. Floripas, not at all enamoured of the king of Baldas, but obeying the will of her father, said she would only agree to ‹p103› accept him when he had fulfilled these conditions. But she does not believe that Laban thinks of ever fulfilling them, she is persuaded that those words, those promises made by Laban, are only a brayde, i. e. a stratagem or artifice devised by him in the hope of winning her hand before the performance of his promise. This signification of braide has been retained in the Mod. Eng. adjective braid, “crafty, deceitful.”

p. 8, l. 257. The Ethiopes, “Ethiopians,” are not mentioned in the other versions of this romance. On the rhyme Aufricanes : stones cf. Introduction, p. xxxv.

p. 9, l. 278. Destruction, l. 908:

“Sortibrans a mande Mabon l’engineor.”

p. 9, l. 283. depe : tyde. The rhyme becomes perfect if we read wide instead of depe.

p. 9, l. 286. French text gives, l. 934:

“Si emplirons les fossés.”

p. 9, l. 289. Cf. Destruction, l. 627. “Mahon te benoie,” and l. 925, “Mahon te doint honour.”

p. 9, l. 293. Men myght go even to the walle, compare the Destruction, l. 918:

“K’om poet aler al mure.”

and l. 958:

“K’om pooit bien au mur et venir et aler.”

p. 9, l. 295. assaile, evidently a mistake. Read assaute, as in l. 2205.

p. 9, l. 298. shour, “fight, attack.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 9206. sharpe shoures, as in the Destruction of Troy, l. 5804, “sharp was the shoure.” Cf. also l. 950 of this poem, “bataile was sharpe.”

p. 9, l. 300. stones thai bare, etc. Destruction, l. 967:

“Ces dedens ou grans pieres firent grant lapide.”

p. 9, l. 303. French text gives (l. 975):

“Maintes pieres del mur ont contreval rue.”

p. 9, l. 306. In the Destruction, l. 977:

“L’asalt dureit cel jour jusque a la nutee.”

p. 9, l. 307. French: “Payen se sont retrait.” Destruction, l. 979.

p. 10, l. 311. For tyde : chidde see Introduction, p. xliii.

p. 10, l. 312.

“Lucafer li traitre traison ad pense,

Qu’il se contrefera les armes del cite;

Et tote si pense sont a Labam demonstre.

‘Sire admirail d’Espaigne,’ ceo dist li diffaies,

‘La cite est moult fors, et François sont doute;

Ils defendront le mur, ja mais n’iert entre,

Que par une voidie que jeo ai porpense.

Il ad dedens un conte de mult grant crualte,

Savaris ad a non, est de grant parente;

Chescon jour il s’en ist, s’est oue nous melle,

De la gent dieffae, mainte teste a coupe.”

—Destr., ll. 986–96.

‹p104›

p. 10, l. 317. Destruction, l. 997.

“J’ai bien conu ses armes et les ai avise.”

p. 10, l. 331. Destruction, l. 1011:

“Tantost le mestre porte aurons moult bien ferme.”

p. 10, l. 332. Destruction, l. 1057:

“Mais tot le premier bail ont Sarrasin poeple.”

p. 10, l. 336. discumfiture, “defeat.” See below, note to l. 1320.

p. 10, l. 339. ryme, “to speak loudly, to cry.” O.E. hrêman or hrŷman. See Stratmann, p. 322.

p. 10, l. 340. French text (l. 1063):

“De V. M. ne remendrent que iiiC sans fausser.”

See note to l. 67.

p. 10, l. 341. twelfe : selve; f and v very often stand for one another, see Introduction on p. xliii.

p. 10, l. 344. shite : mette. See Ellis, Pronunc., I. 272, and Introduction, on p. xliv. Cf. also ll. 2054, 2963, 2960. by than = then; see Mätzner’s Wörterb. p. 217(2).

p. 11, l. 346. Estragot or Astragot. This name is not to be found in the other versions, it only occurs in the Sowdan and in the Destruction; cf. Destr. l. 1090–4:

“Estragot le poursuit uns geans diffaies

·      ·      ·      ·      ·      ·      ·      ·

Teste avoit com senglers, si fu rois corones.

El main tient .i. mace de fin ascier trempe,

Un coup a Savaris desur le chef done.”

p. 11, l. 360. French text reads:

“Et la novele en ont l’apostoile conté.”

—Destr. l. 1101.

p. 11, l. 363. consaile : slayne. See Introduction, p. xliii.

p. 11, l. 364. See above, l. 78.

p. 11, l. 368. erille is not derived from the Erse, as the editor of the Roxburghe Club edition supposes. It is simply another spelling for erle, which occurs in l. 1986. O.E. eorl, Mod. Eng. earl.

p. 11, l. 369. There must be a gap of some lines here; between this and the following line a space has been left of about the width of one line; l. 370 is written in a much later hand.

p. 11, l. 376. lettres translates the French “li brief” (Destr. l. 1121), in haste = French “isnelement” (Destr. l. 1119).

p. 11, l. 377. we ordeyne makes no sense. Read were ordeyned, as in l. 2396. Cf. the Destruction, l. 1133:

“Tot troi sont coiement de la cite hastés.”

p. 12, l. 379. at a posterne. On the posterns compare Skeat, Spec. of Eng. Literature, 359, 165.

p. 12, l. 380. aboute mydnyghte. French: “Tote la nuit alerent ou la lune clarté.” Destr. l. 1136. ‹p105›

p. 12, l. 394. honde of honde, “hand to hand.”—In the Glossary of the Roxburghe Club ed. we read: “Cast. Wherewithal to throw.” This is the sense of cast in l. 2471; but it occurs with two other meanings. In l. 394 cast signifies “device, plot, intention,” as often elsewhere. In ll. 460, 2091, 2099, 2467, 2603, 2792, it means “the act of throwing, the throw.”

p. 12, l. 400. hevy, “afflicted, sorrowful.” So in ll. 3037, 3224.

p. 13, l. 427. Estagote, miswritten for Estragote, cf. ll. 346, 352, and Destr. l. 1090. brake on three, cf. ll. 2234, 1388, 1269.

p. 13, l. 441. Sarsyns : Romaynes. See Introduction, p. xliv.

p. 14, l. 464. oost does not rhyme with beste. Both the sense and the rhyme will be improved if we read rest for oost.

p. 14, l. 473. As it stands, the line makes no sense. This is written indistinctly in the MS., so that we may read either this or thus; the sense requires the latter, which I think is the true reading. Or else we may keep this and write idone instead of it done.

p. 15, l. 488. aras. Read a ras, and see note to l. 1349.

p. 15, l. 491. and armes makes no sense, as we are hardly entitled to take armes for the 2nd person plural imperative; which in this poem always ends in -eth. See Introduction, p. xxxvii. I think we must change and into as. For the explanation of the phrase “as armes,” see note on l. 2660.

p. 15, l. 495. The Ascopars or Ascopartes are mentioned in the Destruction as the subjects of the Soudan. The name of this people is not to be found in any other version. Astopars is merely a clerical error for Ascopars, which may be easily accounted for by remembering that in the MSS. the characters c and t are very often formed almost alike. The true spelling Ascopars is found in ll. 2196, 2648; cf. also the Destruction, ll. 98, 426. Nothing is known of the origin and the home of the Ascoparts. That they must have been men of great bodily strength follows from l. 496, “for ye be men of mighte,” and l. 2645, “that bene boolde and hardy to fighte.” Compare also what is said about them by Donne, in his first satire:

“Those Askaparts, men big enough to throw

Charing-cross for a bar.”

It is worthy while to note that a giant, called Askapard, occurs in the romance of Sir Bevis of Hamptoun. See Ellis, Metr. Romances, ed. Halliwell, p. 263.

p. 15, l. 500. Ho is evidently a mistake for we. rere-warde, “rear-guard;” the van is called fowarde, ll. 502, 732, the main body the medyl partye, l. 735.

p. 15, l. 504. than : gon. See Introduction, p. xxxv.

p. 15, l. 510. oon makes no sense. I suspect the reading of this and the following stanza is quite corrupt. If ll. 510 and 511 should belong to different stanzas, the enjambement, or continuation of the ‹p106› sense from one stanza to another, would be unusually strong. I am therefore inclined to think that originally a stanza began at l. 510, and that there is a line wanting after l. 509, which contained the rhyme to bon (l. 508). The scribe noticing the absence of rhyme tried to restore it himself. Adding oon to l. 510, he made it rhyme with bon (l. 508). Having thus destroyed the rhyme of ll. 510 and 512 (Alisaundre : Cassaundre, as in l. 984), he added gaye to l. 512, which now rhymed to l. 514, where he still added to fraye. In order to get a rhyme to l. 518, he changed in l. 516 the original laye (: Romayne) into lan (“he ceased, stopped”), and wrote “to” the grounde instead of “on” (cf. l. 1186) or “at” (cf. ll. 533, 435) the grounde, connecting thus these words with l. 515, whereas originally they belonged to there he laye, or—as there also may have been added by the scribe—to he laye. If now we read with mayne instead of ful evene, in l. 521, we get a perfect rhyme to l. 519; l. 520 having lost its rhyming line, he made it rhyme, by adding than to l. 522, which originally rhymed to l. 524. Now to get a rhyme to l. 524 he composed and inserted himself l. 526. Therefore I think the original reading of these two stanzas ran as follows:

510

Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre

That bolde man was in dede,

Uppon a steede Cassaundre

He roode in riche weede.

514

Sir Bryer of Poyle a Romayne

He bare through with a spere;

Dede on the ground [there] he laye,

Might he no more hem dere.

518

That saw Huberte, a worthy man,

Howe Briere was islayne,

Ferumbras to quite than

To him he rode with mayne.

522

With a spere uppone his shelde

Stiffly gan he strike;

The shelde he brake imiddis the feelde,

His hawberke wolde not breke.

526

Ferumbras was agreved tho, &c.

On the rhyme Romayne : laye (l. 514) cf. ll. 536, 890.

p. 15, l. 514. Bryer of Poyle does not occur in any of the other versions.

p. 15, l. 516. lan, preterite of lin, “to cease;” more common in the compound blin, contracted from * be-lin.

p. 15, l. 517. might he no more hem dere. On the order of words, cf. ll. 2954, 649, 2435.

p. 16, l. 520. qwite, “to requite, reward, retaliate, pay off.” See below note to l. 780.

p. 16, l. 531. On stronge (O.E. strang) : istonge (O.E. gestungen), see Introduction, p. xxxv.

p. 16, l. 532. astraye, “out of the right way or proper place, running ‹p107› about without guidance.” O.French estraier, which is derived from Latin ex strada, see Diez, Etym. Wörterb. I. 402; II. 296.

p. 16, l. 541. werre, “war,” seems to owe its origin to the French guerre, as it is not found in O.E. It appears for the first time in the Saxon Chronicle,—he coude, “he knew, had endured.” See Mätzner’s Grammatik, II. 262.

p. 17, l. 555. It is evident that all ane must be a corruption. Perhaps the conjecture of the editor of the Roxb. Club edition, supposing all rafe to be the true reading, may be right. But he is certainly wrong to identify this rafe with the rafe in l. 866, which, being the infinitive mood of a verb, cannot be taken for an adjective or adverb, which the sense seems to require in l. 555. Halliwell, s. v. Raff, gives: “in raff = speedily.” There is a Danish adjective, rap, “brisk, quick.” Cf. Skeat, Etym. Dict. s. v. raffle and rap.

p. 17, l. 570. certaine spoils the rhyme. The rhyme becomes perfect if we read without faile, as in l. 322.

p. 17, l. 573. aplight, “on plight, on my word.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 8541. It is often used as an expletive.

p. 17, l. 580. who the sowdan, etc. = who is the Sowdan. The verb of the sentence is wanting; cf. note to l. 2156.

p. 17, l. 587. French text gives:

“Et Guion de Bourgoyne ad a lui appelé

Fils est de sa soror et de sa parenté

Cosins, vous en irrés. . .”

Destr. ll. 1179, et seq.

p. 18, l. 613. hight = (1) “was called,” (2) “promised,” (3) “called” (partic. past). It is the preterite tense of haten, hoten, or hat (l. 3154). Cf. Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 169.

p. 18, l. 614. than seems to be a corruption, and I think must be left out. Florip is the genitive of Florip, which occurs as a nominative in ll. 2075, 1527. There is another nominative Floripas which forms the genitive Floripas, ll. 1659, 2350.

p. 19, l. 625. Isres, the name of the “chief porter of the town,” who betrayed the city, only occurs in the Sowdan; in the Destruction the same treachery is committed by Tabour, D. 1203.

“Uns traitre del cit que del porte out les cles.”

p. 19, l. 636. bandon, literally “proclamation,” means “power, disposal.” See Skeat, Etym. Dict. s. v. abandon.

p. 19, l. 647. French:

“Le chief al portier trenche,” Destr. l. 1236.

p. 19, l. 648. In the Destr. l. 1244–5:

“Dieux” fist il “te maldie, et que t’ont engendre,

Kar traitour au darain averont mal dehe.”

p. 19, l. 650. met, a mistake for mot, which we find in ll. 1582, 2334, 3170. ‹p108›

p. 20, l. 663. Cf. the Destr. l. 1260:

“Al moustier de saint Piere est Fierenbras alés.”

p. 20, l. 665. the crosse, the crown, the nailes bente. The relics mentioned in the Destruction are the crown of thorns, the cross, the nails, and the “signe,” which, as I have shown in my Dissertation (pp. 45, 46), does not mean “inscription of the cross,” but is the Greek σινδων, and signifies “the shroud, or winding-sheet, of the Lord, suaire, sudatorium.” In the French Fierabras, as well as in Syr Ferumbras, no mention is made of the cross.

p. 20, l. 673. thare instead of there would improve the rhyme. See Introduction, p. xxxv.

p. 20, l. 678. fade, O.E. fadian, “dispose, suit.” Stratmann, p. 187.

p. 20, l. 679. frankencense = “pure incense.” Compare Skeat, Etym. Dict.

p. 20, l. 686. roial, “excellent.” Cf. “roial spicerye,” Chaucer, ed. Morris, III. 135/142.

p. 21, l. 699. Alle on a flame that cite was; cf. the French:

“Kant il vindrent a Rome si virent luy porte oueree

La flambe en la cite moult granment alumee.

Pour grant chalour qu’i fu n’i povoient entrer.”

(Destr. ll. 1378–80.)

p. 21, l. 723. The Destruction, ll. 1384–1408, has:

“Si dirrai de Charlon, le fort roi corone.

De par totes ses terres avoit ses gens mande,

N’i remest dus ne quiens ne baron el regne,

Qu’il assemble ne soient a Paris la cite.

Quant il i furent tous venu et ajouste,

L’emperere de France en halt en ad parle:

‘Seignours, or escoutes, si vous dirrai verte,

Li admirails d’Espaigne a no pais gaste

Et oue lui CM sarrazin diffaie.

Il ont ensegie Rome, m’admirable cite,

Tot le pais entour ont il pour voir robbe;

Si jeo ne les soccour tot l’auront il gaste.’

‘Sire,’ firent li princes, ‘a vostre volonte:

Nous ne vous failliromes tant que poons durer.’

Adonc en ad li rois grant joie demene.

Quant si gent furent prest a complir son pense,

Adonc s’en est li rois eralment aprestes

Et si firent li contes de France le regne.

Quant sont appareillie si sont enchemine:

iii C mil chevaliers ad li rois el barne

Oliviers porte sa baneer que ben leu ad guie,

Rollans fu en arriere, li vassals adures.

De soccoure Guion s’en est li rois hastes.

Tant ont il nuit et jor chivalche et erre.

Qu’il sont en Romenie, n’i ont reine tire.”

p. 22, l. 744. He knewe the baner of France. The French text has: ‹p109›

“Guis parceut le baniere le roi de saint Dine,

Encontre lui chevalche, la novele ont conte,

Come la forte cite li payen ont gaste:

La corone et les clous d’iloec en sont robbe

Et les altres reliques. . .”

p. 23, l. 766. for, “notwithstanding, in spite of.” So also in l. 2904.

p. 23, l. 771. Destr., l. 1425:

“Li vens en fiert es voiles que les a ben guies.”

p. 23, l. 776. for south, “forsooth,” cf. ll. 2014, 897, 2024, 1025, 2246.

p. 23, l. 778. French: “il sont en terre entre.”

p. 23, l. 779. fonde : grounde. fonde is spelt founde in ll. 1857, 3020, 344, 2353, 2363.

p. 23, l. 780. stroyeth = “destroyeth.” “Compounds of Romance origin, the first part of which is a preposition, or words derived from such, often mutilate, or even entirely drop the preposition” (Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 576). Thus we have sail, l. 385, = “assail;” longeth, l. 3254, = “belongeth;” skomfited, l. 1320, = “diskomfited,” ll. 336, 1464; quite, l. 520, = “requite;” perceived, l. 2659, = “aperceived;” saut, ll. 619, 2200, = “assaut,” l. 615; ginne, l. 2326, = “enginne,” l. 333; playne, l. 177, = “complayn;” skaped, l. 2049, = “askaped,” l. 2218.

p. 23, l. 787. French: “iiiC mile François.”

p. 24, l. 812. ychoon : Mahounde. See Introduction, p. xlii.

p. 24, l. 820. stroke : stoupe. See Introduction, p. xliii.

p. 24, l. 820. stenyed, “stunned,” not from O.Fr. estaindre, as the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. suggests, but from O.E. stunian, “percellere, stupefacere.” See Stratmann, p. 540.

p. 24, l. 835. Observe the subject expressed twice; cf. ll. 723, 1031, 1682, 1814, 2331.

p. 25, l. 836. Neymes. This celebrated hero has been especially famous by the advices and counsels of which even in matters of greatest difficulty he was never at a loss. “Tel conseiller n’orent onques li Franc,” i. e. the French had never such a counsellor. This passage of the romance of Aspremont may be looked upon as containing the portrait of Neymes as we find him described in all poems. The story of his birth and youth is in the romance of Aubri le Bourgoing. He was the son of Gasselin, king of Bavaria. Cassile, an usurper, is about to seize the throne and to kill the young Neymes, when Charlemagne comes to his help and re-establishes the legitimate inheritor.

p. 25, l. 836. Ogier Danoys (cf. l. 1687) is one of the twelve peers in this poem. His life is contained in the French poem of the “Chevallerie Ogier” by Raimbert de Paris. According to that romance Ogier had been delivered in his youth to Charlemagne as ‹p110› a pledge to secure the discharge of the tribute which his father Geffroi, king of Denmark, was bound to pay to the emperor. The French ambassadors having once been insulted by Geffroy, Charlemagne swears to make Ogier pay with his life the offence done by his father, and Ogier is going to be executed when the emperor, following the urgent requests of messengers arrived from Rome, suddenly starts to deliver this city from the Saracens. On this expedition the French army is hard pressed by the enemy, but Ogier by his eminent prowess and valour enables Charles to enter Rome. He now is pardoned and becomes the favourite of the emperor. Several years afterwards Ogier’s son Baudouinet is slain by Charlot, the son of Charlemagne, as they were quarrelling about a party of chess. Ogier, in order to revenge his son, goes as far as to attack Charlemagne himself, but on the point of being taken a prisoner, he escapes and flees to Didier, king of Lombardy. Charles makes war on Didier, and after a long struggle Ogier is taken and imprisoned at Reims, where he is going to be starved, when a sudden invasion of the Saracens obliges Charlemagne again to have recourse to the courage and valour of the Dane. Ogier delivers France by slaying the giant Bréhus. To reward him for the service done to his country, Charles gives him the county of Hainaut, where afterwards, as the poem tells us, he died in the renown of holiness.

p. 25, l. 845. it = “hit.” Cf. note to l. 41.

p. 25, l. 847–50. These four lines seem to be incorrect. As they stand, the three first lines are rhymed together, and there is no rhyme to the fourth. The diction of the whole passage, which cannot be said to be ungrammatical, is nevertheless wanting in precision and exactness.

p. 25, l. 866. rafe = rave.

p. 25, l. 868. Moun-joye is the name of Charlemagne’s sword in this poem (cf. ll. 3111, 850), whereas, according to all other romances, the emperor’s sword was called Joyeuse. Mounjoie or Montjoie was the name of the French standard; it was likewise used as the battle-cry of the French, cf. Fierabras, l. 1703, and Syr Ferumbras, ll. 2285, 2652, 4577, 4727. The sword Joyeuse had been forged by the celebrated Weland or Galand, as we read in the French Fierabras, l. 635:

“Et Galans fist Floberge à l’acier atrempé,

Hauteclere et Joiouse, où moult ot dignité;

Cele tint Karlemaines longuement en certé.”

Compare Gaston Paris, Histoire Poétique, p. 374.

p. 26, l. 875. Durnedale. This renowned sword was forged by the famous Galand or Weland. The French Fierabras (l. 645) is the only romance which attributes it to Munifican. It had been given by Charlemagne to Roland as the best of his warriors. As to the exploits achieved with it, Roland enumerates them himself in that celebrated passage, where in his death-hour he tries to break ‹p111› Durnedale to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Saracens (Chanson de Roland, ll. 2316–2337). The steel blade of this sword has been highly praised for its extraordinary hardness. It had been tried by Charlemagne himself on that “perron,” or steel block before the emperor’s palace in Aix-la-Chapelle (see Histoire Poétique, p. 370). Durnedale proved good as well as Almace, the sword of Turpin. But Courtain, Ogier’s sword, was then shortened by half a foot. According to l. 1407 of the Sowdan, Durnedale broke; but this incident has been mentioned nowhere else. Cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 997, and Fierabras, l. 1740.

p. 26, l. 876. romme, spelt also rome, rowme, roum, is Mod. E. room, O.E. rûm, “spatium.”

p. 26, l. 880. dinge; read gan dinge. Dinge is the infinitive mood, but the sense requires a preterite tense. The preterite of dinge is dong, dongen, which occurs in l. 1263. But as dinge cannot be altered here, on account of the rhyme, the passage is easily corrected by adding gan = “he began to strike, he struck.”

p. 26, l. 884. Alloreynes of Loreynes and Aleroyse (l. 1699) are probably identical. Then Alloreynes would be an error of the scribe, who having already the following Loreynes in his mind wrote Alloreynes instead of Alleroyse.

p. 26, l. 900. in fay = “truly,” fay= “faith, truth.” O.Fr. fei or feid, Lat. fides.

p. 26, l. 904–5. Cf. Chanson de Roland, ll. 1903–4:

“Rollanz est proz e Oliviers est sages,

Ambedui unt merveillus vasselage.”

p. 27, l. 913. I cannot tell what treyumple means, or whether it be a corruption.

p. 27, l. 939. This kind of prayer or apostrophe addressed to the God of War is certainly taken from another English work, which I am unable to trace, but which must have been much known at the time of our author, as we find it referred to in different authors. That it has been taken from another poem is proved by some phrases of this prayer which are somewhat obscure or rather unintelligible here, and which we certainly should be able to explain if we knew the original context in which they occurred. Then the form hase (l. 940) is somewhat suspicious, as it is the only instance of the 2nd person singular present dropping the t, which it has always in this poem. The arrangement, too, of the following stanzas differs from that generally observed in the Sowdan. If we consider our poem as composed in eight-line stanzas (but see Introduction, p. xl) we mostly find the 1st and 3rd lines rhyming together, then the 2nd and 4th, the 5th and 7th, and finally the 6th and 8th, so that four different rhyme-endings are necessary to one stanza. If now we consider the stanza from l. 939 to 946, we only have two rhyme-endings, all the pair lines rhyming together, and all the odd ones ‹p112› together. In ll. 947 to 950 the 1st and 4th rhyme together, whilst the 2nd and 3rd are paired off together.—ll. 939–941 we find alluded to in Chaucer, see Introduction, p. xlvi, and the Prioress’s Tale, ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press), p. xvii. Compare also Lindsay, The Historie of Squyer Meldrum, l. 390:

“Like Mars, the God Armipotent.”

p. 27, l. 939. rede Mars. “Bocaccio uses the same epithet in the opening of his Teseide: ‘O rubiconde Marte.’ Rede refers to the colour of the planet.” Morris, note to Knight’s Tale, l. 889.

p. 27, l. 940. Baye never means “sword,” as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. renders it, nor does this translation make any sense here at all; baye signifies “a wide, open room or space in a building.” See Mätzner’s Wörterbuch, p. 164. Morris, in the Glossary to the Alliterative Poems, has “bay = recess. The original meaning seems to be opening of any kind. Cf. bay, space in a building between two main beams.” Halliwell, s. v. bay, has: “A principal compartment or division in the architectural arrangement of a building.” It appears to be etymologically the same word as Ital. baja, French baie, “bay, gulf, harbour,” the French baie being equally used for “opening of any kind.” The Catalan form for baie is badia, which corresponds to the verb badar, meaning “to open.” See Diez, Etym. Wörterb. I. 46. Bay is retained in the Mod. E. compound “bay-window.” Cf. also the French “la bée d’une fenestre,” cited by Carpentier-Ducange, s. v. beare. With regard to the signification of trende, the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. wrongly guessed again in explaining it as “drawn” or “trenchant, cutting.” Trende means “turned, bent, vaulted in the form of an arch.” See Halliwell, p. 887, and Stratmann, p. 572, s. v. trenden (= “volvere”). But I am at a loss how to explain why Mars is said to have put up his throne in an arched recess, or compartment, of a building.

p. 28, l. 957. some, a clerical error for sone.

p. 28, l. 965. prymsauns of grene vere = “the earliest days of green spring” (Glossary to the Roxb. Club ed.). This may be the sense; but what is the literal meaning of prymsauns? If we had prymtauns, or prymtaunce, we might be inclined to take it for a corruption of French printemps, as we find pastaunce or pastance corrupted from passe-temps. (See Skeat, Spec. of Eng. Literature, 460/149 and 427/1096.) Cf. also the Romaunt of the Rose, ll. 3373–74: “At prime temps, Love to manace, Ful ofte I have been in this caas.” Or is prymtauns perhaps a clerical error for entrauns or entraunce? This would then make us think of such passages as the following one:

“Che fu ou mois de mai, à l’entree d’esté,

Que florissent cil bos et verdissent cil pré.”

Fierabras, ll. 5094–5.

p. 28, l. 966. spryngyn, the only instance of the 3rd person present plural ending in -yn (for the common -en). This perhaps is due to ‹p113› the scribe thinking already of the following yn in begynne. But it must be stated that the whole passage is rather obscure. Neither the meaning of springyn and begynne nor the connection of l. 966 with the following lines is very clear. Floures occurring twice looks also somewhat suspicious. Moreover, these two stanzas do not well suit the context and might easily be done without; they are evidently borrowed from some other poem. Observe besides the alliteration in floures, frithe, freshly.

p. 28, l. 973. lithe, “to hear.” O.Icel. hlŷða, “auscultare.” Stratmann, s. v. hlîþen, p. 315.

p. 29, l. 993. lese miswritten for lefe, which sense and rhyme require, and which occurs in ll. 832, 1526.

p. 29, l. 995. bassatours (?) = “vavassours, vavasors.”

p. 29, l. 999. Inde Major. The meaning of Major is not clear. Cf. besides Chanson de Roland, ed. Gautier, Glossarial Index, s. v. Major. Compare also Destr. l. 690: terre Majour.

p. 29, l. 1000. The great number of geographical names contained in these two lines is probably due to the favourite habit of mediæval romance writers, who thought that they showed their geographical knowledge by introducing long strings of names. Thus we find in Web. Rom. II. l. 632 et seq., the names of sixteen towns mentioned in fourteen lines, all of which are said to have been visited by Richard the Lion-hearted. Again in the same poem, ll. 3679, et seq., we find the names of thirteen countries occurring in ten lines. Cf. also King Alis., Web. Rom. I. ll. 1440 and 1692. Often, too, geographical names seem to be inserted on account of the rhyme, as Chaunder in l. 123, and Europe in l. 1001.

p. 29, l. 1008. Camalyon, “meaning, probably, the camelopardalis. The blood of a cameleon would go a very little way towards satisfying a thirsty Saracen” (Ellis, Metr. R. 387). Perhaps also the poet did not know much of either of these two kinds of animals, and all he wished was to cite an animal with some outlandish name.

p. 30, l. 1025. southe : wrothe. The spelling sothe occurs in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719. There must be a lacuna of one or more lines here. The rhyme-word to dute (l. 1024) is wanting; the context also evidently shows that ll. 1025 and 1026, as they stand together, make no sense. It is worth while to add that the next five lines, contrary to the common usage of our poem, are all rhymed together.

p. 30, l. 1040. Observe Paens, i. e. “pagans,” used as a proper name here; cf. the Destr. l. 98, and Fierabras, l. 5673.

p. 31, l. 1051. For a description of Ferumbras, compare Fierabras, ll. 578 et seq., and ll. 611 et seq., and Syr Ferumbras, l. 550.

p. 31, l. 1060. trwes = trues, truce.

p. 31, l. 1067. sex. So in the French Fierabras, l. 84:

“Ja n’en refuserai, par Mahom, jusqu’à vi.”

‹p114›

In the English Ferumbras, l. 102, we read:

“And þoȝ þer come twelue, þe beste of þy fered,

I will kuþe on hem my miȝt, & dyngen hem al to douste.”

p. 31, l. 1071. in fere = “together.” fere, literally “one who fares with one,” means “a travelling companion, a comrade, a mate; a company.” O.E. (ge-)fera.

p. 31, l. 1074. man = “bondman, subject, vassal.” So in ll. 1354 1466.

p. 31, l. 1077. childe, “young knight, young man.” See Skeat’s note to Sir Thopas (Clarendon Press), 162/2020.

p. 31, l. 1084. Cf. the French text:

“Sire, ce dist Rollans, chertes, tort en aves,

Car, par icel seigneur Ki Dix est appelés,

Je vauroie moult miex que fuissiés desmenbrés

Ke jou en baillasse armes ne ne fuisse adobés.

Hier quant paien nous vindrent à l’issue des gués

L. mile furent, à vers helmes jesmés,

Grans caus en soustenimes sur les escus bandés;

Oliviers mes compaigns i fu le jour navrés.

Tout fuissons desconfit, c’est fines verités,

Quant vous nous secourustes e vos riches barnés,

Et paien s’en tournerent les frains abandonnés.

Quant fumes repairié as loges et as trés,

Puis te vantas le soir, quant tu fus enivrés,

Que li viel chevalier c’avoies amené

L’avoient moult miex fait que li joule d’assés,

Assés en fui le soir laidement ramponés.”

(ll. 144–161.)

Compare also Syr Ferumbras, ll. 144–163

p. 32, l. 1088. of = “on account of.”

p. 32, l. 1092. According to most of the old romances Roland was invulnerable. He never lost any blood by a wound but on the occasion when he was beaten by Charlemagne

“For trois goutes sans plus, quant Charles par irour

Le feri de son gant que le virent plousour.”

See Histoire Poétique, p. 264.

The French text (ll. 166–170) runs as follows:

“Karles trait son gant destre, qui fu à or parés

Fiert le comte Rollant en travers sur le nés;

Après le caup en est li sans vermaus volés.

Rollans jete le main au branc qui est letrés;

Ja en ferist son oncle se il n’en fust ostés.”

p. 32, l. 1094. abye, “to pay for, suffer for.” In Mod. Eng. abye is corrupted into abide. See Morris, Gloss. to Chaucer (Clarend. Press), s. v. aboughte.

p. 32, l. 1096. Double negatives like never none are pretty common in mediæval writers. Cf. in the Sowdan, ll. 1876, 2181, 2199, 2279, 2305. ‹p115›

p. 32, l. 1103. at one, “of one mind, agreement.” Cf. King Horn, ed. Lumby, l. 925:

“At on he was wiþ þe king.”

Hence Mod. Eng. atone, “to set at one, to reconcile.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 5308.

p. 32, l. 1106. to make voydaunce, the same as to voide, l. 1768 = “to quit, to depart from, to get rid of.”

p. 32, l. 1110. withoute more = “without delay, immediately.” more is O.E. mâra, comparative to micel; it is not the Latin more. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 719.

p. 33, l. 1126. renewed, “tied.” Fr. renouer, from nœud = Lat. nodius. It is to be distinguished from renewed = “renovated,” which occurs in l. 2200.

p. 32, l. 1128. hidur is spelt hider in ll. 810, 833, etc.

p. 32, l. 1135. Generyse. In the other versions Olyver calls himself Garin. See Introduction on p. xxxiii.

p. 32, l. 1141. lerne, “to teach.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 6352. scole, O.E. scôl, Mod. Eng. school, means here “style, or manner of fighting.” It must not be confounded with schole, O.E. scolu, “troop, band,” Mod. Eng. shoal. Cf. also The Song of Roland, 129/786.

p. 33, l. 1145. myghty men of honde. So in l. 3029. The same phrase occurs in M.H.G. “ein helt ze sînen handen,” which is explained as meaning, “a hero [or one who becomes a hero] by the strength of his hands or arms.” See Jänicke’s note to Biterolf, 5078, and Grimm’s Grammatik, IV. 727 note. The expression seems to be originally French; cf. Méon, Fabliaux, III. 478: “chevaliers de sa main”; Renard, ed. Martin, l. 21409: “proedom de sa main.” Cf. also Roman des Eles, ed. Scheler, l. 433, where main is wrongly explained by the editor.

p. 33, l. 1151. plete, “plead.” The rhyme leads us to suppose that the author pronounced plede, which indeed is the more common form.

p. 33, l. 1154. and makes no sense here. thenkes must also be incorrect, the 3rd person present singular always terminating in -eth in this poem, and not in -es. Read as thenketh me; thenketh me occurs in l. 465.

p. 34, l. 1158. pight, “pitched, fixed.” The infinitive mood is picchen; cf. O.Dutch picken, O.Icel. pikka, “pungere, pangere.”

p. 34, l. 1159. In the French Fierabras, l. 606 et seq., Oliver also assists the Saracen to put on his gear. This point is not mentioned in the Ashmolean version, see Introduction, p. xxviii.

p. 34, l. 1163. worthed up, “became up, got up, mounted.” It is the past tense of the verb worthen, O.E. weorðan, “to become.” Another past tense of this verb is worth, l. 1204.

p. 34, l. 1164. areest, or arest = “a rest, or support for the spear when ‹p116› couched for the attack” (Morris). Originally = “stoppage, waiting, readiness.” Cf. Mätzner’s Wörterbuch, p. 107.

p. 34, l. 1167. as fire of thonder, cf. dinte of thondir in l. 1207.

p. 34, l. 1168. to-braste, “burst in pieces.” The prefix to-, answering to Germ. zer-, has the force of “in twain, asunder.”

p. 34, l. 1170. threste, O.E. þrstan, “premere, trudere.” The author probably pronounced thraste, which will improve the rhyme.

p. 34, ll. 1179–80. upon the hede (blank in MS) the hede. This is evidently a mistake of the scribe; sore, l. 1180, too, which does not rhyme with crowne, is probably miswritten for sone. The rhyme as well as the context shows that the true reading is:

“Olyver him hitte again

Upon the hede than fulle sone

He carfe awaye with myght and mayne

The cercle that sate uppon his crowne.”

p. 34, l. 1182. About the cercle, see Demay, Le Costume de guerre, p. 132. “Non seulement le cône du heaume (helme) est bordé par ce cercle, mais il est parfois renforcé dans toute sa hauteur par deux arêtes placées l’une devant, l’autre derrière, ou par quatre bandes de métal ornementées (de verroteries), venant aboutir et se croiser à son sommet.”—crowne means the “tonsure of the head,” then topically “the skull or head.”

p. 34, l. 1185. the botteles of bawme are not mentioned anywhere else in the Sowdan; the other versions tell us that the balm contained in those vessels was the same as that with which Christ was anointed. Cf. Syr Ferumbras, ll. 510–517; and see Introduction, p. vi and xxix.

p. 34, l. 1191. the river. According to the oldest version of the poem the whole combat took place on the shore of the Tiber, near Rome. See Introduction, pp. xi and xxxii. Cf. Fierabras, l. 1049:

“Pres fu du far de Rome, ses a dedes jetés,”

and Philippe Mousket, I. 4705–6:

“Les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,

Si les gieta enmi le Toivre.”

In the Sowdan as well as in the Ashmole MS. there is no mention of Oliver’s drinking of the balm before throwing it into the water, which both the Provençal and the French versions tell us he did. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 1031–1048, and the Provençal version, ll. 1335, et seq.

p. 35, l. 1210. fille, “fel.”

p. 35, ll. 1221. dere spoils the rhyme. Read “free.”

p. 36, l. 1250. Cousyn to King Charles, cf. l. 1117. In ll. 1499 and 1671 Oliver is said to be nephew to Charlemagne. He was the son of Renier de Gennes, who according to Sir Ferumbras, l. 652: “Y am Charlis emys sone”—was the uncle of Charlemagne. In the poem Girar de Viane we find Oliver among the enemies of the ‹p117› Emperor and fighting with Roland in close combat; they are at length stopped by divine interposition. Then began a close friendship which lasted till their death at Roncesvaux. Oliver’s sister Aude was betrothed to Roland. See, besides, Syr Ferumbras, ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354.

p. 36, l. 1258. harde grace, “misfortune,” cf. l. 2790.

p. 36, l. 1259. Persagyn. This name does not occur in any other version again, except in the Destruction, where one Persagon appears in the list of the Saracen barons. But it is not stated there that he is uncle to Ferumbras; cf. besides Fierabras, ll. 2614, 2784.

p. 37, l. 1263. Observe the four consecutive feminine rhymes.

p. 37, l. 1277. The scene as related here widely differs from that described in the Ashmolean version. In the Sowdone, Oliver gets hold of the sword which is “trussed on Ferumbras’s stede.” In the Ashmolean poem it is not Oliver who is disarmed, but Ferumbras, and Oliver allows him to pick up his weapon again. This in itself furnishes us an argument for conjecturing that the author of the Sowdon did not follow, or even know of, the Ashmolean version. In the French poem, as well as in the Provençal, it is likewise Oliver who is disarmed. If in those poems we find mentioned besides that Ferumbras offered his enemy to take up his sword again—an incident not related in the Sowdan—we do not consider this to disprove our supposition that the French version was the source of the Sowdan, as we may consider our author in this case simply to have adhered to his favourite practice of shortening his original as much as possible, so far as no essential point is concerned. Cf. the French Fierabras, ll. 1289–1346.

p. 37, l. 1286. saught is a misprint for raught.

p. 37, l. 1289. He thought he quyte. quyte may be explained as standing for quyted, or else he must be changed into to: He thought to quyte, the latter reading is perhaps preferable. We find in l. 3110 a passage agreeing almost exactly with this.

p. 38, l. 1298. Qwyntyn. The name of this Saint does not occur in any other version of our romance.

p. 38, l. 1308. There is no mention made of this prayer in the Ashmolean version, the Sowdan here (ll. 1308–1340) agrees again with the French Fierabras, ll. 1164–1244 (and with the Provençal poem, l. 1493, et seq.), with the only difference, that the prayer which Charlemagne addressed to God, in order to bestow the victory upon the Christian hero, is much longer in F; and is stuffed with so many details of the Scripture, that in some way it may be regarded as a succinct account of the whole life of the Lord.

p. 38, l. 1320. skomfited = discomfited, l. 1464. It is formed by the same analogy as stroyeth = destroyeth. See note to l. 780. The substantive discumfiture, O.Fr. desconfiture, occurs in l. 336; the same ‹p118› word, without prefix, is found in M.H.G., cf. Kudrun, ed. Martin, 646, 2:

“dô si hêten gerne die porten zuo getân

dô muosten si daz lernen durch schumphentiuren verlân.”

The Italian noun is sconfitta, and the verb sconfiggere.

p. 38, l. 1327. God aboue does not rhyme with lord almighty. The rhyme is easily restored if we read of might (cf. l. 2059) for aboue, and if we change almighty into almighte, so that we have:

l. 1327.

“Tho Charles thanked God of myghte.”

l. 1329.

“And saide, ‘blessed be thou, lord almyghte.’”

The adjective almiȝt is of frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. writers. So in Allit. Poems, I. 497: “in sothful gospel of god almyȝt;” Syr Ferumbras, l. 3580, “God almyȝte: siȝte;” ibid. l. 3815, “god almyȝt: wyȝt.”

p. 39, l. 1349. cas is an erratum for ras.—“Ras, shave.” “Rees 1693, evening.” These explanations given by the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. are wrong. Ras and rees being both derived from O.E. rs, “impetus cursus,” are indiscriminately used in three meanings: (1) “onset, assault;” (2) “course, run, rush, haste, hurry;” (3) “space, time, occasion.” The last signification is well shewn by the following passages:

“Hit lasteþ but a lutel rees.”

(Cl. Maydenhod, l. 26.)

“Þat ys to seye upon a rees,

Stynkyng Saxone, be on pees.”

(Arthur, ed. Furnivall, l. 525.)

In the Sowdan ras or rees means (1) “time, instant, occasion,” ll. 1349, 1693; (2) “rush, hurry, haste,” ll. 645, 489. rase, l. 774 = “current in the sea,” the same word as the preceding ras and rees, meaning properly, “a narrow rush, or violent current of water.” See Morris, Chaucer’s Prologue (Clarendon Press), s. v. reyse. Cf. the French expressions, “raz de mer,” “raz de courent,” “raz de marée.”

p. 39, l. 1361. sene : be. Read se as in ll. 1124, 658, 1826.

p. 40, l. 1372. ryden, which does not rhyme with foghten, is evidently a clerical error. I suppose soghten to be the true reading. For examples of soght = “came, went, moved,” see Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 7151, and Skeat’s Glossary to Specimens, s. v. socht.—There is still another corruption in this passage, as assembled does not rhyme with ordeyned.

p. 40, l. 1380. Note the transition from the indirect to the direct speech.

p. 40, l. 1381. As it stands, the line is too long and spoils the rhythm. The words “if ye cast me downe” can be dispensed with.

p. 40, l. 1383. thare : were (O.E. werian). The rhyme is easily restored by reading there instead of thare, cf. ll. 2604, 2404, 2245, etc. and see Introduction, p. xxxv. ‹p119›

p. 41, ll. 1419–22. Observe the weak rhymes alternating with the strong ones.

p. 41, l. 1420. brother means “brother-in-law.” Oliver’s sister Aude was Roland’s intended bride. Perhaps also brother may be taken here in sense of “brother in arms,” as in most romances we find Roland and Oliver mentioned as a couple of true friends united by the most tender ties of comradeship. Besides, Oliver was highly indebted to Roland, who had rescued him when he had been made a prisoner after his duel with Ferragus.

p. 41, l. 1423. cowthe miswritten for caughte, which we read in ll. 1411, 1603.

p. 41, l. 1424. Ascopartes is the correct form. See note on l. 495.

p. 51, l. 1427. foolde cannot be “earth” here, for which the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. takes it. Foolde is the participle past of fealden, “to fold, plicare.” It means, “folded, bent down, fallen.” This seems also to be the sense of folde in the following passages:

Laȝamon, 23983–4:

“Þa feol Frolle

folde to grunde.”

Ibid. ll. 27054–6:

“Romanisce veollen

fiftene hundred

folden to grunden.”

Ibid. ll. 20057–60:

“he þohte to quellen

Þe king on his þeode

& his folc valden

volden to grunde.”

Cf. Stratmann, p. 194.

p. 41, l. 1433. Roland and Olyver are taken prisoners. This incident is differently related in the other poems. There Roland is not taken at all, but sent afterwards among the messengers to the Soudan’s court. Together with Oliver four knights are taken, viz. Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey and Aubry, who all are carried away by the flying Saracens in spite of the efforts of Roland and Ogier.

p. 42, l. 1451. what = “who.” See Koch, Eng. Gr. II. § 339, and Skeat’s note to Piers the Plowman (Clarendon Press), 113/19. So in ll. 1133, 1623.

p. 42, l. 1456. astyte has nothing to do with the Latin astutus with which the editor of the Roxb. Club ed. apparently confounds it in explaining it as “cunningly devised.” Astyte means “at once, immediately, suddenly”; see Morris, Glossary to Allit. Poems. It is a compound of the simple word tyte, “soon, quickly,” which see above, l. 181.

p. 43, l. 1475. Turpyn. The name of the archbishop is not mentioned in the Ashmolean version. The French text, ll. 1836–40, runs as follows: ‹p120›

“Karles, nostre empereres, en est en piés levés,

Il apela Milon et Turpin l’alosés,

Deus rices arcevesques de moult grant sainteté:

Faites moi tost uns fons beneir et sacrer;

Je woel que cis rois soit bauptiziés et levés.”

Cf. also the Provençal poem, l. 1899, et seq.

p. 43, l. 1483. nought for thane = “nevertheless,” cf. Koch, Eng. Gr. II. p. 473.

p. 43, l. 1486. Rome is a corruption of Roye, as follows from the French Fierabras, l. 1851:

“C’est sains Florans de Roie, ce dist l’auctorités.”

Cf. the Ashmole Ferumbras, l. 1087, and Grœber, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, IV. p. 167.

p. 43, l. 1495. affrayned, which must not be confounded with affrayed, as the editor of the Roxburghe Club ed. does, means “asked, inquired.” It is the compound of freynen or fraynen, O.E. frignan, “to ask.” Goth. fraihnan. Germ. fragen.

p. 43, l. 1497. allayned, “concealed.” The simple verb layne (from Icel. leyna, cf. Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 2994) is still retained in the Scottish dialect, with the sense of “to hide.” Cf. also Morris, Allit. Poems, Gloss. s. v. layned.

p. 43, l. 1498. In the other poems the prisoners do not tell their true names; see Introduction, pp. xxvii and xxix; and cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 1167.

p. 43, l. 1499. Roland is nephew to Charlemagne on his mother’s side. See note to l. 1888, and cf. the Ashmole Ferumbras, l. 2066. For Oliver, see above, note to l. 1250.

p. 44, l. 1515. In the Sowdan Floripas herself advises Laban not to slay his captives, but to imprison them. In the other versions it is one of the barons who gives the same advice. See Introduction, p. xxviii.

p. 44, l. 1539. depe : myrke. The rhyme will be restored by reading dirke or derke instead of depe. derke occurs in l. 2541.

p. 45, l. 1604. maute. “In Old French mauté is malice.” Gloss. to Roxburghe Club ed. I do not know whether mauté exists in O.Fr., but even if it did, it would make no sense here. I feel sure maute is a corruption of mynte or mente (cf. l. 1784), the preterite of minten or menten = “to aim a blow, to strike,” from O.E. myntan, “to intend, to purpose.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 6579, and Morris, Allit. Poems, s. v. mynte. Cf. also Syr Ferumbras, l. 5587:

“Þan Charlis a strok till hym gan mynte;

Ac hym faylede of ys dynte,

for þat swerd hym glente .  .  .”

p. 47, l. 1615. trew instead of free will restore the rhyme. The same rhyme trewe : newe occurs in ll. 67, 588.

p. 47, l. 1619. fele sithe, “many a time, often.” So in ll. 2740, 2815. Cf. ofte sithe, l. 916. ‹p121›

p. 47, l. 1624. ruly, O.E. hrêowlîc = “rueful, sorrowful, mournful, piteous.”

p. 47, l. 1645. harme skathe makes no sense. Read harme & skathe, which occurs in Gen. and Exod. l. 2314:

“ðis sonde hem overtakeð raðe

And bicalleð of harme and scaðe.”

p. 48, l. 1665. In the French Fierabras (as well as in the Ashmolean version) it is Roland whom Charlemagne addresses first (see above, note to l. 1433); he tells him that he must go on a mission to demand the surrender of Oliver and his companions. Upon which Naymes and the other twelve peers remonstrate, but are all sent to Laban one after the other, just as in the Sowdan. In the Provençal poem it is only Guy who protests. Cf. ll. 2263–2282 of the French Fierabras:

“Rollant regarda tost, si l’a araisonné:

Biaus nés, ce dist li rois, trop sui por vous irés;

Vous movrés le matin, à Aigremore irés;

Si dirés l’amirant, gardés ne li celés,

Rende moi la courone dont Dix fu couronés

Et les autres reliques dont je sui moult penés;

Et en après demant mes chevalier menbrés;

Et se il ne le fait si que deviserés,

Dites jel ferai pendre par la goule à un trefs,

En destre le menrai com .i. larron prové,

Ne troverai putel où il ne soit passé.” etc.

p. 48, l. 1668. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 2309–2321, and Syr Ferumbras, l. 1486–1493.

p. 49, l. 1683. lese, “lose.” So in l. 2655 and 1696, where it rhymes with chese, which occurs again in ll. 2748, 2934.

p. 49, l. 1687. French text gives (ll. 2297, et seq.):

“Ogiers li boins Danois s’en est levés en piés:

Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu, oiés:

Bien sai se il i vont ja n’en revenra piés.

Avoec irés, dist Karles, par les ex de mon cief:

Or i serés vous .v. qui porterés mes briés.”

p. 49, l. 1691. Bery must be miswritten for Terry, as we find Terris d’Ardane in the French Fierabras, l. 2290, and Terry of Ardane in Syr Ferumbras, l. 1469. According to l. 3187 of Sir Ferumbras, Thierry is the father of Berard (Bryer) of Mountdidier. Cf. the French text, ll. 2290–96 and Syr Ferumbras, ll. 1468–1473.

p. 49, l. 1693. rees, “time, occasion.” See note to l. 1349.

p. 49, l. 1695. Folk Baliant is not mentioned in any other poem of our romance. See Introduction, p. xxvii.

p. 49, l. 1698. chese, O.E. cêosan, Mod. E. choose. It here means “to be free to choose”:—“You shall not be free to choose,” “you shall have no choice,” “you shall do what you are ordered.” See Mätzner’s remark [in his Wörterb., p. 562, s. v. cheosen] to Halliwell, Dict. p. 250. ‹p122›

p. 49, l. 1699. Aleroyse. See note to l. 884.

p. 49, l. 1711. Turpyn. There was a real bishop of this name, who, according to the Gallia Christiana, held the see of Reims from A.D. 753 to 794. As we find him described in the romances, Turpin was the very type of a knight-bishop. In the poem of Aspremont, he bears before the Christian army the wood of the true cross which in his hands beams with brightness like the sun. In the romance of the Enfances Ogier it was he, into whose custody Ogier was given, when he had been made a prisoner after his revolt, in company with the king of Lombardy, against Charlemagne (see above, note to l. 856), and who, notwithstanding the order of Charles to have Ogier starved to death, kept the Dane alive, who afterwards, when the Saracens invaded France, proved a great help to the Christian arms. As we read in the Chanson de Roland, ll. 2242ss, Turpin met his death at Roncesvaux, but according to the Chronicle of Turpin, he survived the disaster of Roncesvaux, and was saying mass for the dead, when he saw the angels carrying the soul of Roland up to heaven. But from Gaston Paris’s Essay De Pseudo-Turpino we know this chronicle to be an apocryphical book written by two monks of the eleventh and twelfth century.

p. 49, l. 1717. set not of youre barons so light = “do not count, consider them so little.” Cf. “to take one so lighte,” in Syr Ferumbras, ll. 114, 156.

p. 50, l. 1721. gyfe no coost has the same meaning as give no tale = “make no account, do not mind.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, 8143. Cf. also Sowdan, l. 2793, and Syr Ferumbras, l. 5847, 101, 4975; and also ll. 173, 1578.

p. 50, l. 1723. Bryer of Mounteȝ or Berard de Montdidier was celebrated for his gallantries and attentions to the ladies:

“D’ardimen vail Rotlan et Olivier

E de domnei Berart de Mondesdier.”

i. e.—“In prowess I am equal to Rolland and to Oliver, in matters of love to Berart of M.” says the troubadour Peire Vidal in his poem Dragoman seiner; cf. also Fierabras, ll. 2125–7:

“Je ne sai cui vous estes, car ne vous puis viser,

Mais je cuit c’as pucieles sivés moult bien juer,

En cambre sous cortine baisier et acoler.”

See, besides, Syr Ferumbras, ll. 422, 1297, 1305, 1354. This Bryer of Mountes must be the same as the one slain in a sally of the twelve peers, ll. 2604, 2622, because, according to l. 1723, it was he who was among the peers sent on a mission to the Soudan. There is one Bryer of Brytaine occurring in l. 886, whom one might be inclined to think identical with Bryer of Mountes, as in l. 886 he is cited together with the other peers. But since we find him again as the treasurer of Charlemagne (l. 3205), this is impossible, unless we suppose the mention of Bryer in l. 3205 to be owing to the ‹p123› absent-mindedness of the author, who may be accused of a similar inadvertency with regard to Rychard of Normandy; cf. note to l. 2797, and Index of Names, s. v. Flagot.

p. 50, l. 1743. Bronland. The true reading is Brouland, as shewn by Fierabras, ll. 1549, 5174, &c.; Destruction, ll. 1240–159, 441, and Sowdan, ll. 1759, 2456. The Ashmole MS. has Bruyllant.

p. 51, l. 1751. thane = “thane that.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, 992, p. 363.

p. 51, l. 1778. charke hardly makes sense here. It is perhaps a clerical error for charge, “to command, to order.” The sense would then be, “and to tell him the Soudan’s strict orders which by peril of death (= upon life and lithe) Laban recommended him to obey.”

p. 51, l. 1779. þen instead of þan would improve the rhyme.

p. 52, l. 1788. lorde of Spayne. Cf. the French expression, “amirans d’Espaigne,” which we find so often used in the Destruction.

p. 52, l. 1802. trappe is Mod. Eng. trape, which is used in the sense of “to traipse, to walk sluttishly.” Halliwell has “trapes = to wander about.”

p. 52, l. 1816. byleved. Rhyme and sense will be improved by reading byleven.

p. 53, l. 1854. tyme makes no sense here. Perhaps we ought to read I dyne; cf. ll. 1508, 1114, 1837, and Syr Ferumbras, l. 5621:

“Oþer elles þoo shalt þyn hefd forgon,

To morwen, or y wil dyne.”

Fierabras, l. 1914:

“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.”

See also Guy, l. 3695.

p. 54, l. 1888. Syr Gy, nevew unto the king Charles. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 3406–8:

“On m’apele Guion, de Borgoigne fui nés,

Et fils d’une des filles au duc Millon d’Aingler,

Cousin germain Rollant, qui tant fait à douter.”

Duke Milon d’Anglers was brother-in-law to Charlemagne, whose sister Berte was Milon’s wife and mother to Roland. Cf. Philippe Mousket, l. 2706–8:

“S’ot Charles une autre sereur,

Bertain: cele prist à seigneur

Milon d’Anglers, s’en ot Rollant.”

If, therefore, in the passage quoted above from Fierabras, Guy is said to be the grandson of Milon, he must have been the grand-nephew of Charlemagne, and nephew to Rollant. As we learn from the French poem of Guy de Bourgoyne, Guy’s father was Samson of Burgundy. Cf. besides, Histoire Poétique, p. 407, and Syr Ferumbras, ll. 1922, 2091, 1410, etc.

p. 55, l. 1892. And yet knowe I him noght. Floripas has already once ‹p124› seen Guy when he was defeating Lukafer before Rome; cf. Fierabras, ll. 2237–2245:

“.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé

Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé;

Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré.

Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé;

Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité,

Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,

Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré.

Se cis n’est mes maris, je n’arai homme né;

Pour lui voel je croire ou roi de sainte maïsté.”

See also Syr Ferumbras, ll. 2073–2087. Our line does not necessarily imply a contradiction to the French text, as on the former occasion she probably saw the duel from a great distance, when the latter’s features were hidden by his helmet. That she really did not recognize him follows from the following passage of Fierabras, l. 2800, et seq.

“Je aim en douce France .i. leger baceler.”

—“Dame, comment a nom?” ce dist Rollans li her

Et respont la puciele: “ja le m’orrés nommer;

Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé.”

—“Par mon cief” dist Rollans “à vos ex le véés

N’a pas entre vous deus iiii piés mesurés.”

Besides there are numerous instances to be met with in mediæval poetry of persons enamoured of some one they had never seen:

“Ans no la vi et am la fort”

says Guilhelm de Poitiers in speaking of his lady (Mahn, Werke der Troubadours, p. 3). Cf. also Rits. Rom. II. 19, and Web. Rom. II. 131.

p. 55, l. 1927. myghty seems to mean “excellent, delicious,” rather than “heavy.”

p. 57, l. 1974. amonge, “every now and then, from time to time, occasionally.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, 2301. It is often used as a kind of expletive.

p. 57, l. 1995. foulis, “fools, foolish.” Cf. the French text:

“Par Mahoun, dist li rois, trestout sont fol prové.”

p. 57, l. 1996. There is no mention made of this game in the Provençal poem. It is described here even more explicitly than in the French Fierabras, ll. 2907–2932. Cf. also Syr Ferumbras, ll. 2230–2251.

p. 57, l. 1997. assorte = “assembly, company;” by one assorte = “in one company” (Halliwell). It seems to be connected with sort = “set, assemblage,” see Skeat, Specimens of E. E., 425/999

p. 58, l. 2000. i-fest : blast. Perhaps we ought to read i-fast.

p. 59, l. 2036. maden orders. I do not know the exact meaning of this expression. Perhaps it may be taken with the same sense as the Mod. H. Germ. phrase = “ordnung schaffen,” which literally means ‹p125› “to set in order, to put matters straight,” but is often used in the sense of “to clear away,” or, “to remove or despatch.”

p. 59, l. 2045. that he wente awaye with lym = “that he had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound.” lyme, O.E. lim, Mod. Eng. limb.

p. 59, l. 2052. tho = O.E. Þâ, “those, them,” it is used as a definite article in l. 2063.

p. 59, l. 2057. amapide, miswritten for awapide (Herrtage), “astounded, bewildered.” Cf. Stratmann, p. 10.—Mätzner, Wörterbuch, p. 150, connects it with Goth. afhvapjan, “to suffocate.” We find m written for w several times in our poem; thus we read gamylokes for gawylokes in l. 2650, and romme for rowme in l. 876.

p. 60, l. 2085. Assyne. The rhyme shows that Assye is the true reading. Assye occurs in ll. 102, 123.

p. 60, l. 2093. wone, “heap, plenty.” O.Icel. wân. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, p. 444.

p. 61, l. 2119. Brenlande. It ought to be Breuland or Brouland; see above note to l. 1743.

p. 61, l. 2120. The first foot in the line consists of the single word what. Thus in ll. 2288, 2374, 2394, etc.

p. 62, l. 2145. Espyarde. This name only occurs in this poem. In Syr Ferumbras, l. 3824, the messenger sent to the bridge-keeper is called Malyngryas. There is no name mentioned in the French Fierabras, l. 4265.

p. 62, l. 2156. That no man by the brigge. There is no verb in the sentence. Perhaps we ought to read that no man passe by the brigge, or, that no man passe the brigge.

p. 63, l. 2191. Cf. the description of the giant in Fierabras, ll. 4740–4755, and Syr Ferumbras, ll. 4435–4441.

p. 63, l. 2199. nolde not. See note to l. 1096.

p. 64, l. 2225. The line is too long. Wilde can be dispensed with, and instead of horses we may read hors; cf. Skeat, Gloss. to Prioress’s Tale (Clarendon Press), s. v. hors.

p. 64, l. 2233. a magnelle, “a mangonel,” an ancient military engine used for battering down walls (Halliwell). Magnelle is the O.Fr. Mangonel, or Mangoneau, the Italian manganello (= “arbalist, cross-bow”). The latter is the diminutive form of mangano, “a sling;” Greek, μαγγανον. See Diez, Etym. Wörterb., I. 261.

p. 64, l. 2238. Cornel or carnel, Fr. carnel, Mod.Fr. créneau, “battlement, pinnacle.” Literally it means, “a piece carved out,” i. e. of the wall on the top of a building; the French verb carneler or creneler signifying, “to carve out, to jag, to notch.” Carnel is derived from Latin crena (See Diez, Gramm., I. 14), which means “a notch, a cut, an incision” (Diez, Etym. Wörterb., II. 266). Thus carnel came to denote a battlement or indented parapet; or more ‹p126› exactly it was applied to those parts of the wall projecting upwards between the openings or embrasures. It was one of these projecting portions that was here knocked down. Cf. also Syr Ferumbras, l. 3314.

p. 65, l. 2245. The line is too long. Perhaps or he hit may be dispensed with.

p. 65, l. 2247. The episode of Marsedag being slain by Guy is not found in any other poem of this romance.

p. 65, l. 2271. Alkaron, “the Koran,” al is the Arabic article. There is a god named Alcaron occurring in l. 2762.

p. 66, l. 2282. dye : waye. See l. 441. forfamelid = “famished, starved to death.” I am not aware of any other instance of this word. Halliwell has “famele = to be famished.” The prefix for- has intensive or augmentative power; it is particularly used in past participles. See Mätzner’s Grammatik, I^2. 542.

p. 66, l. 2290. faile is the infinitive mood = “to be wanting, to become deficient.” “Roland seeing the ladies white and pale (with hunger) and (seeing) the bread wanting on their table spoke some words of lamentation,” etc.

p. 66, l. 2303. forcere, “chest, coffer.” For the etymology see Diez, Wörterb., II. 31, s. v. forziere.

p. 66, l. 2309. As it stands the line is too long. As you and that may be dispensed with, we ought perhaps to read, I pray ye wole us alle it shewe.

p. 66, l. 2310. saule, “fill, hunger satisfied to repletion.” The rhyme shows that the last syllable is accentuated. Therefore it cannot be derived from the French soûl (Gloss. to Roxb. Club ed.), but from soûlée.

p. 66, l. 2311. yede = “went.” Not from O.E. eode, but from ge-eode. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 60, and Skeat, Piers the Plowman (Clarendon Press), 94/40.

p. 66, l. 2312. vertue : fewe; the rhyme is perfect, see the Abstract of Mr. Nicol’s paper in the Academy of June 23, 1877 (vol. xi. p. 564, col. 1).

p. 66, l. 2313. We must scan this line thus:

-en in diden is mute; see Introduction, p. xxxix.

p. 67, l. 2326. ginne = “engin, contrivance, trick.” See note to l. 780.

p. 67, l. 2337. lefte. The rhyme shows that the author pronounced lafte, which we find in l. 426.

p 68, l. 2351. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 3046–3097. In the Provençal poem Maubyn or Malpi, as he is called in Provençal, enters the room by means of a charm which makes the door open itself: ‹p127›

“Vengutz es al fossat, pres de la tor cayrada.

Tantost intret dedins cuendamens a celada,

Venc a l’us de la cambra: si la trobet tancada.

Et a dit son conjur: tota s’es desfermada.”

ll. 2757–60.

p. 68, l. 2365. The rhyme is restored if we read ledde instead of ladde. See l. 1651.

p. 69, l. 2390. By God and seynte Mary, myn avour. I think the words myn avoure are due to the scribe, not to the author, as they spoil the rhythm. So we get Mary : we. This rhyme, although not perfect, is of no rare occurrence in Mid. Eng. works, see Introduction, p. xliv. As to the spelling of avour I am not aware of any other instance of this form of the word. There is a form avyowre cited by Halliwell. Besides, avoury and avowery, which he quotes under different heads, are perhaps only different spellings of the same word.

p. 69, l. 2399. slepinge must be altered into slepande in order to restore the rhyme. The author employed -and and -ynge as terminations of the present participle. See Introduction, p. xxxviii.

p. 69, l. 2421. also belongs to l. 2422.

p. 70, l. 2433. so mete I spede, “as I may succeed.” See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 615.

p. 71, l. 2477. and now is perhaps miswritten for inow; cf. the French text, l. 3803:

“Tant y a plates d’or, nus nes porroit nombrer.”

p. 71, l. 2482. wast gives no sense. Perhaps we ought to read went.

p. 72, ll. 2491–2502. The arrangement of the stanzas seems, as regards the rhymes, to be incorrect.

p. 72, l. 2507. In the Ashmole Ferumbras this episode of the Soudan breaking the image of Mahound is omitted. In the French text he only threatens to make him cry, as soon as he gets hold of him, but he is rebuked by Sorbrance telling him that Mahomet being over-tired with guarding the treasure has only fallen asleep. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 3820–3829.

p. 72, l. 2512. ore, O.E. âr, “mercy, favour.” Thyn ore = “grant us thy favour,” “have mercy upon us,” or, “with thy favour.”

p. 73, l. 2535. Richard of Normandy appearing here as in the French Fierabras, among the twelve peers besieged by the Soudan, without having been mentioned before in the number of the knights sent on a mission by Charles, furnishes us with an argument in support of our supposition that the French Fierabras was the source of our poem. See Introduction, p. xxx, and of Fierabras, ll. 3957–3994, and Syr Ferumbras, l. 4921.

p. 73, l. 2538. wynde : hende; wende which occurs in l. 2328 would improve the rhyme. ‹p128›

p. 73, l. 2549. paramour = “object of chivalrous affection and devotion.”

p. 73, l. 2557. wronge, preterite of wringe, “to press well out, force one’s way.”

p. 73, l. 2558. Does thile stand for while, as then, l. 2527, seems to be miswritten for when? Or is thile = the while?

p. 74, l. 2564. sloughe : drowe. Read slowe, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304, 2208, etc.

p. 75, l. 2597. itolde, “in number,” see Zupitza’s note to Guy, 1770.

p. 75, l. 2614. quell = “kill,” which occurs in l. 3006.

p. 75, l. 2616. bistadde, “hard bestead, greatly imperilled.”

p. 75, l. 2617. japed, “mocked, tricked, laughed at.” Connected with Icel. gabba, “to mock.”

p. 76, l. 2639. tha. See Introduction, p. xxxvii.

p. 76, l. 2651. lurdeyn, Mod. Eng. lurdan, which is said to be the Fr. lourdin (diminutive of lourd). Regarding it as a corruption of “lord Dane” is a mere joke:

“In every house lord Dane did then rule all,

Whence laysie lozels lurdanes now we call.”

Mirrour for Magistrates, p. 588.

p. 76, l. 2654. sewes. See Skeat, Prioress’s Tale, p. 286.

p. 76, l. 2660. let armes makes no sense. Read as armes—As armes = Fr. aux armes, “to arms,” is of pretty frequent occurrence in Mid. Eng. poems; see Mätzner’s Wörterb., p. 112. Cf. also Syr Ferumbras, l. 2933:

“As armes,” þanne cride Rolond,

“As armes everychone!”

Cf. ibidem, l. 4125. So we read in the Destruction, l. 1460.

“Ore as armes, seignours, franc chevalier membré.”

Perhaps we ought to read as armes also in l. 491, where the reading and armes is somewhat suspicious, since armes, if we regard and armes to be the true reading, would be the only instance of the imperative plural ending in -es (instead of -eth) in the Sowdan.

p. 77, l. 2689. Thay thanked God that thay him hadde Gyfe thaye suche grace to spede. These lines are corrupt. I propose to read:

“Thay thanked God that hem hadde

Gyfen suche grace to spede.”

p. 77, l. 2694. alaye, written as one word in the MS., must be divided into two, a being the indefinite article, and laye meaning “unploughed ground, field, pasture, meadow.” Mod. Eng. ley, lea, lay. See Stratmann, s. v. leȝe, p. 356.

p. 77, l. 2698. he, “they.” This is the only instance of he instead of the common thay. But he, which is further confirmed by the rhyme, must certainly be attributed to the author; thay occurs only once ‹p129› (l. 3021) as a rhyme, but the rhyme is not a good one, and there also it would be preferable to read he.

p. 78, l. 2706. by my thrifte, the same as “so mote y thryve,” or, “so mote y spede” = “as (verily as) I may thrive,” “in truth.”

p. 78, l. 2707. see; cf. Zupitza’s note to Guy, 163.

p. 78, l. 2719. wole : skille. The rhyme shows that wole cannot be due to the author; we must read wille (or welle which occurs l. 2633).

p. 78, l. 2732. bikure or bykeringe, l. 2559 = “fight, battle, skirmish.” Er durste bikure abide. The subject is wanting, see note to l. 67. Or is there any corruption in this line? Perhaps we ought to read: “Lenger durste [thay] no bikure abyde.” Cf. ll. 3117, 2610, 2947.

p. 79, l. 2748. love. The rhyme requires leef or leeve. leef, O.E. leof, means “dear, beloved.” For examples of leef being used as a substantive, see Stratmann, p. 359.

p. 80, l. 2793. eye, “egg.” See Koch, Eng. Gr. II. § 582, and compare the French phrase “valoir un œuf pelé.”

p. 80, l. 2797. and his meyne. This must be a mistake of the author himself. According to l. 2557, Richard had ventured alone on a mission to Charlemagne. There is no mention whatever made afterwards that he was joined by any one; the other poems likewise state that Richard was without any companion.

p. 80, l. 2805. lete : gate. The rhyme requires late.

p. 81, l. 2810. cliffe. Here the author of the Sowdan goes so far in shortening his original as to be wholly unintelligible. Indeed, any reader, not comparing these lines with corresponding passages in the French poem, will be left without any clue to what cliff is here intended to mean. From the French Fierabras we know that the water of the river was very deep and broad, and that the banks were exceedingly steep and almost inaccessible. Cf. Fierabras, ll. 4349:

“Et voit l’augue bruiant, le flot parfont et lé.”

l. 4358: “La rive en est moult haute, bien fait à redouter.” Cf. also the Provençal poem, ll. 3733, et seq.:

“Richart regarda l’aygua, que fe mot a duptar,

E fo grans e preonda, que no y auza intrar,

E la riba fou auta de C pes ses gaber.”

Now it was by means of a twofold myracle that the Christian knight was enabled to cross the river:

(1) The waters suddenly increased and rose so as to reach the very top of the banks; cf. Fierabras, ll. 4365–69:

“Or oiés quel vertu Diex i vaut demonstrer

Por le roi Karlemaine, qui tant fait à douter.

Ançois que on ëust une liuée alé,

Veïssiés si Flagot engroissier et enfler,

Que par desous la rive commence à seronder.”

Provençal, ll. 3741–45: ‹p130›

“Ara podetz auzir, si m voletz escoutar:

Tan bela meravilha li volc dieus demostrar

Per lo bon rey de Fransa que el volc tant amar;

Ans un trag de balesta pogues lunhs hom anar,

Pogratz vezer Flagot sus la riba montar.”

(2) A deer appears and shows Richard the way across the river to the top of the opposite bank.

“Atant es vous .i. cerf, que Diex i fist aler,

Et fu blans comme nois, biaus fu à resgarder.

Devant le ber Richart se prent à demostrer,

Devant lui est tantost ens en Flagot entrés.

Li dus voit Sarrazins après lui aroutés,

S’il ot paour de mort ne fait à demander.

Après le blance bisse commencha à errer

Tout ainsi com ele vait, lait le ceval aler;

Et li ciers vait devant, qui bien s’i sot garder,

D’autre part à la rive se prent à ariver.”

Cf. also the Provençal version, ll. 3751–54:

“Apres la blanca bestia laycha ’l destrier anar.

E lo cer vay denan, que l saup mot ben guizar,

De l’autra part de l’aygua l’a fayt ben aribar,

E dieus a fayt Flagot en son estat tornar.”

This bank which formerly was steep and inaccessible, but is now covered with water, is called cliff by our poet. In the Ashmolean poem the first miracle is not mentioned; cf. Syr Ferumbras, ll. 3943, et seq.

p. 81, l. 2811. he blessed him in Godis name. The phrase occurs also in Syr Ferumbras, l. 3961, but is not to be found in the French text. Mr. John Shelley (in his paper printed in the Annual Report and Transactions of the Plymouth Institution, IV. i. 71) took this phrase as a proof that the original of the Sowdan could not have been the French poem. But it must be stated that as in the Sowdan, l. 2807, so in the French version Richard is said to have addressed a prayer to God:

“Escortrement commence Jhesu à reclamer:

Glorieus sire pere, qui te laissas pener

En la crois beneoite pour ton pule sauver,

Garisiés hui mon cors de mort et d’afoler,

Que je puisse Karlon mon message conter.”

Fierabras, ll. 4360–64.

If now we consider that some lines back (l. 4093) the French poem expressively states that Richard seeing himself hard pressed by the Saracens, signed himself with the sign of the cross—

“Lors a levé sa main, de Jhesu s’est signiés”

an incident which at that moment is omitted in the Sowdan—we think ourselves entitled to regard this proof as not very convincing.

p. 81, l. 2820. Ganelon, one of Charlemagne’s officers, who by his treachery was the cause of the defeat of Roncesvaux, the death of Roland, etc., for which he was torn to death by horses. For ‹p131› several centuries his name was a synonymous word with traitor. Ganelo = Germ. Wenhilo.

p. 81, l. 2845. Fremounde cannot be the true reading, as it does not rhyme with kinge. Besides Fremounde does not occur again in the poem. Perhaps we ought to read Qwyntyne, as in l. 1298. In the corresponding passage of the French Fierabras (l. 4625) it is to St. Denis that Charles swears; cf. also Syr Ferumbras, l. 4289.

p. 82, l. 2850. And makes no sense. Read “God.”

p. 83, l. 2887. gryse : assaye. We get a perfect rhyme if we read gray instead of gryse. Halliwell, s. v. “gray,” has: “the skin or fur of a badger.”

p. 83, l. 2891. As it stands, the line does not rhyme with l. 2893. The rhyme will be restored if we read:

“Lycence gete ye noone nere,” or perhaps

“Lycence gete ye of me nere,”

nere meaning ne’er, never, as in Guy, 10550 and 10716.

p. 84, l. 2939. The name of the giantess is Amiette or Amiote in the other poems.

p. 84, l. 2941. This line is too long; as þikke may be omitted.

p. 84, l. 2942. bydene, “immediately, all at once.” On the etymology see Zupitza’s note to Guy, 2408.

p. 85, l. 2981. ayene means “back.” So in Genesis and Exodus, l. 1097:

“And bodem hem and tagten wel

ðat here non wente agen.”

Again, l. 3267:

“ðo quoðen he ‘wende agen,

An israel folc lete we ben.’”

p. 86, l. 3020. As it stands, this line does not scan well. Perhaps we may read month instead of monthes, and childre instead of children, and scan the line thus:

p. 87, l. 3021. thay : Normandy. The rhyme, though imperfect, cannot be objected to; but as the rhyme e : y (i) is frequently employed by our author (see Introduction, p. xliv), and was of rather common use about that period (see Ellis, Pronunciation, I. 271), we might incline to the supposition that he is the true reading. Cf. besides l. 2698.

p. 87, l. 3034. mene makes no sense. Perhaps we ought to read: mete, “food.”

p. 87, l. 3044. In the French poem, l. 5108, Hoel and Riol are appointed governors of Mantrible, whereas Richard goes on with Charles and commands one of the divisions of his army (l. 5577). Cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 5643.

p. 88, l. 3062. coost, “country, region.” See Mätzner’s Wörterb., 487.

p. 88, l. 3084. In the Fierabras, l. 5374, it is Naymes who first recognizes the banner of France; cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 5209. ‹p132›

p. 89, l. 3098. of the Ethiopes = “some of the Ethiopians.” This may be regarded as an example of the partitive use of of. Cf. Zupitza’s note to Guy, 1961.

p. 89, l. 3103. alto hewe must be more correctly written al to-hewe;—to-, as a mere prefix (signifying “in twain, asunder, apart” = Germ. zer) belongs essentially to the verb; the intensive adverb al (= “utterly, omnino,”) used before verbs beginning not only with to-, but also before other prefixes, still further strengthens, and belongs to, the whole expression. So al to-treden, l. 1382, to-braste, l. 1168.

p. 89, l. 3122. Belmore. Perhaps identical with Belmarine.

p. 90, l. 3130. wode-wroth, “madly angry.” Cf. Skeat, Specimens of Early Eng. Lit., 80/37.

p. 90, l. 3141. game, “sport, joke, affair.”

p. 90, l. 3154. hat, “be called.” See note, l. 613.

p. 91, l. 3164. bronde, “sword.” In the next line bronte means “blow, stroke.”

p. 91, l. 3189. lande : commaunde. See note, l. 59.

p. 91, l. 3191. The rhyme is spoiled. Perhaps than must be transposed so that we get the rhyme baptysed : imaryed.

p. 92, l. 3210. there to abide in store = “to be kept in store”; cf. Skelton, ed. Dyce, I. 162, 221.

p. 92, l. 3227. victory = “booty, spoils of victory, trophy.”

p. 92, l. 3232. the hyer honde to have = “to have conquered or vanquished.” The same phrase is found in M. H. G.; cf. Hartmann’s Iwein, ed. Lachmann, l. 1537–8:

“Vrou Minne nam die obern hant,

daz sî in vienc unde bant.”

p. 93, l. 3236. In the French Fierabras, l. 6082, et seq., and in the Provençal poem, l. 5067, et seq., the relics are distributed as follows: Part of the crown and one nail to St. Denis, and “li signes,” the winding-sheet of the Lord, to Compiègne. There is no mention made of the cross in the French poem (see note to l. 665); cf. Introd. pp. l and liv.

p. 93, l. 3253. According to the Chanson de Roland, Ganelon has been drawn and quartered in a field near Aix-la-Chapelle.

p. 94, l. 3254. By lawe, cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 307: “As for traytours ȝaf þe lawe.” On this law compare Léon Gautier’s note to l. 3736 of the Chanson de Roland.

p. 95, l. 3274. The French poem ends with the assertion of the poet (or the scribe) that whoever has well listened to this romance will find every part of it good and excellent, the opening, the middle, and the end:

“De cest roumant est boine et la fin et l’entree,

Et enmi et partout, qui bien l’a escoutée.”

GLOSSARY. ◊

O.E. = Old English or Anglo Saxon.

O.Fr. = Old French.

32/1094 = page 32, line 1094.

- Abye, 32/1094, vb. to pay for, expiate. O.E. âbycgan.

- adaunte, 28/957, vb. to subdue. Fr. danter, donter, dompter.

- aferde, 39/1337, pp. afraid. O.E. âfrde.

- affrayned, 43/1495, pt. s. asked. O.E. frignan.

- afraye, 26/896, sb. disturbance, fight.

- agreved, 29/992, pp. aggrieved. Fr. aggrever.

- alayned, 43/1497, pt. s. concealed, dissembled. Icel. leyna.

- alle and some, 22/749, altogether, every one.

- almiht, 38/1329, adj. See note.

- ameved, 29/994, pp. moved.

- amonge, 57/1994, adv. in the mean time, now and then, sometimes. See note to l. 1974.

- aplight, 17/573, adv. certainly, indeed. See note.

- areeste, 34/1166, sb. rest, support. O.Fr. arrest.

- arson, 41/1410, sb. pommel. Fr. arçon.

- aspied, 10/314, pp. espied. Fr. espier.

- assaye, 83/2889, sb. value. Fr. essai.

- assorte, 57/1997, sb. assembly, company. See note.

- assoyled, 70/2455, pt. pl. absolved.

- astraye, 16/532, adv. out of the right way, roving about without guidance.

- astyte, 42/1456, adv. immediately.

- asure, 5/134, sb. azure.

- atame, 27/935, vb. to tame, subdue. O.E. âtamian.

- atone, 32/1103, agree.

- attones, 31/1067, at once.

- avente, 36/1237, vb. to take breath. Fr. venter.

- avoure, 69/2390, sb. protection, protectress.

- avyse, 49/1716, vb. to consider, advise with one’s self. Fr. aviser.

- awapide, 59/2057, pp. astounded, bewildered. See note.

- ayene, 85/2981, adv. back.

- Bandon, 19/636, sb. disposal.

- bassatours (?), 29/995, sb. vavassors.

- bawson, 2/52, sb. badger.

- baye, 27/940, sb. recess, niche. See note.

- beckyn, 3/64, vb. beckon. O.E. bêacnian.

- bedight, 88/3070, vb. to dispose, to surrender, to send forth.

- behight, 25/859, pt. s. promised. O.E. heht.

- bende, 13/420, vb. to direct.

- bente, 20/665, adj. bent, crooked. ‹p134›

- benysone, 9/289, sb. blessing. Fr. benoison.

- bette, 49/1716, adv. better.

- bikure, 78/2732, sb. skirmish.

- bispake, 5/165, pt. s. spoke with.

- bistadde, 75/2616, pp. placed in peril, hardly bestead. Cf. O.E. stæððan. Dan. bestede.

- biwry, 46/1580, vb. betray. O.E. biwrêgan.

- bloo, 29/1005, adj. blue. Icel. blâr.

- blynne, 70/2442, vb. to cease, stop. O.E. belinnan.

- bobaunce, 7/211, sb. boasting.

- boure, 54/1870, sb. a lady’s apartment, boudoir. O.E. bûr.

- bowe, 53/1853, sb. bough, branch. O.E. bôg.

- braide, 32/1098, pt. s. drew. O.E. brægd.

- brayde, 8/247, sb. craft, deceit, artifice. See note.

- breddes, 5/131, sb. birds. O.E. bridas.

- broke, 57/1965, vb. to break.

- bronte, 91/3166, sb. blow.

- buskede, 31/1055, pt. s. prepared, arrayed. Icel. bûask.

- by, 3/87, vb. buy, pay. O.E. bycgan.

- bydene, 84/2942, immediately. Originally mid ene. See note.

- bygone, 3/79, pp. afflicted. See note.

- bykeringe, 74/2595, sb. skirmish.

- by than, 10/344. See note.

- Camalyon, 29/1008, sb. camel-leopard. See note.

- carrikes, 4/118, a kind of large ship. See note.

- caste, 12/394, sb. plan, stratagem; 60/2091, the throwing; 71/2471, missile. See note to l. 394.

- ceased, 89/3109, pt. s. seized.

- chaffer, 83/2885, sb. merchandise. O.E. cêap, faru.

- charke, 51/1778, vb. to creak, crack. See note.

- chek, 8/189, sb. a checkered cloth.

- chere, 6/201, sb. demeanour, behaviour, humour.

- chere, 80/2781, sb. friendliness, willingness.

- chere, 87/3030, adj. pleased, merry.

- chese, 49/1698, vb. to be free to choose. O.E. cêosan.

- clepeth, 24/809, pr. s. calls.

- clipped, 56/1935, pt. pl. embraced, hugged. O.E. clyppan.

- clog, 46/1603, sb. “truncus,” block.

- cloute, 58/2014, sb. blow.

- combrest, 83/2909, pr. s. encumberest. Fr. combrer.

- coost, 50/1721, sb. regard, account. See note.

- cornell, 64/2238, sb. shaft of a pinnacle or battlement. O.Fr. carnell. See note to l. 2238, and compare Du Cange, s. v. quarnellus: “pinna muri per quam milites jaculantur.”

- coude, 16/541, pt. s. knew.

- counsail, 46/1590, secret.

- Defouled, 7/233, pp. polluted. Cf. O.E. fŷlan, fûlian.

- delte, 16/526, pp. dealt.

- dere, 92/3202, vb. to harm, injure. O.E. derian.

- derke, 73/2541, adj. dark.

- dewe, 70/2452, adj. due.

- dight, 79/2763, pp. dressed, prepared. O.E. dihtan.

- dinge, 26/880, vb. to dash, beat. Cf. Icel. dengja.

- dirke, 44/1539. See note.

- dobbet, 33/1136, pp. dubbed. O.E. dubban. Fr. dober.

- dome, 14/478, sb. glory.

- don, 88/3078, vb. cause, order O.E. dôn.

- donne, 11/347, adj. dun.

- dowte, 9/297, sb. fear.

- dradde, 36/1232, pt. s. feared. Cf. O.E. on-drdan. ‹p135›

- dresse, 49/1702, vb. to direct one’s self, go, start. Fr. dresser.

- dromonde, 3/63, sb. vessel of war.

- dute, 30/1024, sb. duty. Deriv. of due, dewe. Fr. deu.

- Egre, 29/1009, vb. to excite, to urge.

- eke, 20/662, adv. also. O.E. êac.

- engyn, 28/948, sb. a skilful contrivance. Fr. engin.

- ensample, 27/931, sb. example.

- entente, 16/550, vb. to turn one’s attention to, to try to get, to attempt.

- entente, 28/945, sb. meaning, will, mind.

- erille, 11/368, sb. earl.

- erraunte, 5/139, quick, immediately.

- eye, 80/2793, sb. egg. O.E. æg.

- Fade, 20/678, vb. to dispose, to arrange, to set up (?).

- fade, 30/1033, adj. weak, faint.

- faste, 32/1086, adv. much, greatly.

- fat, 90/3152, sb. Vat, tub. O.E. fæt.

- fauchon, 76/2650, sb. a sword or falchion.

- faye, 26/900, vb. truth, faith.

- fele, 47/1619, adj. many.

- felle, 29/1004, adj. fierce, furious.

- felte, 41/1405, pt. s. made fall, killed.

- fende, 92/3231, pp. defended, protected, granted.

- fere, 36/1248, sb. fear. O.E. fr.

- fere, 44/1505, sb. companion. In fere, 31/1071, together.

- fere, 2/59, vb. to terrify.

- ferre, 4/103, adv. far.

- fet, 91/3188, pp. fetched.

- fille, 35/1210, pt. s. fell.

- fleen, 88/3065, to flay. O.E. flêan.

- folde, 71/1427, pp. felled, knocked down.

- forcere, 66/2303, sb. chest, coffer. O.Fr. forcier.

- for-famelid, 66/2282, pp. entirely famished.

- foule, 77/2686, vb. foul luck, mischance.

- fowarde, 15/502, 22/732, sb. vanguard.

- frankensense, 20/679, sb. an odorous resin, pure incense.

- fraye, 15/514, vb. to frighten, attack.

- frike, 4/104, adj. quick, bold, active.

- frith, 2/43, sb. enclosed wood.

- froo, 79/760, prep. from.

- fyne, 9/306, sb. end.

- Game, 90/3141, sb. affair; 92/3199, pleasure. O.E. gamen.

- gan, 16/549, pt. s. began.

- gavylok, 41/1426, sb. a spear or javelin. O.E. gafoluc.

- geaunesse, 84/2943 (?), sb. giantess.

- geder, 45/1553, vb. to gather. O.E. gædrian.

- glased, 35/1208, pt. s. glided. O.Fr. glacier. See Zupitza’s note to Guy, l. 5067.

- glede, 7/205, sb. a glowing coal, ember. O.E. glêd.

- god, 3/67, adj. versed in, master of.

- gome, 5/144, sb. man. O.E. guma.

- gonge, 84/2934, vb. to go. O.E. gongan.

- goulis, 6/189, sb. gules, a red colour. Fr. geules.

- gray, 83/2887, sb. the fur of a gray, or badger. O.E. grg.

- gree, 82/2850, sb. grace, favour. Fr. gré. Lat. gratum.

- grenned, 84/2948, pt. s. grinned, roared. O.E. grennian.

- grevaunce, 29/993, sb. grievance.

- greved, 45/1543, pt. s. grieved, molested, troubled.

- grith, 82/2850, sb. peace, agreement. O.E. grið.

- gryse, 83/2887, sb. a kind of fur. Fr. gris. ‹p136›

- guttis, 39/1351, sb. guts. O.E. gut.

- gydoure, 5/163, sb. leader, guide.

- gynne, 67/2326, sb. enginne, contrivance.

- Harde, 59/2056, pt. s. heard.

- hat, 90/3154, vb. to be called. O.E. hâtan.

- he, 77/2698, pron. nominat. thay. O.E. hî.

- heede, 62/2158, sb. head. O.E. hêafod.

- hende, 73/2536, adj. gentle, polite. O.E. hendig.

- hennys, 55/1922, adv. hence. O.E. heonan.

- hente, 40/1370, vb. hold, take. O.E. hentan.

- hie, 14/455, sb. haste.

- hight, 18/613, pt. s. promised; 36/1242, art called. O.E. heht.

- honde of honde, 12/394, in close fight.

- hoole, 32/1119, adj. whole, sound. O.E. hâl.

- hurle, 27/929, vb. to jostle, to strike. A contraction of hurtle.

- hurteled, 24/831, pt. pl. clashed against, jostled. Frequentative of hurt. Fr. hurter, heurter.

- hye, 32/1092, sb. haste.

- I-fast, 58/2000, fixed.

- ilkadele, 58/2016, every part. O.E. lc, dl.

- ilke, 9/281, adj. same. O.E. ylca.

- inowe, 25/854, adv. enough. O.E. genôh.

- ishente, 66/2286, pp. destroyed. O.E. ge-scended.

- istoke, 56/1963, pp. shut up, fastened. From steken. O.L.G. stecan.

- istonge, 16/533, pp. stung, pierced. O.E. stungen.

- it, 25/845, vb. to hit. Icel. hitta.

- iwis, 3/71, adv. certainly, indeed. O.E. gewiss.

- iwone, 11/358, adj. accustomed.

- Japed, 75/2617, pp. mocked, laughed at. O.Icel. gabba.

- jouste, 57/1991, vb. to joust, fight. Fr. jouster.

- Kele, 93/3258, vb. to keel, cool. O.E. cêlan.

- kind, 63/2196, sb. race, family.

- kithe, 28/971, vb. to show, manifest. O.E. cŷðan.

- kon, 66/2297, prs. pl. can.

- kynde, 28/968, sb. nature, temper.

- kynde, 2/42, adj. natural, inborn.

- Lan, 15/516, pt. s. ceased, stopped. O.E. lan.

- late, 71/2460, pt. pl. let, caused, ordered. O.E. lêt, lton.

- launde, 2/59, sb. park, lawn.

- laye, 77/2694, sb. lea, field. O.E. lêah. Cf. Water-loo.

- laye, 28/951, sb. law. O.E. lagu.

- layne, 16/538, pt. pl. lay. O.E. lgon.

- lefe, 23/763, vb. leave, abandon, forsake. O.E. lfan.

- lefe-long, 24/832, adj. long, tedious.

- legeeȝ, 23/775, leagues. Fr. lieue. O.Fr. legue. Lat. leuca.

- leke, 50/1726, sb. leek. O.E. lêac.

- lele, 33/1129, adj. leal, loyal. Fr. leal.

- lenger, 72/2500, compar. longer.

- lere, 66/2289, sb. countenance, complexion. O.E. hlêor.

- lere, 74/2569, vb. to teach.

- lered, 58/2005, pp. learned.

- lerne, 33/1141, vb. to teach.

- lese, 49/1683, vb. to loose. O.E. lêosan.

- lette, 17/585, vb. leave off; 74/2610, to put a stop to, hinder, tarry. O.E. lettan.

- leve, 23/794, vb. leave. O.E. lfan; 30/1045, omit, neglect.

- leve, 19/651, vb. live, remain. O.E. gelŷfan.

- leven, 31/1050, vb. believe. O.E. lêfan. ‹p137›

- lewde, 75/2601, sb. laymen, unlearned. O.E. lwed.

- light, 26/905, adj. active, nimble.

- light, 33/1125, pp. alighted. O.E. lîhtan.

- lithe, 81/1778, sb. limb, member. O.E. lið.

- logges, 69/2399, sb. huts. Fr. loge.

- longith, 28/951, prs. s. belongeth, becomes.

- loute, 72/2513, vb. to stoop, bow down. O.E. lûtan.

- lowly, 70/2454, adv. low, not loud.

- lurdeynes, 76/2651, sb. lurdan, lout. Fr. lourdin.

- lym, 59/2045, sb. limb.

- lyued, 66/1261, pt. pl. lived.

- Magre, 42/1442, prep. in spite of.

- maistryes, 89/3117, sb. pl. mastery, proof of skill, combat.

- manly, 29/989, adj. brave.

- mayne, 16/528, sb. main, strength.

- me, 9/287, sb. men, people, one.

- meche, 6/179, adj. much. O.E. mycel.

- mede, 31/1054, sb. meadow. O.E. md.

- mede, 37/1289, sb. meed, pay. O.E. mêd.

- medel, 73/2540, vb. meddle. O.Fr. mesler, mestler.

- men, 4/115, sb. men, people, one.

- menske, 28/972, sb. manliness, honour. O.E. mennisc.

- mente, 51/1784, vb. to aim at, to intend to go. O.E. myntan. See note to l. 1604.

- mervaylyth, 88/3066, prs. s. marvels, wonders. Cf. Fr. merveille.

- mete, 47/1633, sb. food, repast.

- meyne, 7/219, sb. host, company, retinue. O.Fr. maisniee.

- mikille, 30/1016, adj. many. O.E. mycel.

- moche, 15/505, adj. much.

- mode, 29/1009, sb. mind, temper, courage. O.E. môd.

- moolde, 5/136, sb. earth, worth. O.E. molde.

- moone, 28/944, sb. moan, complaint. Cf. O.E. mnan.

- more, 23/777, delay. See note to l. 1110.

- more, 29/1005, sb. moor, Maurian.

- mot, 19/650, vb. may.

- myghty, 56/1927, adj. See the note.

- myrke, 45/1541, adj. dark. O.E. myrce.

- Natheless, 15/506, adv. nevertheless.

- nather, 36/1232, adj. nother.

- ner, 13/416, conj. nor.

- nere, 22/756, adv. near.

- nerehond, 86/2998, adv. almost.

- noght, 43/1497, adv. not.

- noght, 78/2712, sb. nothing.

- none, 32/1114, sb. noon.

- nones, 3/74, sb. nonce, occasion.

- nothinge, 6/175, not at all.

- nothir, 8/267, conj. neither.

- nought for than, 43/1483, nevertheless.

- nyl, 17/585, prs. s. will not. O.E. nyle.

- Of, 32/1088, prp. on account of.

- oght, 78/2713, sb. aught.

- onarmede, 14/464, unarmed.

- onneþe, 89/3105, adv. scarcely.

- onworthily, 49/1634, adv. unusefully.

- orders, 59/2036. See the note.

- ore, 72/2512, sb. mercy, favour. O.E. âr.

- orfrays, 83/2888, sb. gold embroidery. Lat. Aurifrisum.

- overlede, 72/2502, vb. to domineer over, to oppress.

- Parelles, 55/1917, sb. pl. perils. Fr. péril.

- paynym, 16/539, sb. pagan.

- pellure, 83/2887, sb. fur. O.Fr. pelure. ‹p138›

- pight, 34/1158, pp. pitched, fixed.

- pinne, 88/3077, vb. to torment. O.E. pînan.

- playn, 6/177, vb. to complain.

- plete, 33/1151, vb. plead, prattle. From Fr. plet, plaid.

- plight, 26/889, prs. s. promise, assure.

- poleyne, 6/176, sb. pully-pieces, knee-armour.

- praye, 16/550, sb. press, crowd.

- prees, 40/1399, sb. crowd, struggle. Fr. presse.

- preest, 34/1169, adj. ready. Fr. prest.

- prik, 81/2831, vb. to spur a horse, to ride.

- prikke, 65/2260, sb. a piece of wood in the centre of the target. See Halliwell’s Diction. s. v. preke.

- prove, 6/183, vb. to try.

- prowe, 51/1766, sb. profit, advantage, honour. Fr. prou.

- prymsauns, 28/965 (?). See the note.

- Quod, 32/1095, prt. s. quoth.

- qwelle, 75/2614, vb. to kill. O.E. cwellan.

- qwere, 17/566, sb. quire, choir-service.

- qweynte, 3/74, adj. excellent, elegant. O.Fr. coint. Lat. cognitus.

- qwike, 58/2001, adj. alive, burning. O.E. cwic.

- qwite, 16/520, vb. to requite, to reward.

- Racches, 2/56, sb. setting dogs, pointers.

- rafe, 25/866, vb. to rave. O.Fr. raver. Span. rabiar. Lat. rabiare.

- ras, 39/1349, sb. instant, occasion. See the note. 19/645, hurry, haste.

- rase, 23/774, sb. rush, channel of the sea.

- raught, 46/1605, prt. s. reached, aimed at, struck. O.E. rhte.

- rede, 85/2980, sb. counsel, advice. O.E. rd.

- rees, 49/1693, sb. time, occasion.

- rehete, 59/2035, vb. to cheer.

- rekyneth, 57/1982, prs. s. reckons, deduces.

- releve, 7/219, vb. to rally.

- renew, 33/1126, vb. to tie. Fr. renouer.

- renew, 63/2200, vb. to renovate, to recommence. Renew.

- resyn, 16/534, prs. pl. rise.

- rew, 89/3105, sb. row, order. O.E. rw.

- roght, 54/1878, pt. pl. recked, cared. O.E. rôhton.

- roial, 20/686, 51/1765, adj. exquisite, distinguished; 71/2483, delightful. Cf. l. 2247.

- rome, 14/484, vb. to walk about. See Stratmann, s. v. râmen, p. 452.

- romme, 26/876, sb. room, space. O.E. rûm.

- rowte, 2/54, sb. company, host.

- rowte, 60/2073, vb. to assemble in a company, to throng, to rally.

- ruly, 47/1624, adj. rueful. O.E. hrêowlîc.

- ryme, 10/339, vb. to cry out, to moan.

- Saile, 12/385, vb. to assail.

- same, all in s., 56/1938, altogether.

- sare, 21/706, adv. sorely, sadly.

- saule, 66/2310. See the note.

- saute, 18/619, sb. assault.

- saye, 58/1998, pt. pl. saw. O.E. sgon.

- scole, 33/1141, vb. style, manner.

- sede, 7/235, sb. seed.

- seke, 32/1116, adj. sick.

- semely, 2/39, adj. seemly, comely, beautiful.

- sendelle, 4/129, sb. a kind of rich thin silk. ‹p139›

- set, 49/1717, vb. to consider, estimate.

- sete, 3/62, sb. a seat.

- sewes, 76/2654, sb. juices, delicacies. O.E. seaw.

- seyne, 14/472, vb. to speak.

- shente, 1/23, pp. destroyed.

- shifte, 78/2704, vb. to divide, to share. O.E. sciftan.

- shonde, 64/2222, sb. disgrace, ignominy. O.E. sceand.

- shoon, 40/1381, sb. shoes. O.E. scêon, scêos.

- shope him, 2/50, pt. s. got himself ready to, arrayed himself.

- shoure, 15/509, sb. fight.

- shrew, 72/2518, vb. to curse.

- shrewes, 76/2652, sb. wicked beings.

- sikerlye, 62/2172, adv. surely.

- sith, 47/1632, conj. since.

- sithe, 47/1619, sb. pl. times. O.E. sîð.

- skaped, 59/2043, pt. s. escaped.

- skath, 47/1645, sb. loss, damage, ruin. Cf. O.E. sceaðan.

- skomfited, 38/1320, pp. discomfited. O.Fr. desconfire.

- skulkyng, 76/2651, prs. p. lurking, breaking forth from a hiding place.

- smerte, 38/1309, adj. smart, pungent.

- smertly, 41/1419, adv. smartly, at once.

- socoure, 15/507, sb. succour, assistant.

- soghten, 40/1372, pt. pl. moved on, rode. See the note.

- solas, 20/675, sb. relief, recreation, pleasure. O.Fr. solaz. Lat. solatium.

- somer, 77/2702, sb. a sumpter horse. Fr. sommier. Cf. Diez, Etym. Dict. I., p. 364, s. v. salma.

- sonde, 61/2134, sb. message, order.

- sore, 2/47, adv. very much, eagerly.

- sore, 33/1138, adv. sadly.

- sowdeoures, 21/727, sb. soldiers, hirelings. Lat. solidarius. Cf. Fr. soudard, soudoyé.

- spede, 70/2433, vb. thrive.

- spille, 36/1226, vb. to destroy. O.E. spillan.

- stenyed, 24/825, pt. s. shook, astounded.

- steven, 65/2258, sb. voice. O.E. stefn.

- stondart, 78/2717, sb. standard-bearer. Fr. étendard.

- store, 23/768, sb. provision.

- store, 92/3210, sb. stock, preservation, keeping.

- stoure, 7/212, sb. battle, tumult.

- stoute, 53/1825, adj. proud, boasting.

- stronde, 2/53, sb. strand, shore.

- stroyeth, 5/159, prs. s. destroyeth.

- stynte, 52/1804, pt. pl. stopped.

- sue, 46/1601, vb. to follow. Fr. suivre.

- sware, 13/428, adj. heavy.

- swyth, 47/1621, adv. quick, fast. O.E. swîðe.

- Tan, 74/2581, pp. taken.

- tene, 30/1032, sb. grief, anger, insult, injury. O.E. têona.

- tene, 83/2902, vb. to vex, to wax wroth. O.E. tŷnan.

- teyde, 48/1648, pp. tied.

- tha, 76/2639. See the note.

- thane, 51/1756, than that.

- then, 46/1593, vb. to prosper. O.E. Þêon.

- thikke, 30/1027, adj. numerous, plentiful, plenty.

- threste, 34/1170, vb. to thrust, shake, totter.

- thrifte, 78/2706, sb. thriving, prosperity, success. O.Icel. Þrift.

- tho, 59/2052, pron. those, them.

- tho, 59/2063, art. the, those.

- tho, 2/53, adv. then. O.E. ðâ.

- thronge, 41/1401, sb. thrusts, throwing of arrows. ‹p140›

- tobraste, 34/1168, pt. pl. burst, or broke in pieces. O.E. (tôbærst) tôburston.

- tohewe, 89/3103, pp. hewn to pieces. O.E. tô-hêawen.

- tokenyng, 8/242, sb. news, intelligence.

- totreden, 40/1382, pp. crushed, trodden down.

- trappe, 52/1802, vb. to go. Cf. Ger. trippeln, E. trip, O.Fr. treper.

- tredde, 58/1999, sb. thread. O.E. Þrd.

- trende, 27/940, pp. turned, vaulted.

- treted, 55/1923, pt. pl. treated, pressed. Fr. traiter.

- trewe, 3/67, adj. a thorough master of, a trustworthy interpreter of.

- treyumple, 27/913 (?)

- trowe, 8/246, vb. to believe.

- trusse, 49/1707, vb. to pack off, to be off.

- trwes, 31/1060, sb. truce.

- tyte, 6/181, adj. soon, quickly, fast.

- Unneth, 5/160, adv. scarcely.

- Vere, 28/965, sb. spring.

- vertue, 66/2312, sb. magic, power.

- viage, 82/2846, sb. voyage, journey.

- victory, 92/3227, sb. booty.

- voydance, 32/1106, sb. relinquishment, deliverance.

- voyde, 51/1768, vb. to give up, abandon, leave.

- Wage, 18/590, vb. to hire, pay.

- ware, 7/204, adj. aware.

- waste, 8/246, in = in vain.

- wende, 92/3214, vb. to turn, go. O.E. wendan.

- wende, 85/2958, pt. s. thought, O.E. wênde.

- wene, 31/1061, vb. to think.

- were, 7/210, vb. to defend, to protect, to fight. O.E. werian.

- werre, 16/541, sb. war.

- wery, 3/60, adj. weary, fatigued.

- wessh, 54/1871, pt. pl. washed.

- wete, 94/3270, vb. to know.

- what, 47/1623, pron. = who.

- wifle, 76/2650, sb. a kind of axe. O.E. wífel, “bipennis.”

- wight, 27/933, adj. nimble, active. Sw. vig, active.

- wirch, 5/148, vb. to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.

- wiste, 48/1662, pt. s. knew.

- wode, 9/276, adj. mad, furious.

- wode-wroth, 90/3130, adj. madly angry. O.E. wôd and wrâð.

- wone, 60/2093, sb. lot, quantity. Icel. wân.

- worche, 59/2046, vb. to work, to do. O.E. wyrcan.

- worthed up, 34/1163, pt. s. got up, mounted.

- wote, 2/36, prs. s. know. O.E. wât.

- wotist, 61/2123, prs. s. knowest. O.E. wâst.

- wrake, 70/2446, sb. persecution, mischief, destruction. O.E. wracu.

- wreke, 88/3058, pp. wreaked, revenged.

- wrong, 73/2557, pt. s. pressed, forced his way, hurried off. O.E. wringan.

- wyne, 9/275, vb. get, attain. O.E. winnan.

- Yare, 19/639, adj. ready. O.E. gearu.

- yates, 66/2285, sb. gates. O.E. gatu.

- yede, 66/2311, pt. s. went. O.E. ge-eode.

- yolde, 12/403, vb. yield. O.E. gieldan, pp. golden.

- yolowe, 29/1005, adj. yellow. O.E. geolo.

- Þilke, 76/2644, pron. such, yon. O.E. þylc.

- þon, 4/108, art. the. O.E. þone.

INDEX OF NAMES. ◊

- AGREMARE, Agremour or Egremour, a town in Spain situated on the river Flagot. The soudan is holding his court there (l. 33), when he hears of the injuries done to his subjects by the Romans. Having destroyed Rome, he returns to Agremor (l. 672) [not to Morimonde, as in the Destruction, l. 1351, and in Fierabras, l. 27]. At Agremor the twelve peers are imprisoned and besieged. Syr Ferumbras reads Egremoygne, Egremoun, Agremoun.

- ALAGOLOFUR, a Saracen giant, warden of the bridge of Mantrible; ll. 2135, 2881, 2149, 2175, 2801, 3053. In Syr Ferumbras, l. 3831, etc., he is called Agolafre. In the French poem of Fierabras we find Agolafre and Golafre.

- ALCARON, l. 2762, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 2271.

- ALEROYSE, l. 1699, one of the twelve peers; cf. note to l. 884.

- ALISAUNDRE. Ferumbras is called King of Alisaundre, ll. 510, 984. Cf. Destr. 71, 1237, 1315. Fierabras, 50, 66, 538, etc. Ashmole Ferumbras, 53, 88, etc.

- APPOLYN, one of the Mahometan deities. See note to l. 86.

- ARABYE, l. 3097. Cf. Destr. 75; Fierabras, 3160, 4096.

- ASCALON. Laban’s birthplace, l. 100, and subject to him. This name does not occur in any other version.

- ASCAROT, l. 2762, a Mahometan god. Occurring in none of the other versions.

- ASCOPARS, see note to l. 495.

- ASKALOUS, l. 497.

- ASSAYNES, l. 497.

- ASSIENS, ll. 1039, 2085. In this poem only the last three nations are mentioned as being included among Laban’s subjects.

- ASSYE, l. 102, 123, 1000. See note to l. 1000.

- ASTRAGOT, or ESTRAGOT, a Saracen giant who kills Sabaris, ll. 346, 352. He is slain by the portcullis let down by the Romans, l. 432. He was husband to Barrock, the giantess of the bridge of Mantrible, ll. 2944, 3022. Cf. Destr. 1090. Not in Fierabras nor in the Ashmolean version. See note to l. 346.

- AUFRIKE, ll. 102, 114. Aufricanes, l. 257, part of the soudan’s dominions. Cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 5465, Destr. 76, Fierabras, 4913.

- BABILON, see note to l. 69; cf. Destr. 78, 204, 85; Fierabras, 51; Syr Fer. 53.

- BALDESEYNES, 501, 871. Occurring in no other version; cf. besides Martin’s note to Kudrun, 161, 2, and perhaps Fierabras, 2873, 4721 Balegué = Balaguer (Ballegarium, Valaguaria) near Lerida in Spain.

- BARBARYE, l. 1001, mentioned only in this poem.

- BARROK, ll. 2939, 2950, 3022, a giantess, wife to Astragot, slain by Charles. See note to l. 2939.

- BELMORE, does not occur in the other versions; see note to l. 3122.

- BELSABUB, l. 357, occurs only in this poem.

- BERNARD OF SPRUWSE (? Prussia); 1715, one of the twelve knights. See Introduction, p. xxvii.

- BOLOYNE, 3238. Charles presents ‹p142› the nails to that place. See note to l. 3236, and cf. Fierabras, l. 6199.

- BRETOMAYN, Laban’s gaoler at Agremor, ll. 1533, 1591, slain by Floripas, l. 1606. This name is spelt ‘Brutamont’ in Fierabras, ‘Brytamoun’ in Syr Ferumbras. It is not to be met with in the Destruction.

- BROULAND, chief counsellor to Laban. See note on l. 1743.

- BRYER OF BRYTAYN,—of Mountez; see note to l. 1723.

- BRYER OF POYLE, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras; see note to l. 514.

- BULGARE, l. 1002. Occurring in no other poem.

- CASSAUNDRE, ll. 986, 512, town belonging to Lukafer. This name is not found in the other versions.

- CHARLES, Charlemayne, the French king.

- CHAUNDER, l. 123, a town in Asia; only mentioned here. See note to l. 1000.

- COSDROYE escorts a convoy destined for the soudan; he is slain by Roland; cf. note to l. 2695.

- CRAMADAS, a Saracen bishop, ll. 2775, 2788. Not found in the other versions.

- CURRAUNTES, the bridge near Mantrible, l. 2866. This name occurs only in this poem.

- DASABERDE, l. 1707, (?) mentioned only here.

- DENYS, ll. 27, 61, etc. Occurring in all versions.

- DURNEDALE, Roland’s sword; see note to l. 875.

- ESPIARD, l. 111, Laban’s messenger; cf. note to l. 2145.

- ETHIOPES, subject to Laban. See note to l. 257.

- EUROPE, l. 1002. Mentioned only in this poem.

- FERUMBRAS, see note to l. 93.

- FLAGOT, the river on which the city of Mantrible with its famous bridge is situated, cf. ll. 2559, 2798, 2855, etc., and Fierabras, ll. 7348, 4886, etc. When the twelve peers besieged in Agremar send Richard of Normandy to Charlemagne to ask his aid, Richard is said to have started in the direction of Mantrible, l. 2559; but finding the bridge blocked up and guarded, l. 2799, he is obliged to swim across the water, ‘Flagot the flode,’ l. 2804. Charlemagne being informed of the distress of his peers, starts towards Mantrible, l. 2849, and having first taken it and left Richard there with two hundred knights, l. 3044, he continues his march against the soudan at Agremar, l. 3047. Whence it is clear that Agremar cannot be situated on the river Flagot, as is stated in l. 34; a mistake evidently owing to an oversight on the part of the poet. Cf. besides, note to l. 1723.

- FLOREYN OF ROME, name given to Ferumbras after his baptism; see note to l. 1486.

- FLORIP, Florypas; see note to l. 614. In the Ashmolean versions we find Floryppe, a spelling which does not occur in any of the French poems. But once we find Floripes in Fierabras, l. 2035.

- FOCARD, l. 2900, one of the Christian knights who struck at the bridge-keeper of Mantrible when he refused to let them pass. The name occurs only in this poem.

- FOLK BALIANT, l. 1695, one of the twelve peers. Only found in this poem.

- FORTIBRAUNCE, l. 422, one of the soudan’s engineers. Only occurring in this poem.

- FRAUNCE. Charles is called king of dowse Fraunce, cf. Fierabras, 2103; Syr Ferumbras, 1269. This phrase does not occur in the Destruction. ‹p143›

- FREMOUNDE, a saint; see note to l. 2845.

- FRIGE, l. 1000; Frigys, l. 1040. Part of the soudan’s dominions, not mentioned in the other versions.

- GALLOPES, l. 251, mentioned only in this poem.

- GAȜE, a town in Spain, where Charlemagne lands his troops. The name is found only in this poem (in rhyme), l. 772.

- GENELYN, a French knight, notorious for his treachery. He advised Charles to leave Spain and to return home, urging that the twelve peers must be dead at Agremor, since no news arrived from them, l. 2820. When in assaulting Mantrible he saw Charles shut in in the city, he treacherously proclaimed the king to be dead, and ordered the French to return to France, where he hoped to be crowned king. But he was rebuked by Ferumbras (ll. 2970–2991). For his treason he is hanged and drawn at Montfaucon in Paris (ll. 3244–3254).

- GENERYSE, ll. 1139, 1239, is the name Oliver gives himself when asked by Ferumbras. The French Fierabras and the Ashmole Ferumbras have Garin instead.

- GY OF BOURGOYNE, see note to ll. 1888, 1892.

- GYNDARD, l. 543, a Roman senator who kills ten Saracens. He is slain by Lukafer. Occurring only in this poem.

- HUBERT, l. 518, a Roman knight, slain by Ferumbras. Not mentioned in the other versions.

- IFFREZ, a Roman senator who advises to send to Charles for help. See note to l. 165.

- INDE, l. 999. Not mentioned in the other poems. Cf. note to l. 999.

- ISRES, 625, 641, the chief porter of Rome, who treacherously delivers the keys to the Saracens. See note to l. 625.

- JUBYTER, ll. 2254, 2762, a Saracen god, mentioned only in this poem.

- LABAN, see note to l. 29.

- LOWES, occurring in the Sowdan and the Destruction, but not mentioned in the other versions. See note to l. 24.

- LUKAFER OF BALDAS, see note to l. 113. Once, l. 236, this name is spelt Lukefere.

- MACEDOYNE, l. 1002. Occurring only in this poem.

- MAHOUND, see note to l. 86.

- MAPYN, l. 2326, introduces himself into the bed-chamber of Floripas to steal the fatal girdle. In the French poem, l. 3046, he is called Maubrun d’Agremolée; in the Ashmolean version Maubyn of Egremolee, l. 2385. Cf. Introduction, pp. xx, xxx, xxxi.

- MARAGONDE, the name of Floripas’s governess, l. 1563. Spelt Morabunde in the French poem. See Introduction, pp. xxx, xxxi.

- MARIE, ll. 917, 2390; cf. Destr. ll. 374, 564; Fierabras, ll. 285, 815; Syr Ferumbras, ll. 5177, 5451.

- MARSEDAG, king of Barbarye, occurs only in this poem. See note to l. 2247.

- MAUNTRIBLE, a town in Spain on the river Flagot (see above) with a bridge; cf. also Destr. 211, and Fierabras, 1867, etc.

- MAVON, ll. 278, 422, 2230, Laban’s engineer; spelt Mabon in the Destr. ll. 908, 941, and in Fierabras, l. 3735. The name does not occur in the Ashmole MS.

- MIRON OF BRABANE, one of the twelve peers, occurring only in this poem, l. 1703.

- MONTFAWCON, l. 3253. Not found in the other versions. ‹p144›

- MOUNPELERS, after having conquered the soudan, Charlemagne sails from Spain to Mounpeler, l. 3228. The name does not occur in the Fierabras, where the king returns to France in an eight days’ journey (ll. 6164–6187). Cf. Destr. ll. 250, 286.

- MOWNJOYE, see note to l. 868, and cf. the Song of Roland, 128/746.

- NEYMES OF BAVERE, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.

- NUBENS, l. 873, NUBYE, l. 1001, a people subject to the soudan.

- OGER DANOYS, one of the twelve peers, see note to l. 836.

- OLIBORN, l. 99, the soudan’s chancellor; only found in this poem.

- OLYVER, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1250.

- PARIS, l. 917; see note to l. 3254.

- PERSAGYN, a king of Italy, and uncle to Ferumbras, slain by Oliver, l. 1259. In the Destr. l. 162, we find one Parsagon mentioned among the peers of the soudan’s empire. See note to l. 1259.

- PERSE, l. 2888, cf. Destr. ll. 77, 421. Fierabras, 1640, 1713.

- SEINT PETER, ll. 161, 480, etc., the saint; cf. Fierabras, l. 1261; Syr Ferumbras, l. 3756; Destr. l. 501.

- CEINT PETER, l. 453, the cathedral; cf. Fierabras, l. 57; Destr. l. 1109.

- SEINT POUL, ll. 163, 3269, the saint; cf. Syr Ferumbras, l. 3756; not mentioned in the other poems.

- POYLE, l. 514,? Apulia; found only in this poem; cf. note to l. 1000.

- QWYNTYN, l. 1298, a saint by whom Ferumbras swears; see note to l. 2845.

- RICHARD OF NORMANDY, see notes to ll. 2535, 2795, 3044.

- ROMAYNE, l. 77, inhabitant of Rome.

- ROME, l. 17.

- ROULAND, see note to ll. 1499, 1888.

- SATHANAS, l. 2777, a Saracen god.

- SAVARIS, l. 171, a duke of Rome who leads the Roman troops against the Saracens. He is slain by Estragot (l. 346). He also occurs in the Destr. de Rome. In the French Fierabras appears a French knight Savaris, l. 1699.

- SORTYBRAUNCE, the chief councillor of the soudan.

- SPAYN, l. 717, belonging to the soudan’s dominions. It is the scene of the principal action narrated in this poem, as indeed the only part where the scene is laid elsewhere is that describing the destruction of Rome.

- SYMON, a saint by whom Charles swears, l. 1713.

- TAMPER, a name peculiar to this poem. He erects a gallows before Agremore castle to hang Guy, l. 2641.

- TERMAGANT, l. 137, a Saracen deity; cf. note to l. 86. Spelt Ternagant in Syr Ferumbras, Tervagant in the French Fierabras.

- TERY LARDENEYS, one of the twelve peers; see note to l. 1691.

- TURKES, l. 874, cf. Fierabras, 128, 1641, 3767. Syr Ferumbras, 5433, 5677.

- TURPYN, the French bishop who baptizes Ferumbras, l. 1475. This name does not occur in the Ashmole MS.

- VENYS, subject to Laban; see note to l. 1000. Mentioned only in this poem.

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.

TRANSCRIBER’S ENDNOTE

Original printed spelling and grammar has been retained, with some exceptions noted below. The middle English characters “ȝ”, “Þ”, “ð”, and “þ” were originally printed always upright, not italic, but in this edition have been rendered as italic wherever that seems appropriate, as in this sentence from page xxxvii: “That or þat, who, whome are used as relative pronouns”. The transcriber created the cover image and hereby assigns it to the public domain.

No widely supported unicode characters are available for the following, which have therefore been rendered herein as images: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and .

The poem The Romounce of the Sowdone, beginning on page 1, has sidenotes which contain a running synopsis of the play in modern English. In the printed book, these notes were broken into segments which were positioned so as to correspond more or less accurately to the lines of the play. For this edition, the synopsis notes have been rewrapped to fit within an allotted space, but are still aligned more or less accurately with the lines of the play. The sidenotes also contain page references to the original manuscript from which the play was transcribed, for example “[leaf 3]”. These have been kept aligned with the correct line of the poem, in this case, line 80.

Page vi: Pantragruel was changed to Pantagruel.

Page xxv: “346, 4902, the name of the giant” is changed to “346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant”. This error occurs also in the Index of Names, see below.

Page xlvii: A new heading has been inserted—“MS. OF THE SOWDAN”—to match the table of contents. The original text showed only a horizontal rule here.

Page 2: “amirals” changed to “admirals”, in the sidenote.

Page 9, l. 289: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 291.

Page 10, l. 313: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 323.

Page 11, ll. 369, 370: In the original book, there was a blank line shown between lines 369 and 370. This has been marked herein with a border to distinguish it from other lines which may appear blank in this ebook due to variable user hardware, software, and settings.

Page 23, l. 755: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 766.

Page 27, l. 895: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 910.

Page 31, l. 1059: the left quotation mark has no mate in the printed book. A right double quotation mark has been inserted at the end of l. 1074.

Page 36: In sidenote “They fight for a considerable time the blood”, added semicolon between time and blood.

Page 46: In the sidenotes, full stop was added after “dashed out his brains”, and “feeding he prisoners” was changed to “feeding the prisoners”.

Page 47: The first footnote had no label number; a number has been inserted to correspond to the footnote anchor on line 1615.

Page 59, l. 2063: the left quotation mark was unmatched. A new right double quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2066, after ‘there-ate.’.

Page 64, l. 2243: the left quotation mark before ‘beitħ’ was unmatched; a new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2246.

Page 66, l. 2307: the left quotation mark ahead of ‘my loue’ was unmatched. A new right quotation mark is inserted at the end of l. 2310.

Page 68, l. 2380: the left quotation mark seems to be unmatched in the printed text. A new matching right quotation mark is inserted at the end of line 2390.

Page 69: There were two footnote anchors, but only one footnote. Very likely, although the footnote anchors are independent, the footnote text “See the note.” applies equally to both. In this edition, a second footnote has been inserted to correspond to the second footnote anchor.

Page 87, l. 3021: Poem says “xiiij”; sidenote says “4”; both retained.

Page 96, under “p. 2, l. 26. bokes of antiquyte.” The printed text provides a reference to Gautier, Epop. Fr., II. 87, which is retained herein. However, a member of the Distributed Proofreaders team has pointed out that the reference should have been to Les épopées françaises. Étude sur les origines et l’histoire de la littérature nationale, I. 87 (1865). This book is available from archive.org, filename “lespopesfran01gautuoft”.

Page 99: in “p. 8, l. 84. tithynge.”, changed “8,” to “3,”.

Page 113: “p. 35, l. 1060” changed to “p. 31, l. 1060”.

Page 120: “p. 44, l. 1538” changed to “p. 44, l. 1539”.

Page 121: In the line “Sire drois emperere, pour amour Dieu. oiés”, the full stop after Dieu was changed to comma, in agreement with the text available at archive.org filed under “fierabraschanso00servgoog”.

Page 123: The range of line numbers in “Destruction, ll. 1240–159” does not seem to make sense, but is retained. The line ‘“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.’’ was changed to ‘“Ja mais ne mengerai si sera desmembrés.”’.

Page 125: In “p. 59, l. 2045. that he wente awaye with lym = “that he had escaped with (his limbs, or having) his limbs safe and sound. lyme, O.E. lim., Mod. Eng. limb.”, a right double quotation mark was inserted after ‘sound.’, and “lim.,” was changed to “lim,”.

Glossary, “nather, 36/1232”. Line 1232 spells it “nathir”; both forms are retained.

Glossary, “then, 46/1593”. Line 1593 spells it “the”; both forms are retained.

Index of Names, “Astrogot, or Estragot”. The printed references “ll. 3944, 4902” are changed to “ll. 2944, 3022”.

Hyperlinks to Pages and Lines.

The following index of links to pages and Sowdone of Babylone poem lines is provided for convenience. Clicking on any page number in the book will bring the user here.

PAGES: i  iii  vii  xi  xv  xix  xxiii  xxvii  xxxi  xxxv  xxxix  xliii  xlvii  li  lv  lix  lxiii  lxvii  1  5  9  13  17  21  25  29  33  37  41  45  49  53  57  61  65  69  73  77  81  85  89  93  97  101  105  109  113  117  121  125  129  133  137  141  144

POEM  LINES:  1  60  120  180  240  300  360  420  480  540  600  660  720  780  840  900  960  1020  1080  1140  1200  1260  1320  1380  1440  1500  1560  1620  1680  1740  1800  1860  1920  1980  2040  2100  2160  2220  2280  2340  2400  2460  2520  2580  2640  2700  2760  2820  2880  2940  3000  3060  3120  3180  3240

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME ***

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Table of Contents

The Sowdone of Babylone.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION. ◊

LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS. ◊

METRE AND VERSIFICATION. ◊

DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR. ◊

MS. OF THE SOWDAN. ◊

FOOTNOTES. ◊

ADDITIONS. ◊

FOOTNOTE. ◊

SKETCH OF THE STORY. ◊

The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras his Sone who Conquerede Rome: ◊

FOOTNOTES. ◊

NOTES. ◊

GLOSSARY. ◊

INDEX OF NAMES. ◊

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