Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 1 (of 2) / Or, Journal of a Voyage to the United States
Date: 2020-02-26T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: United States -- Description and travel; United States -- Social life and customs -- 19th century; United States -- Relations -- France; France -- Relations -- United States; Lafayette; Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier; marquis de; 1757-1834 -- Travel -- United States; 1757-1834 -- Friends and associates; Levasseur; Auguste; 1795-1878 -- Diaries; 1795-1878 -- Travel -- United States; United States -- History -- Revolution; 1775-1783 -- Anniversaries; etc.

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Title: Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 1 (of 2)

Author: Auguste Levasseur

Translator: John D. Godman

Release date: February 26, 2020 [eBook #61518]
Most recently updated: October 17, 2024

Language: English

Credits: E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing, Brian Wilson, MFR, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by the Google Books Library Project (https://books.google.com)

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The Project Gutenberg eBook, Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. I (of 2), by August Levasseur, Translated by John D. Godman

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LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA
IN 1824 AND 1825;
OR,
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE
TO THE
UNITED STATES:

BY A. LEVASSEUR;

SECRETARY TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE DURING HIS JOURNEY.

TRANSLATED BY JOHN D. GODMAN, M. D.

VOL. I.

PHILADELPHIA:

CAREY AND LEA.

1829.

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:

Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1829, Carey and Lea, of the said District, have deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit:

“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to the United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette during his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”

(Signed) D. CALDWELL,

Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

In publishing at this late period the journal of my voyage to the United States, along with General Lafayette, in 1824 and 1825, I think it right to account for the circumstances, which have so long delayed this publication.

The duties of private secretary, which I performed for General Lafayette, were prolonged for three years after our return. During all this time, I thought that the intimacy of my relations with him, rendered it a point of delicacy, that I should not cause to emanate from his cabinet a narrative, of which he was the principal object. Swayed by this sentiment, I resisted the solicitations of my friends, and resolved to await the period, when having become entirely independent, and entering into a career of industry, I could publish my journal without exposing any one to participate with me in responsibility for the opinions or facts produced. This time has now arrived, and there is no longer any inconvenience in my publishing details, not altogether unknown, but which cannot be found any where so complete as in this journal, which moreover, has a character of incontestible authenticity, for in addition to the testimony of several millions of witnesses, that might be adduced if necessary, I can also say, all I relate I have seen.

I need not say, that in offering to my friends and the public, the details of a triumph, which honours the nation that decreed it, as much as the man who was its object, the recital of which, I hope, will one day prove the greatest encouragement that can be offered to the sincere friends of a wise liberty, I am less concerned to adorn my narration, than to preserve that character of verity, which will be its greatest, perhaps even its only merit.

Involved during fourteen months in the torrent of popular festivities, which uninterruptedly followed the steps of Lafayette throughout the twenty-four states of the Union, it was only during the brief hours of the night, and as I may say, in presence of the events of the day, that my journal was written. It necessarily must partake of that extreme agitation; however I have not thought of making any other change in it, than that of dividing it into a certain number of chapters, each of which contains a series of facts more particularly attached to some epoch or locality. This division appears to me more suitable, because it allows of the suppression of all the dates, that would embarrass the narrative, and a multitude of details which could only interest a small number of individuals.

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.

The MSS. translation of the first volume, was revised by an intimate friend and correspondent of the author, P. S. Duponceau, Esq. whose name is justly associated with deep learning, great intellectual acumen, and urbanity of manners; he also furnished the occasional notes marked with the letter D.

CONTENTS.

Chapter I.

Invitation of the Congress of the United States to General Lafayette: departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception at New York: review of the troops: entertainment given to Lafayette: statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.

9

Chapter II.

Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown and Bunker’s hill.

27

Chapter III.
First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events in this province: its actual condition. | 44
Chapter IV.
Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia. | 61
Chapter V.

Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history, constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.

69

Chapter VI.

Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes of the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.

86

Chapter VII.

Voyage upon the Hudson: treason of Arnold: military school at West Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskills Hudson: Albany: Troy: return to New York.

99

Chapter VIII.

Streets of New York: drunkenness: prostitution: lotteries: hospitality: bankruptcy: women and young girls: luxury: hotels: police: anecdote: number of passengers arriving at New York, from 1818 till 1819.

122

Chapter IX.

Departure from New York: journey from New York to Trenton; battles of Trenton and Princeton: visit to Joseph Bonaparte: state of New Jersey.

133

Chapter X.

Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of Pennsylvania: commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia: public buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.

141

Chapter XI.

Voyage from Philadelphia to Baltimore: American aristocracy: fort M’Henry: entry of Baltimore: description of Baltimore: defence of the city in 1814.

159

Chapter XII.

Farewell to Lafayette by the inhabitants of Baltimore: journey from Baltimore to Washington: entry of that city: visit to the President: description of Washington: jesuits.

171

Chapter XIII.

Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: celebration of the anniversary of the surrender of Yorktown: details of its seige in 1781.

180

Chapter XIV.

Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.

194

Chapter XV.

Masonic entertainment: journey to Petersburgh: visit to Mr. Jefferson: his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: religious liberty: return to Washington by Orange Court-house and Fredericksburg.

210

LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

Invitation of the Congress of the United States to general Lafayette: departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception at New York: review of the troops: entertainments given to Lafayette: statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.

Nearly half a century had elapsed, since Lafayette, inspired by the love of glory and liberty, tore himself away from the sweets of domestic affection and the dangerous seductions of a court, to offer the aid of an illustrious name and ample fortune, to a nation, which, though bravely combating for independence, seemed by the inequality of the contest to be threatened with destruction. After his return to France, Lafayette, although entirely occupied by the French revolution, for the success of which he sacrificed his fortune and repose, and sometimes endangered his popularity and life, often turned his thoughts upon America, the theatre of his first exploits; in the dungeons of Olmutz, and under the imperial despotism, he comforted himself with the thought, that in America, at least, the tree of liberty he had assisted in planting, bore fruits as delightful as abundant, and that a happy people, worthy of the happiness they enjoyed, remembered him with sentiments of lively gratitude. But withheld by various causes, he could only cherish the wish of again beholding America, without being able to form any plan for revisiting it. The confidence reposed in him by his fellow citizens, who after the events of 1815, recalled him into political activity, appeared to be a still stronger reason for his remaining in France. Nevertheless in 1824, the intrigues of a corrupt and corrupting minister, having removed him from the national representation, he was free from engagements, when the following letter was addressed to him by the President of the United States.

Washington City, February 24th, 1824.

My dear General,

I wrote you a letter about fifteen days since, by Mr. Brown, in which I expressed the wish to send to any port in France you should point out, a frigate to convey you hither, in case you should be able to visit the United States. Since then, Congress has passed a resolution on this subject, in which the sincere attachment of the whole nation to you is expressed, whose ardent desire is once more to see you amongst them. The period at which you may yield to this invitation is left entirely at your option, but believe me, whatever may be your decision, it will be sufficient that you should have the goodness to inform me of it, and immediate orders will be given for a government vessel to proceed to any port you will indicate, and convey you thence to the adopted country of your early youth, which has always preserved the most grateful recollection of your important services. I send you herewith the resolution of congress, and add thereto the assurance of my high consideration and of my sentiments of affection.

James Monroe.

It was impossible for Lafayette to refuse so honourable and so pressing an invitation, and the month of July was resolved on for his departure. He had refused the offer of Congress to send a frigate to convey him with greater safety and comfort, and he was also obliged to refuse numerous applications of his fellow citizens, who thinking perhaps that some new expedition in favour of liberty, was to be attempted, wished to share with him the perils and the glory. Accompanied only by his son, and the writer of this narrative, he left Paris on the 11th and arrived at Havre on the 12th of July, where the Cadmus, an American merchant ship, had waited for him some weeks.

The patriotism of the citizens of Havre had prepared for him a reception well calculated to gratify his feelings, but the absurd jealousy of the police checked this expression of the public sentiment, and would have produced a scene of disorder and bloodshed, if the inhabitants had been less discreet. Police officers, gendarmes, and Swiss soldiers, rivalled each other in their zeal to repress the noble ardor of the citizens, during the short time that general Lafayette remained among them. However, it was in the presence of the whole people, and amid the most vivid demonstrations of public feeling, that he embarked at noon on the thirteenth of July, 1824.

The weather being fine, and the sea perfectly calm, we embarked with facility; all the crew, paraded upon deck, waited for the arrival of the general, with an expression of joy mingled with noble pride. As he passed beneath the American flag, to whose glory and independence he had so freely contributed, he was greeted with three cheers, which were re-echoed by all the crews in port, and by the crowds which thronged the shore. Some particular friends who accompanied the general on board the Cadmus, received his final adieus. Almost immediately afterwards, our sails were filled by a fresh breeze, which wafted us along until we lost sight of that loved land, in which, in spite of all that may be said or done, virtue and patriotism will always find courageous defenders.

In a good vessel, skilfully commanded and managed as was the Cadmus, our voyage could scarcely be otherwise than prosperous. The squall which struck us the next morning and carried away two of our top-gallant masts, produced no other effect than that of furnishing us with an opportunity of admiring the calmness of our excellent captain Allyn in giving, and the vigour of the crew in executing his orders.

On the first of August we were becalmed, the sea was motionless, and our progress suspended. Seated on deck, about the general, with four young American passengers, we contemplated with pleasure the smooth surface of the ocean which nothing disturbed, when suddenly we perceived as far as the eye could reach, a black speck near the horizon, that seemed to be advancing towards us. During nearly half an hour, we were lost in conjectures as to what that could be, which was evidently approaching us rapidly; the motion of oars soon enabled us to perceive that it was a boat, and the sound of a bugle led us to believe it contained soldiers; we were not mistaken; in a few minutes a light skiff, containing seven persons dressed in uniform, came alongside. The leader of this adventurous party, measuring with a steady eye the height of our ship’s side, called for the ladder, that he might come on board; the rope-ladder was thrown out, and in a moment his companions and himself stood on the deck of our ship. He informed us, in rather a cavalier manner, that they were English officers, who were going in a transport, which he pointed out at a great distance, and which was becalmed like ourselves, to serve in garrison at Halifax, N. S. and that the beauty of the sea, want of something to do, and curiosity, had induced them to pay us a visit. Our captain received them with cool politeness, the crew scarcely noticed them, but their aspect and their arrogant manner appeared to recall the burning of the capitol to the minds of the young Americans. Notwithstanding their rather discouraging reception, our English officers began at once to multiply their questions, when captain Allyn, as a sufficient answer to the whole, pointed out and named to them general Lafayette; at this name, and so unexpected an appearance, their manners immediately changed; they took off their hats and respectfully received the hand which the general presented them, with cordiality. They were then invited into the cabin, where refreshments were served. Conversation followed, but frequently during its continuance, they gazed sometimes at the general, and then at the admirable arrangements of the vessel and crew, which examination appeared to cause them much absence of mind. How many recollections, in fact, must have been awakened by the sight of these Americans, but a short time since their tributaries, now their powerful rivals, conveying to their country the man who had so efficiently aided them in its noble and just struggle for liberty against oppression. After half an hour’s conversation, as the sun began to decline, they took leave, accepting very frankly some bottles of madeira and claret, which our captain had stowed in their boat.

Our voyage was continued without any event of importance, until the 14th, when we descried land. The next morning at day-break, the pilot came on board, and in a few hours we could easily distinguish the fresh verdure which adorns Staten-island, the charming white dwellings which enlivened it, and the movement of its inhabitants, which the expectation of some great event had caused in all haste to run down to the shore. Already the sea around us was covered with a multitude of long, light and narrow boats, managed by vigorous, active men, the neatness of whose dress and the propriety of whose language contrasted singularly with the ideas which in Europe are generally associated with the sight of mere sailors. As soon as one of these boats arrived near the ship, her course was slackened; those on board cast anxious looks towards our deck, inquiring of our sailors if Lafayette were among us; as soon as answered in the affirmative, joy was expressed in all their features; they turned quickly to each other, shaking hands and congratulating themselves on the happiness they were about to enjoy; then returning towards the vessel, they asked a thousand questions, relative to the general’s health, how he had borne the voyage, &c. but without noise or disorderly impatience. We heard them rejoicing among themselves that Lafayette’s voyage had been pleasant and quick, that his health was good and that the wishes of their fellow citizens were about to be gratified; and all as if they had been the children of one family, rejoicing at the return of a much-loved and long-expected parent. While contemplating this novel and interesting scene, the thundering of cannon called my attention in another direction; this was from the artillery of Fort Lafayette, which announced the arrival of the Cadmus to the city of New York. At the same moment a steam-boat arrived, and we received on board a deputation, at the head of which was Mr. Tomkins, son of the Vice-President of the United States. He came to inform the general, that this being Sunday, the city of New York, which wished to give him a brilliant reception, but was unwilling to break the Sabbath, and which moreover had still some preparations to make, requested him to postpone his entry until the next day; in the mean time the Vice-President invited him to his house on Staten-island. The general accepted this invitation, and in a few minutes afterward, we were on shore, where we found the second officer of a great republic, on foot, without his coat, and his head covered with a military cap, cordially greeting his old friend, who on the morrow was to commence, amidst twelve millions of freemen, the most brilliant, and at the same time, the purest of triumphs. Mr. Tomkins conducted us to his house, where we were kindly received by Mrs. Tomkins and her daughters. But the report of Lafayette’s arrival was quickly spread over the great city of New York, and the bay was already covered with boats conveying crowds of citizens, who hastened to Staten-island to give him the first salutation, that Welcome, which the whole nation afterwards repeated with so much enthusiasm.

Very early on the morning of the 16th, the preparations for the reception of general Lafayette were completed in New York, and about the same time he received a deputation at Staten-island from the city, consisting of several members of the municipal corps, and the commanding general of the militia, who came to announce the arrival of the steam-boat Chancellor Livingston, which was to convey him to New York. At one o’clock the cannon of Fort Lafayette gave the signal for embarking; we immediately descended to the shore where we found numerous steam-boats, all resembling floating palaces. On board of the Chancellor Livingston, were the various deputations of the city, the generals and officers of the militia, the army and navy; a detachment of infantry and more than two hundred of the principal citizens of New York, among whom the general recognized many of his old fellow soldiers, who threw themselves into his arms, felicitating themselves on seeing him once more after so many years and dangers past. During these moving scenes of gratitude and joy, a delightful music performed the French air “Où peut-on être mieux qu’au sein de sa famille,”[1] and the flotilla began to move.

It is impossible to describe the majesty of this procession towards the city. The sea was covered with boats of every sort, elegantly decorated with flags and filled with people; these boats which were moved with a swiftness and lightness almost inconceivable, appeared to fly around us.

The Cadmus which followed us, appeared rather to be led in triumph, than to be towed by the two steam-boats, which accompanied her. As we advanced, the forts which protect the harbour, and afterwards the houses bordering on the water, became more distinctly visible: soon after we could distinguish the crowd which everywhere covered the shore, perceive its agitation, and hear the shouts of joy. At two o’clock, the general landed at the battery amid the acclamations of two hundred thousand voices, which hailed him with sounds of blessing and welcome. The Lafayette Guards dressed in an elegant and neat uniform, bearing on their breast the portrait of the general, escorted him in front of the long line of militia drawn up to receive him. The general, attended by a numerous and brilliant staff, marched along the front; as he advanced, each corps presented arms and saluted him with its colours; all were decorated with a ribband bearing his portrait, and the legend “Welcome Lafayette;” words which were everywhere written and repeated by every tongue. During this review, the cannon thundered on the shore, in the forts, and from all the vessels of war. “Ah! could this thundering welcome but resound to Europe,” said a young American officer who accompanied us, “that it might inspire the powers which govern you with the love of virtue, and the people with the love of liberty!” These wishes which were also those of my own heart, turned my thoughts to my own country, and drew from me an involuntary sigh.

At the extremity of the line of troops, elegant carriages were in waiting. General Lafayette was seated in a car drawn by four white horses, and in the midst of an immense crowd, we went to the City Hall. On our way, all the streets were decorated with flags and drapery, and from all the windows flowers and wreaths were showered upon the general. On his arrival at the City Hall, he was received by the municipal authorities, at the head of whom was the Mayor, who addressed the general, on behalf of the citizens in an animated and appropriate manner.

After the general had expressed his grateful sense of the honorable manner in which he had been received, and his admiration at the prodigies he witnessed, we were conducted to the peristyle of the City Hall, to see that army of militia file off, which we had found drawn up in line on the battery. We could at our ease remark its composition and equipments; its composition is that of a truly national army, being formed entirely of young and vigorous citizens, capable of bearing arms and enduring fatigue, without distinction of wealth or birth. The firm march of the divisions, and the martial air of the men, appeared to me a proof of the care, with which each individual prepared himself to be, in case of need, a defender of his country. The artillery which followed the infantry is formidable in number, but I believe is far from fulfilling the conditions necessary to constitute a good light artillery. The variety of caliber must necessarily prove an embarrassment in providing munitions for a campaign. It is said this inconvenience will soon disappear, because the government has undertaken to furnish cannon to every new company that is organized, and that the guns will be cast only of a very small number of determined calibers.

After the troops had defiled, we entered the great saloon of the City Hall, which is adorned with the portraits of many men who, by their talents or valor, have rendered service to their country: among the portraits was one of general Lafayette. The doors of this saloon were left open to the public, which pressed towards it, and during more than two hours the general was as it were, given up to the enthusiasm of the people. Mothers surrounded him, presenting their children and asking his blessing, which having obtained, they embraced their offspring with renewed tenderness; feeble old men appeared to become re-animated in talking to him of the numerous battles in which they had been engaged with him for the sake of liberty. Men of colour reminded him with tenderness of his philanthropical efforts at various periods, to replace them in the rank, which horrid prejudices still deny them in some countries; young men whose hard and blackened hands announced their laborious occupations, stopped before him and said with energy, “We also belong to the ten millions who are indebted to you for liberty and happiness!” Many others wished to speak to him, but were prevented by their tears; those who could not approach him, endeavoured to compensate for it by addressing George Lafayette, whom they pressed in their arms, while talking to him of their admiration for his father. At five o’clock, the general with difficulty separated himself from the embraces of his numerous friends, and was conducted to the City Hotel, which had been magnificently fitted up for his reception. The national standard displayed over the door, indicated from afar the residence of “The Nation’s Guest,” the glorious and moving title by which he was greeted with acclamations, when he entered. A splendid dinner, at which all the civil and military authorities were present, terminated this day, which alone might be considered as a glorious recompense for the greatest sacrifices, yet which, however, was but the prelude to the unexampled triumph reserved for Lafayette.

During the four following days, the general found it difficult to divide his time in such a manner as to satisfy the wishes of all his friends. He devoted, daily, two hours to the public in the City Hall, into which the crowd pressed as on the first day, and he there received numerous deputations from neighbouring cities, and different states, which expressed their desire and hope of receiving him. The rest of the time was employed in attending the meetings of the learned societies of the city. The Historical society held an extraordinary session, under the presidency of Dr. Hosack, and received him and his son as honorary members. The members of the bar, the society of the Cincinnati, and the French residents of New York came to compliment him. The latter, under their president Mr. Monneron, expressed with animation the sentiments which the triumph of their compatriot inspired. At the conclusion of his address, a little girl carried by her father, saluted the general, and placed a chaplet of immortelles[2] on his head. The general answered it with deep emotion.

At the mention of the best days of our revolution, every one felt himself deeply affected, and came to shake hands with the general, saying, “Yes, the condition of an immense majority of the people is improved. May France carefully preserve the remains of the public liberties won by the revolution.”

On the 18th, the officers of the navy wished to entertain the guest of the nation, who crossed the East river in a steam-boat to Brooklyn, where the navy yard and marine arsenal are situated. On this short passage, the general was saluted by the guns of several frigates and ships of the line lying at anchor. This visit, which the naval officers knew how to render both agreeable and interesting, gave us an opportunity of examining a fine steam-frigate. This formidable machine resembles a floating fortification; its sides strengthened by strong masonry, are shot proof; its necessarily slow movements do not allow of its being used in the open sea, but render it very suitable for the defence of the coasts, the threatened points of which it can readily cover, by placing itself under the protection of the land batteries. It is said that the government intends to complete its system of maritime defence, by the construction of many similar frigates.

From Brooklyn we could at our pleasure contemplate the aspect of New York, its harbour and immense bay. I believe it is difficult to find a more picturesque and at the same time more commanding view. The Hudson and East rivers, of which the latter is only an arm of the sea running between Long Island and the continent, wash two sides of the great triangle upon which the city stands, and meeting in front of the battery, mingle their waters in the bay formed by Long and Staten Islands. At the wharves which margin the two rivers, we behold forests of masts at all seasons, which present to the admiring beholder the flags of all nations. The town which in 1615 was nothing but a small fort built by the Dutch, is at present the most populous, the largest and richest city of the New World. Excepting the City Hall, there is not a single public edifice worthy of the attention of an artist; but to compensate for this, the breadth of the streets, the goodness of the pavements, and the neatness of the houses are all admirably calculated for the comfort and health of the inhabitants. Its extent and population annually increases in a remarkable manner. In 1820, it contained 120,916 inhabitants; at present the number is 170,000, in which is included the population of Brooklyn, which should be considered as a suburb of New York. Notwithstanding the great advantages of its situation, its commerce and its resources, the city of New York is not the seat of government for that State. In this happy country where every thing is more calculated for the good of the citizen than for the satisfaction of the authorities, it is necessary, before all other requisites, that a city should be as near the centre of a state as possible, in order to be selected as the seat of government. The city New York is at the extremity of the state. It has, however, a sufficient number of other advantages; the security of its harbour; the vastness of its bay, capable of containing all the fleets in the world; the facility of its internal communications by the navigation of the Hudson, and especially by the grand canal which unites the waters of Lake Erie with the ocean, must always make it one of the most important commercial situations. More than eighty steam-boats, always ready to brave contrary winds, convey in every direction, not only the products of New York, but of all the adjacent states.

In 1820, the exports from the port of New York amounted to 13,162,000 dollars, $7,899,080 of which were in the especial products of New York state. These details which were given me by a naval officer, while from the heights of Brooklyn, I gazed upon the imposing scene around, greatly excited my curiosity, and induced me to lay hold of the first favourable opportunity to gain a more extensive knowledge in relation to a city and state, so suddenly emerging to such a state of grandeur and prosperity. Nor was my gratification long delayed. The same evening, after a dinner which had been enlivened by the presence of a great number of the distinguished men of New York, I found myself near Mr. M., an old gentleman, whose conversation is always interesting and instructive; during dinner he had informed me that after having devoted his youth to the establishment of the independence of his country, he had not since ceased to employ himself in augmenting the means of happiness to his fellow-citizens. Notwithstanding the circumspection with which I asked my first questions, he soon discovered my wishes, and having seated ourselves in a corner of the room, he made the following observations. “I hope, although our country is still very new, and has not yet like Europe enjoyed the advantage of a long civilization, that you will not receive the less pleasure from your visit. You will not find the arts and sciences carried to the high degree of perfection here, in which they exist in France, but every where you will discover peace, abundance and liberty; you will see almost every where, a numerous and active population, procuring with facility the necessaries of life, by an industry which government has no power to interrupt; and this view is sufficiently rare in Europe, I believe, to be worthy of attention: but without entering into details, which you had better collect yourself during your excursions, I will by giving you a short historical and statistical view of this state, show you results, in which you will probably be obliged to recognize the influence of our institutions, which we have not the vanity to consider perfect, but which we believe, nevertheless, to be superior to those of all the nations that have preceded us in the vast career of civilization. Our origin is not lost like yours in the night of time, and the gods have never been at the trouble of showing by prodigies, the interest they took in our first establishments. The science of history is not, therefore, among us monopolized, by a few of the initiated. It is a national domain whose limits, still very close to us, may easily be examined and understood by everyone. It was in 1609, that the Hudson was discovered by the navigator whose name it bears. As early as 1610, some Hollanders had built their cabins by the side of the Indian lodges; but it was not until 1614, that permanent establishments were made. Soon after the English came to dispute with the Dutch, the possession of a country that belonged to neither, and the blood-stained soil was covered with fortresses. Finally a treaty was made in 1674, and in which the legitimate proprietors were certainly not consulted, assuring tranquil possession to the English. In 1683, the colonists for the first time assembled a representative body to regulate their affairs, but James II. of England alarmed at the representative system and publications from the press, proscribed both. The reign of Mary, who came to the throne in 1689, gave more liberty to the colonists, who in 1691 re-assembled their representatives. The population was then considerably augmented by emigrants from Germany, who came in great numbers to settle in the province. The first journal published in the colony was printed in 1733, but after the following year the press was altogether silenced, and the colonists again fell under arbitrary rule. In spite of the despotism, which during the next twenty years, weighed down the colony, the people remained strongly attached to England, and were very active in the war which that power carried on against France in 1754. Finally in 1765, their patience was tried to the utmost; they burned the law establishing the stamp-tax, refused English importations, and ardently engaged in the revolutionary war. The state of New York, during the entire duration of that struggle, was the theatre of operations, and the city was almost constantly in possession of the enemy; but the ardor of the people was undiminished. I need not enter into the details of that glorious campaign, which had our enfranchisement for its result. Placed as you have been near the man, who shared the labours of our immortal Washington, you doubtless have frequent opportunities of collecting from his lips more exact and interesting relations than I can give you. Let us now pass on to a view of our present situation.

“From the peace of 1783, our state has made surprising advances of every sort. Our territory has been ascertained, and our limits determined by compacts with the neighbouring states. At present we are bounded on the north by Lower Canada, on the east by the states of Vermont, Massachusetts and Connecticut; on the south by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and on the west and north-west by Upper Canada, from which we are separated by Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, the Niagara and St. Lawrence. Within these bounds, the surface of our territory measures 46,200 miles. Eighty thousand souls, at most, were scattered over this immense extent at the beginning of our revolutionary war. Notwithstanding the continuance of this contest for eight years, the population increased, and amounted in 1788 to 200,000, a number but little exceeding the present actual population of the city alone. Since that period, the increase has taken place in a ratio, which of itself will suffice to demonstrate the superiority of our institutions over the colonial government, from which we had freed ourselves. In 1790, the general Census gave us a population of 349,120 souls; in 1800, 586,050; in 1810, 959,049, and in 1820 of 1,372,812; while at the present time we count a population of 1,616,000 souls.

“Our agriculture, manufactures and commerce have been developed in proportion to the increase of our population. Wheat is the principal product of the southern part of the state; in the west we raise hemp in great quantity. 280,000 persons at least are employed in agriculture, and cultivate 169,167 acres of good land. We can readily collect in the state 1,513,421 horned cattle; 3,496,539 sheep; 349,638 horses, and 1,467,573 hogs. Almost every county has an agricultural society formed of the most enlightened citizens, who devote themselves successfully to the advancement of agriculture, and even to the progress of the arts.

“A capital of 15,000,000 of dollars, and about 70,000 persons are employed in our various manufactories, which are principally situated in the vicinity of New York city; upon the banks of the Hudson; near to Utica, and in the fertile western regions. One of the last computations, informs us that we have 170 forges; 125 oil mills; seven pearl-ash factories; 250 cotton and woollen manufactories; 1,222 fulling mills; 1,129 distilleries; 2,005 potash factories; 1,584 carding machines; 2,264 flour-mills; 5,595 saw-mills,—but I perceive,” said my complaisant friend, interrupting himself, “how much you are astonished at these details, thinking perhaps that I exaggerate, or that my memory enfeebled by age, recounts imaginary numbers. You can readily convince yourself of the exactness of my calculations. Examine Melish’s excellent work, entitled Geographical description of the United States, a work carefully prepared, and from the most authentic documents, and you may there find numerous other views, which at this moment escape my memory, that will excite your surprise to a very different degree. If you were acquainted with our institutions,” said he, with growing animation, “you would better comprehend, how with us every thing turning to the benefit of the community, necessarily adds every day to its prosperity and happiness. Our simple and economical government has no need as with you, frequently to seize upon the necessaries of the citizen to cover expenses, which no one has power nor courage to control. Whatever each of us earns by his industry during one year, remains and augments his means of industry for the year following, whence flows the rapid augmentation of wealth at which you are so much surprised.

“I have now to speak of the form of our government. I shall be very brief, for it grows late, and I believe you will stand in need of some hours of repose, to enable you to endure the fatigues of the entertainments we know to have been long since prepared, on the route General Lafayette is to travel.

“The constitution of New York state was adopted in 1777; it was amended in 1801, and again in 1821. The authors of our first constitution, thought correctly, I believe, that the people should always have the right to modify the laws according as their situations and necessities were changed; we have twice, already, profited by this privilege, as above stated, and it may be presumed that our posterity, profiting by our experience and their own knowledge, will still farther perfect this work of their ancestors. This constitution thus revised, is very similar to that of other states of the union, and establishes three distinct powers. These powers, emanating from the people, are the legislative, executive and judiciary. The legislative power is vested in a senate and assembly of representatives. The senate is composed of thirty-two members, elected for four years, and one fourth of it is renewed every year. To be a senator, it is requisite to be thirty years of age and an owner of property. The house of representatives, or assembly, is composed of one hundred and twenty-eight members, elected annually by the different counties, according to their population. The executive power is confided to a governor and lieutenant governor elected by the people, bi-ennially. The governor has the right of nominating to all the public offices; but his nominations must be approved by the senate. The highest judiciary authority is vested in a court of appeal, composed of the senate, of the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court. These, as well as the district judges are not removable, but cannot perform their function after their sixtieth year.” “How,” exclaimed I, “a judge declared incapable at sixty years of age? Do you think then that the human faculties are so very limited, or that this premature incapacity is owing to the influence of your climate?” “Neither the one nor the other,” replied he, “it is merely a great error committed by the authors of our political code; it is hoped that it will be corrected at the first revision of our constitution. It is truly absurd to dismiss a judge at the moment when age and experience have enlightened his mind and ripened his judgment. It is cruel also to discharge him at an age when neither time nor energy enough is left him to commence a new career, and consequently exposes him to the danger of ending miserably a life honorably commenced in the service of his country.

“Every white man, having attained the age of 21 years, resided six months in the state, and paid some tax during the electoral year, has the right of voting. Every man of colour, 21 years old, having been three years a citizen, a holder of property, and paying a tax of 250 dollars, has also the right of suffrage. This distinction of colours may surprise you, I shall not attempt to justify it, but shall content myself with requesting you, before you condemn it, to wait until you shall have passed through the different parts of our union, before you form your judgment of the relative conditions of the two races.[3]

“This government which is sufficient for all our wants, does not cost us very dear; its expenses together with the salaries of the principal officers, does not exceed 300,000 francs per annum. The revenue of our western salines alone, amounts to as great a sum; the money arising from the sale of public lands, of our funds placed in banks, of different investments in public and private institutions, is reserved for the expenses of the state, and when we have any extraordinary expenditures to meet, such as the purchase of arms, military equipage, the building of arsenals, furnishing of magazines, &c., we are not obliged to increase our taxes, which have not varied since the year 1800, and are so slight that they do not exceed the thousandth part of the value of the property taxed.

“Thanks to its economy and good administration, the government has still found means to apply a fund of 1,730,000 dollars to public instruction. This year the treasury has expended 730,000 dollars upon the schools, which moreover have received from private subscription more than 150,000 dollars; so that at this moment there are 7,642 public schools established in the different districts, employed in imparting instruction to 403,000 children and youth, that is to say, to one fourth of the population.”

It was now midnight, and every one else had retired, while I still continued to listen eagerly to the interesting details given to me by Mr. M. when we were suddenly interrupted by a great tumult of voices, mingled with the sound of bells and the rumbling of fire engines over the pavement. “This is fortunate for you,” said my friend, “fire has broken out in some part of the town, go to it; what you will witness, will teach you more of our habits of order and police, than I could tell you during all the rest of the night.” His advice was hardly necessary, for the moment I had ascertained the cause of the tumult, I began to move towards the door. On the stairs I met George Lafayette, who was hurrying down as eagerly as myself. Once in the street, it was only necessary to follow the crowd in order to arrive at the fire. On our way, our imaginations were excited, and presented this event, unfortunate in itself, as still a fortunate circumstance for us, since it would afford us an opportunity of testifying by our zeal in the midst of danger, how much we were affected by, and grateful for, the infinite kindnesses the citizens of New York had shown us since our arrival. After a long race we reached the extremity of a street, opening on one of the wharves of the East river; here we found the burning house. The fire had caught first in a store-house filled with combustible materials, and had quickly communicated to some neighbouring frame buildings. The flames which blazed up with violence, gave us a fair opportunity to behold the situation of the conflagration, and the surrounding crowd. Five or six thousand persons standing upon the wharves, or mounted upon the masts of vessels, remained still and almost as silent, as if they were at a theatrical exhibition. This silence was only interrupted by the horrible crackling of the rafters, which every moment were tumbling amid the flames, by the monotonous sounds of the engines, and the orders of their directors. To get near the burning house, it was necessary to traverse a great part of the surrounding crowd, which was difficult; but by the light of the fire we were recognized by some one near us, who pronounced the name of Lafayette. This name, repeated from mouth to mouth, was the lucky talisman which opened our way to the desired point. There, in a vast space left free by the crowd, were more than thirty fire engines, some of which only played upon the fire, while the others supplied them with water by means of their long hose. Upon the platform of each of the engines was the director with his speaking trumpet, commanding the twenty men working the engine. When the men belonging to one engine were fatigued, they were instantly replaced by others coming out of the crowd, at the order of the director, who called in a loud voice, “twenty men of such a company, advance;” immediately the number of men demanded rushed to the engine requiring assistance, and the wearied men retired to the crowd where they remained peaceable spectators. In front of the crowd were some police officers, who were distinguished by their long white staves, by means of which they kept order, placing them horizontally before the most impatient, and only allowing those to pass who were called for by the directors of the engines. We then perceived that this calm and obedient crowd were nothing else than the young men enrolled in the engine companies. One of the police officers, who had dined with us in the evening, recognized us, and addressed to us some compliments. “We take a lively interest in the misfortune that demands your presence here,” said George Lafayette, “and should be very happy if our feeble services could be of any utility.” “We thank you,” said the officer, “but you can see for yourselves how little we need assistance; but, however, if you wish to approach nearer to judge of the result of our efforts, follow me.” He conducted us into the midst of the engines, and there we saw with what boldness and dexterity these youthful volunteers devoted themselves to the preservation of their fellow-citizens. We stopped for a moment near the engine which was nighest to the burning house, and offered our services, which were accepted, but in a manner which showed it to be done solely through politeness. In five minutes the two young men returned to reclaim their places, after kindly shaking hands with us. In spite of its violence the conflagration was forced to submit to the skill of the firemen, and we soon perceived that all danger was past. In retiring, we could not refrain from expressing to the police officer, our admiration at the order and quiet which had constantly reigned throughout this great crowd, which a few magistrates[4] had sufficed to maintain, without the aid of a single bayonet or uniform, and we were convinced on returning to our hotel, that one such sight as we had witnessed was sufficient to prove the great influence of the habit of order, over a people who are their own legislators.

CHAPTER II.

Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown and Bunker’s hill.

We left New York on the morning of the twentieth of August, for Boston, in the state of Massachusetts. At day light several military corps were drawn up in front of the hotel, for the purpose of escorting the general out of the city, where a parting salute was fired from a battery of six pieces of cannon, two of which had been taken from the English at the siege of York-town, in 1781. A great number of citizens on horseback, and in carriages, accompanied us as far as New-Rochelle, where we halted some time, to give the general an opportunity of receiving some of his old companions in arms, who being unable to come to New York, had collected together on his passage, in order once more to see him and take him by the hand.

At Sawpits we met an escort of cavalry, that joined the escort from New York, which wished to continue its service as far as Putnam’s mountain, where the young women of the surrounding villages had caused a triumphal arch to be erected. It was ornamented with the greatest possible taste, and had an inscription upon it which expressed gratitude to Lafayette, and alluded to the daring escape of General Putnam. At the foot of the triumphal arch, I was made to observe the extremely precipitate descent, down which this intrepid man dashed with his horse, to escape the English who were in hot pursuit, but dared not follow him by so dreadful and dangerous a road.

Putnam, before he appeared upon the revolutionary stage, on which he acted a glorious part, had already emerged from the obscurity to which his rustic life seemed to have condemned him. When very young, he had acquired a great reputation among his youthful comrades for strength and intrepidity, by going down into a cave to attack a she-wolf that for many years had been the terror of the neighbourhood. In the year 1755, when thirty-seven years old, he relinquished the plough for the sword, and took the command of a provincial regiment. In the war which broke out in America between France and England, he became, as a partizan leader, the astonishment and admiration of his companions in arms. One man, alone, could then be compared to him, and this one was a Frenchman, named Molang.[5] In a rencontre between these two chiefs, Putnam was beaten and taken prisoner; he even owed his life to Molang, who rescued him from the hands of the Indians, who were preparing to burn him; but his reputation did not suffer by this affair, because he had by prodigies of valour and skill, vigorously disputed the victory with Molang.

The news of the battle of Lexington once more caused him to relinquish his agricultural life, which he had long since resumed. His long established reputation soon rallied under his orders a great number of his fellow-citizens, at the head of whom he appeared at the battle of Bunker’s hill. From that time, till the end of the campaign of 1779, when a stroke of palsy forced him to quit the army, he lost no opportunity of proving that he had devoted his life to the cause of liberty. His probity was proverbial, and the following anecdote may give an idea of the inflexibility of his character. An individual named Palmer, a lieutenant in the tory new levies, was discovered in his camp; the English governor Tryon, demanded him as an officer in the king’s service, and threatened Putnam with his vengeance if he did not immediately release him. Putnam answered him by the following note.

“Sir,

“Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in the king’s service, was taken in my camp as a spy, tried as a spy, condemned as a spy, and shall be hanged as a spy.”

“P. S. Afternoon. He is hanged.”

Through the attention of the corporation of New York, three members of which had been appointed to accompany us until our return, numerous and excellent relays had been arranged on the whole rout. Notwithstanding this necessary precaution, our march was very slow, as we could not pass a hamlet without being detained some moments by collections of people from more than 20 miles around. Every village had its triumphal arch, upon which was almost always inscribed the names of Washington and Lafayette or the dates of the battles of Brandywine and Yorktown. Every where announced by the sound of cannon, every where received and complimented by the magistrates of the people, and every where obliged to alight to receive the testimonials of the love of the entire population, it was not until after five days and almost five nights that the general arrived at Boston, which is but two hundred miles from New York; I say almost five nights, because we constantly travelled until near midnight, and set out again at five o’clock in the morning. However, amid these moving and sublime displays of the gratefulness of a whole people, we did not dream of fatigue; even our night marches had a charm which caused us to be forgetful of it. The long file of carriages escorted by horsemen bearing torches; the fires lighted from place to place upon the tops of the hills, and around which were grouped families whom the desire of beholding their guest had kept watching; the somewhat wild sound of the trumpet of our escort, repeated several times by the woodland echoes, the sight of the sea which occasionally came into view on our right, and the distant and decreasing peal of the bells which had announced our passage, all formed around us a picturesque and enchanting scene, worthy of the pen of Cooper. In this manner we passed through Fairfield, New Haven and New London in Connecticut; Providence in Rhode Island, and finally the route from Rhode Island to Boston.

New Haven is the largest town in the state of Connecticut, and is, alternately with Hartford, the seat of government. Its population amounts to more than ten thousand souls. It is delightfully situated on a bay formed by the East river. The shortness of our stay prevented us from making more than a hasty visit to the College, which enjoys a great reputation, not only in Connecticut but throughout the union. It was founded in 1701 under the name of Yale College, in honour of Elihu Yale Esqr. of London, its principal benefactor, then governor of the East India company. The favor which the people have constantly extended to it, has rendered it a very considerable establishment. At present the number of students is more than four hundred. It has a president, four professors, six tutors, a treasurer, housekeeper and purveyor. The college is directed by a corporation composed of a president, vice-president, six ancient members of the council, and of ten assistants, all clergymen. Business is arranged by a committee of three or four members who assemble three or four times a year. The studies pursued in the college are the following;—1st, Theology, of which the president is the professor; 2d. mathematics and natural history; 3d. chemistry and mineralogy; 4th. languages and ecclesiastical history; 5th. jurisprudence.

In order to enter the 1st class, the candidate must be able to translate the Greek testament, Virgil and Cicero; and to write Latin according to Clark’s rules; he must also be acquainted with arithmetic. The price of boarding is about two dollars a week.

The library contains more than 6,000 volumes, and a fund of about two hundred dollars a year is devoted to it. The greater part of the classical works, which are of great value, are the gift of Berkely, the celebrated bishop of Cloyne in Ireland, amounting to about 1,000 volumes, valued at four hundred pounds sterling.

The chemical laboratory is remarkable for the number and choice of its apparatus. The mineralogical cabinet which at first contained 2,500 specimens, has been greatly enriched by Colonel Gibbs who has bequeathed 24,000 specimens for the use of the students; these are estimated at 20,000 dollars.

Yale college has also a medical institution in which lectures are given on the following branches, 1st. theory and practice of medicine; 2d. surgery and obstetrics; 3d. anatomy; 4th. chemistry, pharmacy and mineralogy.

The president of the college, the professors and trustees conducted us through all parts of the establishment and gave us all the information in their power with a degree of complaisance worthy of our gratitude.

We were informed that there is near New Haven an admirable manufactory of arms, but the short time the general had to dispose of, would not allow us to visit it.

Public education, is in the state of Connecticut, as in New York, or even more so, the constant object of the care and attention of the people and government; it would be difficult to find in this state a child of twelve years old, unable to read and write. The law of the state directs that there shall be a grammar school in every town. There are every where a great number of academies in which the various branches of human knowledge are skilfully taught, at a slight expense. The single town of New Haven, besides Yale College, has sixteen public and eight private schools.

The school fund amounts to 1,500,000 dollars, the interest of which with 12,000 dollars arising from public taxes are annually expended for instruction; each town receives a share, proportioned to the amount of its contributions, and the schools are directed and superintended by a committee appointed by the inhabitants, who will not allow so important a matter as public instruction, one of the first safe-guards of liberty, to be monopolized by any religious sect, or university.

The people of Connecticut are rigid observers of religious customs; but they have long since freed themselves from the persecuting spirit, which animated the founders of the colony, whose first ecclesiastical ordinance, on taking possession of the soil in 1637, was to refuse the privileges of citizenship to all who did not entirely and unreservedly submit to the formalities of the established religion. Now that religious liberty is secured by law, the reciprocal tolerance of the different communions has established a sort of fraternity among them. We had a very striking proof of it during the Sunday we stayed at New Haven. On arriving in town, general Lafayette, that he might not in any respect act contrary to the habits of the excellent people, from whom he had received so many affecting proofs of regard, expressed a wish to attend divine service. The congregationalists and episcopalians, who formed the principal communions of the town, immediately invited him to their churches; it was difficult to accept the offer of one without appearing to neglect the other, and the general answered that he would willingly go to both. We attended first at the congregational church, and afterwards at the episcopal; we found them all surrounded and filled by the crowd without distinction of sect; in both the sermon turned upon morals, without any discussion of dogmas, and terminated by reference to him whom God had so often conducted across the dangers of the ocean, to secure the liberty of America. These sermons were listened to with an equal respect by all, and on coming out of church, the two ministers cordially shook hands, mutually congratulating each other on the happiness they had enjoyed of receiving among them the nation’s guest.

The inhabitants of Connecticut have the reputation of being litigious, which keeps, it is said, among them a great number of lawyers who necessarily live at their expense. But I believe that this reputation has no better foundation than that which they formerly had of allowing their youth of both sexes to live in a state of excessive familiarity before marriage; and that both these inconveniences either no longer exist, or at least are considerably diminished by the influence which time necessarily exercises upon a population daily becoming more enlightened.[6]

The state of Connecticut contains within itself all the elements of prosperity; its fertile soil offers rich products, both of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms. Iron, lead, copper, marcasite, antimony, marble, porcelain clay, and anthracite coal are found in quantities in some of the counties. To give an idea of the number, variety and activity of the manufactures, it is sufficient to say that of a population of nearly 280,000 souls, more than 18,000 persons are constantly employed therein. Industry is indebted to Connecticut, for many useful inventions; among others for the following; Chittendon’s machine for making card-teeth, for the carding machines invented in 1784, and since highly perfected; this machine is set in motion by a mandrel twelve inches long and one inch in diameter, each revolution of which makes a tooth; it makes 36,000 an hour.—Miller and Whitney’s machine for separating cotton from the seeds. Before this invention, the cotton was picked by hand, and an individual could not pick more than a pound in a day; by this new method more than a thousand pounds a day are cleaned. The right of the inventors of this machine was purchased for 50,000 dollars by the government of the state.—Wm. Humphrey’s machine for spinning wool by water power; twelve spindles of this machine spin as much as forty common spindles. The right of constructing this machine costs a dollar for each spindle. The machine of Culver for clearing out basins, and removing sand-bars from the mouths of the rivers; by means of this machine the canal of the Thames has been considerably deepened.

Lafayette experienced keen regret on entering the state of Rhode Island, on account of his inability to delay his journey for an instant. He would have enjoyed much pleasure in revisiting places, which recalled so many of his youthful recollections.

In 1778, Lafayette was detached from Washington’s army with two brigades, to go to the assistance of Sullivan, who was endeavouring to get possession of Rhode Island, which the English had occupied since 1776. To render the success of his operations more sure, he waited for the arrival of the count d’Estaing, who commanded the French squadron, which having troops on board, offered the double advantage of cutting off the retreat of the British by sea, and of reinforcing Sullivan in the attacks he meditated upon Newport. But unfortunately a misunderstanding took place between Count D’Estaing and Sullivan, the French troops were not landed, and while Lafayette exerted himself to restore harmony between the two commanders, the arrival of the English squadron under Lord Howe was made known. Count D’Estaing profiting by a favourable wind immediately made sail to meet Lord Howe. Two days were lost by the admirals in manœuvring for the weather gage, and when, at length they were just about to come to blows, a dreadful tempest separated them and injured both squadrons so much, that one was obliged to seek shelter in New York, and the other hastened into Newport Harbour. Upon the return of the French squadron, Sullivan hoped to resume his operations, but the count D’Estaing informed him, that after having consulted with his officers, he was determined to sail for Boston; that his instructions, moreover, directed him in case his squadron suffered any damage, or should be menaced by a superior English force, that he should seek shelter in that port.

The damage that D’Estaing’s squadron suffered by the tempest, and the news of the appearance of a very numerous English fleet upon the coast, may justify his retreat to Boston, but his determination threw Sullivan and his army into despair. Without the aid of the French squadron it was impossible to count upon success. Her departure put an end to all the hopes that had been entertained. Generals Greene and Lafayette were deputed to visit Count D’Estaing and oppose his fatal resolution. They talked to him with energy of the glorious advantages which the French and American arms would derive from his co-operation against the English garrison of Rhode Island, which could not escape, and of the disastrous effects which would be produced upon the spirits of the American army by the withdrawing of an ally, whose presence had at first caused so much joy. They represented to him the dangers of his retreat across Nantucket shoals, with his ships in bad trim, and the advantages Newport possessed over Boston either for repairing his squadron or for resisting the attacks of an enemy, rendered daring by the superiority of his forces. They concluded by beseeching him not to sacrifice to little private quarrels, the glory and interests of two nations united in support of so admirable a cause. Notwithstanding the importance of all these considerations, the Count D’Estaing persisted in his resolution, and sailed immediately. Being thus abandoned by the squadron, Sullivan summoned the general officers of his army to a council, to advise upon the course to be pursued; whether to attempt to carry the place by storm, or to evacuate the island, carrying off all the magazines. The discouragement of the army caused by the departure of the squadron rendered the first proposal very difficult of execution; and the second was exasperating to men who had been so near to success. Sullivan decided on a middle course, and the council separated with a determination to raise the siege and retire to the northern extremity of the island, where behind their entrenchments they would wait the progress of events; this resolution was carried into execution the following night by Sullivan, with as much good fortune as skill. Sullivan once more turned his hopes upon the French squadron, and wished to make another effort with the Count D’Estaing. Full of confidence in the great influence which Lafayette exercised over all with whom he was engaged, he charged him with this delicate mission; Lafayette accepted it, but not without shewing with what reluctance he left his warlike companions, at the moment when there could be little doubt but that they would soon be attacked by the enemy. In fact, during his absence the English several times attempted, though unsuccessfully to carry the American post. These different engagements had served to raise the confidence of Sullivan’s forces. Lafayette was successful in obtaining a promise that the squadron would return as soon as all its damages were repaired. Every thing seemed to promise Sullivan the reward due to his perseverance, when the news of a reinforcement for the enemy of 4,000 men under General Clinton himself, placed him under the sad necessity of evacuating the island as speedily as possible, or of being himself blockaded. He prepared to retire with a peculiar degree of skill. The movement was about to commence, when to the great astonishment of Sullivan, Lafayette arrived to take command of the rear-guard. He had travelled the distance from Boston to Rhode Island, about thirty leagues, in seven hours, a circumstance almost incredible. Sullivan was highly gratified by this zeal, and gave him the command of the rear-guard; every thing was executed with so much correctness, that at two o’clock in the morning the movement was entirely terminated, and the American troops placed in safety upon the continent from Providence to Tiverton.

The thanks of Congress were presented to Sullivan for this retreat, and they also commended Lafayette as much for the sacrifice of his personal satisfaction, in consenting to quit the army on the eve of a battle, for the sake of the interests of the United States, as for the vigorous conduct he had exhibited in commanding the rear-guard.

From the joy which was on all sides expressed on our arrival at Providence, it was easy to perceive that the people of this country had not lost the recollection of Lafayette’s conduct in the trying times of the revolution: neither were the expressions of gratitude of Congress forgotten, as I heard them repeated by many persons, and beheld them inscribed upon all their triumphal arches. Notwithstanding the solicitations of the people and magistrates, the general could not delay longer than was necessary to take some refreshment; we then hastened towards the frontier of Massachusetts, where two aids of the governor of that state waited for Lafayette, with other carriages and a fresh escort. We met them at sunset. Colonel Harris, the governor’s first aid, regulated our march with so much activity, that we reached Dedham at eleven o’clock, and at two o’clock in the morning, we arrived by torchlight in Roxbury, a delightful village two miles from Boston, where the residence of Governor Eustis was situated, who waited for the general with eager impatience. In spite of the lateness of the hour, all the inhabitants of the house were on the alert, having the windows, avenues and the garden illuminated. The governor received the general in a frank, plain, and friendly manner, such as became an old republican soldier, delighted to receive an ancient comrade whose toils he had shared.

Two hours sleep made us forget the fatigues of the day, and rendered us fit for entering Boston in the morning. At day-break we were awakened by the sound of martial music; it was from the light infantry which was already manœuvring in front of our windows. The sight of the uniform of this company deeply affected the general, he could not keep his eyes off it, and exclaimed every moment, “my brave light infantry! such was their uniform! What courage! what resignation! How much I loved them!” At this instant the governor’s aid introduced a man, still young, but of a melancholy aspect; he carried a sword in his hand, which he presented to the general: “Do you know this sword?” said he. “I find at least,” said the general, “that it strongly resembles those which I brought from France to arm the sub-officers of my light infantry with.” “It is one of them;——my father received it from your hands: it has served gloriously in gaining our independence. He religiously preserved it in memory of his general, and would have been happy to have presented it to you himself; the day before yesterday he still hoped to do so, and this hope softened his last moments,—on that day he died. He has not bequeathed me wealth, but has left me this sword, which will be the most precious of legacies if you sanction his gift.” While he was speaking, the general had taken the sword and examined it with interest; he returned it to him immediately, saying, “Take it, guard it carefully in order that it may in your hands be used to preserve the rights it has so gloriously contributed to acquire in the hands of your father.” The American received the sword with joy, and left the room, pronouncing with tenderness the names of Lafayette and of his father.

Soon after, the procession which was to accompany the general arrived; the cannon gave the signal for marching. The concourse of people coming out of the city was so great, and so much obstructed the road, that we were two hours in riding the distance of only two miles. All the road was lined with troops on foot, and on horseback. The carters of Boston, dressed in perfectly white frocks, formed a numerous corps of well mounted cavalry. Sixty small boys, from twelve to fourteen years old, organized as an artillery company, and having two pieces of cannon proportioned to their strength, ran in front of the procession. From time to time they halted and fired a salute from their battery, and then pushed forward with rapidity, to take another position, and fire another salute. At noon we reached the suburbs of Boston. At the entrance of the city, under a triumphal arch we were met by the corporation; the mayor alone in an open carriage, stopped by the side of the open carriage of the general. Both rose to salute each other, when the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city. The calm and modest appearance of the general during the discourse, the fine countenance of Mr. Quincy, which became more animated as he proceeded in his address, the triumphal arch which shaded the orator and hero, together with the attitude and solemn silence of so many thousand citizens, offered at this moment to my astonished vision, the beau idéal of a popular festival, a republican triumph. After the general had replied, we traversed the city to visit the state house; during this passage, the evidences of the love of the inhabitants lavished on the general, were so affecting, that it was impossible to avoid shedding tears. In front of the state house, upon an immense terrace, whence the sea might be discovered at a distance covered with small vessels, was a long double row of girls and boys, from the public schools, all decorated with Lafayette badges; raising their little hands towards heaven, and uttering cries of joy. One of the youngest girls advanced towards the general; she was lifted up to his carriage, placed a wreath of evergreens on his head, embraced him tenderly, and called him Father. We then entered the senate chamber, where all the public functionaries were collected, the society of Cincinnati, the scientific bodies, and as many citizens beside as the hall could contain. At the moment the general appeared before Governor Eustis, who received him at the door, the national standard was displayed from the dome of the state house, and all the troops fired a volley. After the address of welcome was pronounced in the name of the government, and in the presence of the citizens of the state of Massachusetts, the scene of the New York City Hall was repeated; that is, the general was detained for more than two hours, by the expressions of regard from all who could approach him. From the state house we were conducted to Park street, to an hotel prepared for us. The mayor introduced us to our apartments, which were richly furnished, saying, “here you are at home; I hope you will find every thing that is necessary; if you find no superfluities recollect that you have been received by republicans.” These words of Mr. Quincy were doubtless very amiable, but I confess they made us think a good deal upon what the Boston republicans considered necessary, especially when we found that fine horses and carriages had been provided for our use, during all the time that we should stay.

In the evening we dined at the Exchange Coffee-house with the governor and staff, the corporation, and all the other public authorities. The hall was decorated with devices which referred both to the actions of Lafayette, and the gratitude felt by the Americans for the assistance of France, when Fortune, still wavering, held her scales equally balanced between liberty and oppression. The French and American flags waved united over the head of the president of the banquet, and Chief Justice Parker gave a toast to the memory of Louis XVI. adding, that none of the friends of liberty should be forgotten, although they might have worn a crown.

On the 25th, at noon, we attended the commencement at Cambridge University, which was conducted with a pomp, the splendor of which was considerably increased by the presence of a very great number of ladies, attracted by the desire of seeing Lafayette, who it was known would be present.

Cambridge is one of the richest and most beautiful villages in New England: it is situated at three miles distance from Boston, and contains more than 3,000 inhabitants. Its university, called Harvard, in honour of its founder, has produced a great number of distinguished men, both in science and literature. The citizens of Massachusetts are proud of its success, and support it with a liberality which proves how much knowledge and education are esteemed in this state. Besides the chairs of divinity, anatomy, surgery, medical science, chemistry, theoretic and experimental physics, mathematics, natural philosophy, logic, metaphysics, Latin, Greek and the Oriental languages, which have been long established, six new chairs and three faculties have been founded for about twelve years, as follows.[7]

1st. A chair of natural history founded by private subscription for the establishment of a botanical garden and the support of a professor.

2d. A chair of Rhetoric and Eloquence, established by a donation of Ward Nicholas Boylston, Esq.

3d. A chair of Greek Literature founded in 1814, by an unknown benefactor of Boston.

4th. A chair of the Spanish and French languages, founded by a rich merchant of Boston, who bequeathed for this purpose a sum of 30,000 dollars.

5th. A chair founded in 1816, by Count Rumford, for the application of physical and mathematical sciences to the useful arts.

6th. A chair of natural theology, and moral philosophy, founded in 1817.

The three faculties which complete the course of instruction are,

1st. A school of medicine, 2d. a theological seminary in which the education and all the wants of the students are paid for by subscription. This subscription is completely filled by persons who are devoted to the public good. 3d. a law school for those who are destined to the bar.

The library contains about 20,000 valuable works, and is augmented annually by private donations.

In short, this university by its revenues, its library and cabinets, the merit of its professors, and the means it furnishes for the acquisition of all the branches of education, has not its equal, not only in the rest of the union, but perhaps even in Europe.

General Lafayette was received at the door of the chapel, in which the exercises were to take place, by the President of the university, Mr. Kirkland, who addressed him with an eloquence springing from the profound emotions of his heart. When the general entered the hall, the acclamations and transports of the crowd, and especially of the ladies were so great, that the business of the meeting was for a long time delayed. It certainly was an enchanting spectacle to behold the vast galleries filled with young ladies wreathed with flowers, waving their handkerchiefs in salutation of him, whom they called their father, friend, defender, and companion of the Great Washington. In vain the president frequently called for silence, without which it was impossible to be understood; every voice was drowned with the cries and plaudits for Lafayette. At length after half an hour had elapsed, quiet was established, and the exercises began, but were often interrupted by the eagerness, with which the audience seized upon all the allusions to Lafayette, that occurred in the discourses.

We returned next day to the university, to be present in the same hall, with the same audience, animated with equal enthusiasm, at a meeting of the Hellenic Society.[8] Professor Everett, whose early talents and eloquence promise a distinguished senatorial orator, delivered the opening discourse. If mine were a more practised pen, I should attempt to repeat here this discourse, which notwithstanding its length, was throughout listened to with vivid interest, and was often suspended by well merited applause.

The orator proposed to investigate the particular causes which contribute most to the developement of intelligence in the United States, and without difficulty proved that they were to be found in the democratic character of our institutions. After a long, but vigorous demonstration of the superiority of a republican government as it is understood and practised in the United States, over the monarchic system, which after having divided a part of the nation into nobles, privileged priests, and soldiers always armed as an inquisitorial police, makes of the rest a class of political outcasts. The orator concluded by paying to Lafayette his tribute of gratitude.

Early on the morning of the 27th, carriages, an escort of cavalry, the civil and military authorities, and a great number of citizens came to convey the general to the navy yard at Charlestown, which is only separated from Boston by an arm of the sea, over which we passed on a fine bridge a mile in length. We were received at the navy yard by Commodore Bainbridge, whose name is associated with more than one glorious engagement with the English navy. After inspecting the works we ascended Bunker’s hill.

Bunker’s hill is one of those glorious monuments, unfortunately too rare on the face of the earth, which will remind the latest posterity of the noble struggles of liberty against tyranny and oppression. It was at Bunker’s hill that the Americans first dared in a regular fight to brave the arms of their tyrants. It was there, that men almost without arms, undisciplined, and far inferior in numbers to their enemy, but encouraged by the presence of their wives, children and fellow citizens, who from the heights of Boston made them feel the magic of the words Independence, Posterity, sustained with a courage worthy of the heroic ages, three successive attacks from numerous battalions, which their experience and skill in the art of war, appeared to lead to an easy victory. Forced at length to retire before superior numbers, the Americans withdrew, but in good order, leaving bloody proofs of their courage and vigorous resistance. It was but a moment before this retreat, which revealed to the friends of liberty their powers and hopes, of this retreat which was equal to a victory, that the young and interesting Gen. Warren fell. Though incessantly engaged in daring death, he passed through the battle unharmed. But on returning to the entrenchments which he had left to pursue the English, who had thrice fallen back in confusion, he received a fatal wound in the loins. He now rests under a simple pyramid erected precisely on the spot where his blood stained the soil. It was at the base of this modest monument that General Lafayette was received by some veteran soldiers, a glorious remnant of this first combat of the war of Independence. In their presence Dr. A. R. Thompson addressed the general on behalf of the citizens of Charlestown. Lafayette was much moved by his address, and his emotion was communicated to all the byestanders. His answer was received by the acclamations of the multitude and the roar of artillery. Immediately after some battalions of young troops led by Governor Eustis and Generals Brooks and Dearborn filed off before the general to the sound of cannon and martial music which performed that sublime air, dear to French patriots, which reminds them that they too have had their Warrens whose generous blood has watered the tree of liberty, in whose shade they would at present gloriously repose, had it not been shaken by anarchy and struck to the heart by the sacrilegious steel of an audacious soldier.

A simple repast served under a tent terminated this ceremony, after which we returned to the city to visit the military arsenal; the ancient city hotel whence the people set out in crowds for the port to destroy two cargoes of tea sent by the British East India Company, and the Hall where the declaration of Independence was signed in Massachusetts. During the course of these visits I collected the details relative to the history and present situation of this state which will be found in the following chapter.

CHAPTER III.

First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events in this province: its actual condition.

The first settlements made in that part of North America called Massachusetts, owed their origin to the religious persecutions in England under the reigns of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles the first. The history of the first emigrants, who came to seek amidst the savages of the New World, liberty of conscience, which the European philosophy of the seventeenth century refused them, offers nothing but a mournful picture of continual struggles against climate, disease and famine. It was not until 1630, that they were reinforced by a more numerous and better regulated expedition, which aided them in founding the towns of Boston, Charlestown and Salem. Cromwell, Hampden and many others who exercised so terrible an influence over the revolution that broke out soon after, were to have accompanied this expedition: they were already on board the ships, and were about to seek in the New World, occupations for their ardent dispositions, which would perhaps have been less excited here, than in the presence of tyranny, when Charles the first, as if urged by some fatality, had them arrested and brought back to land.

It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the majority of these emigrants who relinquished their country, families and friends solely to escape religious persecution, and who by consequence might be supposed to hate their persecutors, continued, notwithstanding their exile, attached to the English government, and honoured the names of their kings in the land of their refuge by bestowing them upon the rivers they discovered, upon the towns they founded, and the monuments they erected. Was it from habitual reverence for royalty, which in spite of its crimes, appeared still sacred to them, that they acted thus? Or was it merely to cover and protect the weakness of their settlements with the name of a powerful authority, and at the same time pay a sort of tribute to the English government, the self constituted proprietor of these vast regions, by right of discovery, which would not have allowed the colonists peace, if they seemed desirous of dissolving all ties, and obliterating all recollections of the mother country? The latter appears to us, to be the most probable, and is sufficiently confirmed by the following declaration drawn up and signed by the Pilgrims, who landed in 1620 at New Plymouth.

“In the name of God, amen, We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, and having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together in a civil body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names. Cape Cod, eleventh of November in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, king James of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. A. D. 1620.”

This act, as is evident, even in appearing to recognize the authority of England, claims for the colonists the direct administration of their affairs, and laid the foundation of that spirit of Independence, which more than a century afterwards threw off the yoke of the mother country, when she wished to return to the exercise of a despotism, which she seemed to consider her prescriptive right. In order to secure its right of sovereignty over Massachusetts, the English government in 1692, under the reign of William and Mary, usurped the right of appointing governors of this province: this however fell short of its aim, as the right of fixing and paying the governor’s salaries, was left with the provincial legislature, so that he was without power or influence. The English government soon perceived its error, and wished to correct it, and thenceforth the misunderstandings commenced between the colonies and the mother country, in which the latter increased their resistance, in proportion as the demands of the former were augmented.

The privileges of the different powers were soon entirely confounded. The governor was invested by the crown with the right of erecting courts and nominating judges; privileges which were vividly contested by the people, who claimed them as legislative prerogatives. Notwithstanding the multifarious encroachments of the crown, the colony, even when most actively opposing them, remained still attached to the mother country, and willingly aided her in the colonial war she had to sustain against France in 1744. After this war, which had alternately been renewed and suspended during sixteen years, with various successes and reverses, and which finally terminated in the ruin of the French colonies, the colonists hoped that the gratitude of England for the services they had rendered, would assure them thenceforth the enjoyment of their rights and liberties, acquired by every kind of sacrifice; but scarcely had two years elapsed after the establishment of peace, before all their hopes were blighted.

England at that time triumphed by land and sea; her commercial preponderance was felt in all parts of the world, and aroused the envy of all European nations. But this glory with which she was intoxicated, was not acquired without waste of treasure, and the contracting of immense debts. To pay these debts, and re-establish her finances, new sources of revenue were to be created, and her attention was turned towards her colonies.

The colonies had made an immense profit by their West India trade, and by the aid of a good administration had found means to form a sinking fund, which enabled them to pay their debts, and successively to increase their importations of English manufactures. The cupidity of the crown was excited by this prosperity, and from that moment ministerial adroitness was exercised in nothing but varying the means of extracting money from the colonists. The commanders on the coasts were converted into harsh excisemen, charged to repress unlawful commerce, and prevent smuggling. These commanders, assured of impunity, since they were only to be tried by the courts of Great Britain, were not backward in making illegal seizures, for their own profit. The import duties were raised to the highest pitch, and these duties were made exclusively payable in gold or silver, which rendered the paper money circulated among the colonists of no value. In short, the new system introduced by the English minister, became as tyrannical as ruinous, because at the moment enormous duties were imposed, it annihilated the means of paying them. Emboldened by the forbearance of the colonists, the British government knew not where to stop, and in the year 1765, the oppressive law called the stamp act was passed, which ordered, that for the future all contracts, wills, deeds, &c. should be drawn on stamp paper, under penalty of being rendered null, and imposed a tax on this paper, destined to pay the expenses of the last American war. This law produced universal exasperation, as soon as it was made known; it became the subject of conversation and discussion in all public and private societies; every one looked to the past, and recapitulated with bitterness the outrages perpetrated by England, and from that moment, it may be said, the revolutionary fire was kindled. From supplications and remonstrances, to which the colonists had hitherto confined themselves, they advanced to threats; the people of Massachusetts especially, expressed their resentment forcibly. It was at the instigation of this state, that a congress formed of deputies from many provinces, assembled at New York, on the 7th of October. This Congress, composed of men respectable for their characters and information, and which eventually served as the model of the Congress that so gloriously conducted the war of the revolution, published an energetic declaration of the rights of the colonies; a view of the oppressions of England; a petition to the king, and a memorial to parliament. These acts of Congress produced an effect upon parliament, which was augmented by the presence and writings of Benjamin Franklin, who was then in London, and had been called before the house of Commons to be examined relative to the complaints of his fellow citizens. He presented himself with characteristic modesty, and a republican simplicity, which was singularly in contrast with the insolent splendor of the minions of power, who attended his examination in crowds, in hopes of seeing him humbled, whom they regarded as a rebel, for presuming to speak of the rights of man in the presence of royalty. His calm answers and profound arguments produced a great impression upon the assembly, causing the promoters of the stamp act to reconsider the matter, and determined them to withdraw this monument of their ignorance and tyranny.

In proportion to the height the indignation of the Americans had been raised by the passage of the stamp act, was their joy on hearing of its repeal. The British government however, did not profit by this return of public feeling to a milder mood; not only were all the odious restrictions upon the colonial commerce continued, but the stamp act was followed by an equally intolerable duty upon the paper, tea, glass and colours imported by the colonists from England. But the preamble to this act was most especially grevious to the colonists; as it announced that the product of these new taxes should be placed at the disposal of parliament, to defray the expenses of the colonial administration, and particularly to pay the salaries of the governors and judges, who would thereby be rendered independent of the provincial Legislatures and made dependent upon the ministry. A permanent administration to superintend these taxes was created by parliament and established at Boston. The people of Massachusetts could not be deceived as to the views of the ministry; accustomed for a long time to discuss and manage their own affairs they resolved not voluntarily to submit to the disgrace of being governed by an unlawful authority, appointed at a distance of more than 3,000 miles. The representative assembly was then convened, and protested against the taxes and the use to be made of them; and they addressed a circular to the other provincial assemblies, in which, after recapitulating their privileges, and the oppressions of England, they conclude by asking for their co-operation in resisting a tyranny which daily pressed with increased weight upon the colonies. This step was treated as infamous and rebellious by the servants of the crown, who redoubled their vexations. Two English regiments arrived, which being refused quarters in the city, by the council, landed under protection of their ships, with fixed bayonets and two pieces of cannon, and established their guard-house in front of the state house, which was thus turned into a barrack. The city was thenceforth in the power of the military, who scoured the streets, insulting the citizens, disturbing their rest or business, and interrupting even their religious exercises by the continual noise of their martial music.

Under these circumstances the assembly was convoked at Boston, but did not meet, declaring that they did not feel at liberty in presence of an armed force; the session was consequently removed to Cambridge, where the governor had the impudence to present himself and demand funds to pay the troops; which being refused, the assembly was dissolved.

However, a change in the English ministry had determined parliament to suppress all the duties except that on tea; but this apparent return to a system of moderation in no way appeased the resentment of the citizens of Massachusetts, who saw nothing but caprice in the measure, or a new method employed by parliament to establish its right of interference in colonial affairs; and they determined not to abandon the contested point.

A circumstance soon after occurred in Boston, which might have been followed by the most serious consequences. The English soldiers accustomed to regard the citizens as rebels, treated them with severity; and the citizens irritated by their incessant ill treatment, cherished a violent hatred against the troops, allowing no opportunity of expressing their dislike to escape. On the 5th of March, 1770, a detachment under command of Captain Preston was insulted by some boys, who, it is said, pelted them with snow balls, and abused them. Blinded by resentment, the soldiers charged and fired upon the crowd, wounding five dangerously, others slightly, and killing three outright. The citizens immediately flew to arms, and but for the intervention of the governor and magistrates, Preston and his men would have been exterminated. The troop were arrested and tried, but such was the feeling of justice that animated the inhabitants of Boston, that the jurors, convinced that the soldiers had been provoked, entirely acquitted them.

This event convinced the popular party that an open struggle with the mother country was unavoidable, and that they must prepare for it. In consequence, secret committees of correspondence were organized, in order to regulate the measures that would soon have to be adopted. The utility of this organization, then called the league and covenant, soon became apparent.

From the time the tax on tea was established, the Bostonians resolved to relinquish its use, rather than receive it from the English, and thenceforward the East India company received no more orders. The company, however sorry for the loss of their market, determined to send several cargoes of tea to their agents in Boston who would pay the duties and thus avoid the difficulty. But scarcely was the arrival of these cargoes known, before the public agitation became great. The next morning the following hand bill was widely circulated through the city.

“Friends, brethren, fellow citizens!

“The accursed tea sent to this port by the East India company has arrived. The hour of destruction, or of vigorous resistance to the machinations of tyranny has struck. All those who love their country, who are jealous of their own happiness and who wish to deserve well of posterity, are invited to assemble at Faneuil Hall, to day at 9 o’clock (the bells will then ring) to concert a determined resistance to this destructive and infamous measure of the administration.

Boston 29th. Nov. 1773.”

The citizens eagerly responded to this patriotic call. The concourse was so great that the Hall could not contain the people, and they were obliged to adjourn to a more ample space; the discussions which were commenced and continued at this meeting prevented any resolution from being adopted on that day. The meeting adjourned until next day, and 500 persons under command of Capt. Proctor were appointed to watch that the tea should not be landed during the night. The meeting of the 30th. was still more numerous, and the ardor of the citizens was farther augmented by the governor’s proclamation, which commanded them to renounce their projected resistance to the law, and to disperse on peril of their lives. The governor’s orders were treated with universal contempt, and the meeting calmly proceeded to draft several propositions which were accepted, and it was decided, that those who had used the tea without reflection since the tax was laid, should be censured, and that those who received it for the future should be declared enemies to their country. The members of the assembly pledged themselves by oath, to support the different resolutions with their lives and fortunes; after which they voted thanks to their neighbours of the vicinity of Boston for the promptness with which they had joined them, and also to Jonah Williams for the manner in which he had acted as moderator. After appointing a committee to hasten the departure of the tea ships, the meeting adjourned. Many days were spent in negotiation between the committee and the authorities without producing the departure of the vessels.

On the 15th of December, a more numerous meeting of citizens than had yet been collected, occurred; more than two thousand persons from the country were present. Samuel Philips Savage, of Weston, was chosen moderator, and Mr. Rotch, owner of one of the vessels, was cited before the meeting to account for her remaining in port, and declared that the collector of the customs had refused to clear her. He was directed to have her ready to sail that day, at his own risk and peril, to protest immediately against the custom house, and to address the governor directly for a clearance. The meeting was about to adjourn until the next day, but Josiah Quincy, Jr. an influential member of the popular party, endowed with great energy of character, detained his fellow citizens and reminded them of their pledge in the city to sustain all their resolutions at peril of their lives and fortunes. At a quarter past six Mr. Rotch returned. The governor’s answer was, that for the honour of the laws, and the respect due to the king, he would not allow the ships to depart, until all formalities should be freely and fully concluded by the custom house. This answer produced much commotion in the meeting. Immediately a man who was in the gallery dressed in the costume of a Mohawk Indian, uttered a war whoop, which was re-echoed by about thirty persons at the door, dressed in the same manner, when the meeting was dissolved as if by enchantment. The crowd hastened towards the harbor. The men disguised as Indians, rushed on board the tea ships, and in less than two hours, all the tea chests were broken open and thrown into the sea; every thing else on board was left untouched; and after this expedition, the multitude withdrew silently and in order. This scene occurred in presence of several vessels of war, and as it were under the eyes and guns of the garrison of the fort, without the government attempting to make the least resistance, so grand and so imposing is the anger of a people who throw off the shackles of tyranny.

The names of the citizens disguised as Indians were never made known; several of them are said to be still living, and enjoy with modesty the happiness of having struck the first blow which shook the royal power on the American continent.

The national pride of Great Britain, became indignant at the news of this resistance, which was called an outrage against the royal majesty. The governor and governed, all uttered the same cry, vengeance! war! against the rebel colonists; and this cry was followed by a host of laws, each more tyrannical than the other, by the aid of which they hoped to alarm and reduce the province of Massachusetts. The port of Boston was interdicted for an unlimited time; the provincial charter was destroyed; the citizens were torn from their natural jurisdiction; the appointment of magistrates was placed at the special pleasure of the crown, which also arrogated to itself the right of billeting its soldiers in the houses of the citizens. Far from being disheartened or intimidated by the audacious folly of the English government, the inhabitants of Massachusetts redoubled their activity. A new assembly of the people was convoked at Boston in which an appeal was made to God and the world, against the tyranny and oppression of England. An exhortation was addressed to the other colonies, beseeching them to unite with Massachusetts for the maintenance and defence of their common liberties. The other colonies were not regardless of this appeal, and many of the legislatures declared that the first of June, upon which the port of Boston was shut up, should be ranked among unfortunate days, and the bells on that day were muffled and tolled; the people in crowds attended the churches, and sought the protection of the Deity against those who meditated civil war, and the destruction of their liberties.

The assembly of Massachusetts adjourned to meet at Salem, but Governor Gage, prevented the meeting. The members of assembly formed themselves into a private society, under the name of the League, in which they reciprocally pledged themselves, before God, to suspend all relations with Great Britain, until her unjust laws should be repealed. The governor declared this league to be criminal, and contrary to the rights of the king, and this declaration was in turn treated as tyrannical, since it opposed the people in attending to their own especial interests; and the indignant people, after forcing the crown magistrates to resign their functions, swore no longer to obey any other authorities than those of their own creation, and to recognize no other law than the ancient laws of the colony.

The suspension of all commerce soon plunged the inhabitants of Boston into the deepest distress; their necessities daily multiplied and were felt with increased severity, yet no one thought of compounding with tyranny. In spite of the injunctions of the English government, the citizens of Marblehead and Salem hastened to alleviate the sufferings of their Boston brethren; they furnished them with provisions and money; offered them the free use of their ports, wharves and warehouses, for the renewal of their commerce, which could no longer be carried on at home, yet without which it was almost impossible for them to subsist. Encouraged by these evidences of the approbation of their compatriots, the Bostonians were confirmed in their resolution of maintaining the justice of their cause by force of arms. They began immediately to make preparations; companies of minute men were organized in the city and throughout the province. At the first sound of the first call of the league, or the first report of a new outrage by the English, these minute men were to take up arms and attack the aggressors wherever to be met with. Magazines of arms and ammunition were collected with address and activity. For several months, about thirty young mechanics had formed a volunteer company for the purpose of watching the movements of the English and informing their fellow citizens; towards the spring of 1775 they increased their activity, and every night patroled the streets two by two. About midnight on the 15th of April, they observed that all the boats were launched and ready astern of the ships of war, and that the grenadiers and light infantry were making preparations, they gave immediate notice of this to Dr. Warren, who despatched a messenger forthwith to John Hancock and Samuel Adams with the news, they having left the city to avoid being arrested by the governor, who, it was reported, had issued orders to that effect. On the 18th additional indications of some projected movement were perceived. The Light infantry and grenadiers were concentrated upon the common, and at 10 o’clock at night, 800 men under command of Colonel Smith embarked, and landed at Lechmere point, near Cambridge, whence, after receiving a day’s rations, they marched at midnight. This expedition was destined to destroy the magazines established by the league at Concord. The secrecy observed in the camp, and the silence maintained during the march, led the English to believe that no one in Boston suspected their departure. They pressed forward by moonlight, and arrived at Lexington by daylight, six miles from Concord. But the calm which had previously existed, was now interrupted by the beating of drums through the country, which seemed to call the inhabitants to arms, and a company of about sixty Americans suddenly appeared before them. The English immediately halted, closed up their ranks, and loaded their arms: the Lexington company did the same, and were ordered not to abandon the ground without orders, nor to be the first to fire. Scarcely were these arrangements made, when Major Pitcairn, commanding the British advanced guard, came forward and cried out in an insolent voice, “throw down your arms and disperse, you rebel scoundrels.” This audacious summons was not answered, and Pitcairn ordered his troops to fire: they eagerly obeyed, and eight hundred Englishmen were not ashamed to utter shouts of joy in commencing so unequal a combat, in which sixty citizens offered with devotion their lives as a sacrifice in the holy cause of their country.

The Americans received the first fire with firmness; one of them seeing a friend fall at his side, cried out “you shall be revenged,” fired upon the English, and the war of independence was begun. But the Americans could not long sustain themselves against so unequal a force. They abandoned the ground, leaving eight killed and several wounded, around whom the British proudly defiled, insulting them with shouts of victory.

Having reposed for some time after this terrible battle, the fierce defenders of the crown marched for Concord, where they arrived at nine o’clock. They found the inhabitants in great agitation, but still ignorant of the assassination of their fellow citizens at Lexington. A company of citizens occupied the bridge, and this time the British fired without any summons to surrender: the citizens of Concord warmly returned their first fire, killing some soldiers and officers of the king, after which, too weak to sustain a battle, they dispersed and abandoned the magazines to the English, which they destroyed in a few hours.

The alarm was soon spread throughout the country; the tocsin called to arms all who were able to bear them, and in a short time the English found themselves so surrounded, that they began to feel that their retreat would not be so easy as their two victories. From Concord to Lexington their march was nothing better than a disorderly flight; the well sustained and well directed fire of the rebels, who were concealed along their route, in the barns, gardens, behind the trees and in the ditches, did not allow them to halt a moment to defend themselves. At Lexington they were met by Lord Percy, who at the head of six companies of infantry, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery, which came in time to prevent their entire destruction, but not to save them from disgrace. Notwithstanding this reinforcement, they still reached Charlestown with great difficulty, where they passed the night under the protection of the guns of the ships; the next morning they re-entered Boston, after having lost in this sad expedition, nearly two hundred men, in killed and wounded.

It would be difficult to depict the astonishment and humiliation of the English, at finding themselves thus driven back by the rebels, and blockaded in their entrenchments by an undisciplined multitude.

The royal army, however, was speedily reinforced by 12,000 men from England, commanded by General Burgoyne, Clinton and Howe. General Gage resolved to strike a great blow against the spirit of insurrection, in order to wipe off the disgrace of the rout at Lexington; he commenced by a proclamation in which he announced the vigorous enforcement of martial law, and promised entire pardon to all those who laid down their arms. Samuel Adams and John Hancock had the honour of being excepted from this general amnesty. This distinction was in fact well merited by their ardent love of liberty, their intelligence, patriotic virtues, and the immense influence they exercised over the minds of the people.

This proclamation was received as all the promises and threats of despotism should be; it was entirely disregarded; and the people closed up their ranks.

While the English army remained shut up in Boston, and upon the narrow tongue of land, which unites the city with the continent, 30,000 Americans kept them rigorously blockaded. Their right was in front on the Dedham road, their centre at Cambridge, and their left wing especially composed of Massachusetts troops, rested upon Charlestown, a village separated from Boston by a narrow stream, traversed by a bridge. The English general resolved to escape by this bridge, from his unfortunate position; but the Americans suspected his plan, and hastened to prevent its execution. During the night, a thousand men under the command of Colonel Prescott established and entrenched themselves upon Breed’s Hill, a small eminence, which commanded the city of Boston, and the Charlestown bridge. When the British at day-break discovered the redoubt, which Colonel Prescott’s little troop had thrown up with so much diligence, they attempted but in vain to destroy it; General Gage then thought it highly important to the safety of his army, that the Americans should be dislodged from this commanding position, and made his arrangements accordingly. Major general Howe at the head of ten companies of grenadiers, ten companies of infantry, and some field pieces, landed at Moreton point, and formed his troops in line of battle; but perceiving that the Americans were not intimidated by this hostile demonstration, he thought it advisable to wait for a reinforcement, which he immediately demanded from Boston. This delay gave the Americans time to receive additional troops, which were led by General Warren, and to complete their plan of defence. The English began this attack by burning Charlestown; in a few minutes this village containing more than five hundred wooden buildings was devoured by the flames.

The inhabitants of Boston, and the reserve of the English army were gazing from the amphitheatre formed by the heights of the city, with equal anxiety upon the dreadful battle, with the results of which the destinies of each were equally connected.

On the 17th of June 1775, at one o’clock, the English army moved slowly to the fight, with shouldered arms, exhibiting that calmness, which is inspired by a long habit of military discipline. The Americans awaited them firmly, with the coolness and resolution that is always imparted by love of liberty. The English had already approached within thirty yards of the entrenchments, without a single gun being fired to break the ominous silence, under which their movements were made, when suddenly they received a volley of musketry so fatally aimed that their ranks were disordered, broken, and flying in confusion towards the shore, leaving behind them a great number of their officers killed and wounded. A second attack was followed by a similar result, and even at this time the English soldiers were thrown into such a panic that many of them sought refuge in the boats. Their officers could neither check their flight nor rally them except by resorting to the severest measures. Finally, a third attack, supported by some pieces of artillery, aided by the fire of several ships, and two floating batteries, was completely successful. The Americans, forced from their entrenchments, still defended themselves for a considerable time, fighting hand to hand, and giving blows with the butts of their guns in return for the enemy’s charges with the bayonet. Their retreat was more calm and regular than could have been anticipated from inexperienced militia. In this last attack, the royal troops showed great intrepidity, and a courage worthy of a better cause. They lost nearly 1,100 men killed and wounded, among which were more than 90 officers. The patriot army, which fought for a long time under cover, did not lose 500 men, but had to lament the death of one of its most estimable commanders, general Warren.

The English paid too dearly for this victory to follow up its advantages; they were on that day contented with the possession of the bloody field of battle.

The useless burning of Charlestown, which preceded the battle, was regarded by the Americans, as an act of the most shameful barbarity, and excited a general sentiment of horror and indignation. It was at Charlestown, that the English after their rout at Lexington had found succour for their wounded, and the most generous hospitality was displayed towards their stragglers. The loss of the position on Bunker’s Hill, did not prevent the Americans from keeping the royal army closely blockaded in Boston. The forces of the besiegers were daily augmented, and on the 2d of June, general Washington, in the name of the Congress assembled at Philadelphia, took the command. Nothing of importance, however was undertaken against the city during the rest of the year. The approach of winter rendered the condition of the besieged dreadful; the cold was extreme and fuel was deficient; the English could not obtain it but at the expense of the inhabitants whose houses were demolished for the sake of the wood. The situation of the inhabitants deeply affected Washington, who wished to profit by several days of severe frost, which would have allowed him to cross upon the ice, to make a general attack: but this plan was unanimously opposed by his council of war.

About the end of April 1776, having received some reinforcements, he resolved to occupy the heights of Dorchester, whence it would be easy to annoy the ships in the harbour and even the garrison in the town. He hoped moreover that this movement, by drawing the enemy from his inaction, would give an opportunity of bringing him to a general engagement, and he took his measures with great skill, to derive all possible advantage therefrom. The occupation of the heights of Dorchester was effected on the night of the 2d March, with so much activity, that at day-break the besieged beheld the Americans established and capable of sustaining an attack in their new position.

General Howe immediately perceived the critical situation into which he was thrown by this bold movement of the Americans, and after several fruitless attempts to dislodge them, he determined to evacuate Boston, while the sea still remained open to him. On the 17th of March he embarked with all his army, and his rear-guard might have heard the shouts of joy with which the triumphal entry of Washington was hailed in the city.

From that time, Boston, which is justly distinguished by the glorious title of Cradle of the Revolution, ceased to be the theatre of war. The town and province were forever freed from the presence of the enemies of liberty; but the citizens of Massachusetts did not display less ardour in the achievement of the great work, the liberation of the colonies; their contingents to the continental army were always furnished with exactness, and their troops sustained to the end of the war, their admirable reputation for courage and patriotism.

The news of peace arrived at Boston on the 23d April, 1783, and diffused among the people the most exhilarating joy; the entire abolition of negro slavery was proclaimed, and commerce and industry, under the protection of freedom, appeared with renewed lustre.

The state of Massachusetts since that epoch has constantly increased in wealth and happiness; it has regulated and determined its boundaries in a friendly manner with its neighbours, and at present it is bounded north by the states of Vermont and New Hampshire; east by the Ocean; south by the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut; and west by the state of New York. The face of the soil is infinitely varied, and its coasts are richly furnished with convenient bays, which are adorned with a great number of small islands. The soil of the sea board is generally arid, but the lands of the interior are very productive, and cultivated in such a manner as to impart to the whole country the appearance of a smiling garden. Elegant country houses, fine villages and large towns, amply attest the numbers of the population, in fact about 530,000 souls occupy a surface of 7,800 square miles. In 1790 the population was only 370,787 souls; this increase is certainly very rapid, but we shall find much more astonishing changes in the new states.

65,000 persons are employed in agriculture. 36,000 in the various manufactories of cotton, wool, cloth, glassware, paper, soap, in the foundries, &c.; and about 14,000 in commerce. A considerable number are also engaged in the fisheries, but of the exact amount we have been unable to procure information; however, this sketch will suffice to show to what degree public industry is carried in this state; for if we subtract the individuals employed in the various offices of government in public instruction, or engaged in particular business, such as carpenters, masons, tailors, &c. and then remove from the sum total of the population children still unfit for labor, and the aged who are disabled by their infirmities, we shall see how small a number of idle persons belong to this state. From this active industry a degree of general domestic comfort is produced, which strikes Europeans with astonishment when they first visit this country.

The general welfare of the people, contributes to augment between all classes, that equality which the constitution establishes between individuals, in the eye of the law. At church on Sunday, and at public meetings, it is impossible to distinguish by his dress, and it might almost be added, by his manners, an artisan, from what is called a gentleman, in society: the multiplicity of schools, and the right which every man enjoys of attending to public affairs, diffuses among this class of Americans a knowledge and a correctness of judgment, which would be sought in vain in the middle classes of France. In Boston, what is called the best society, that is, companies of literary men, rich merchants, government officers, and professional men, offer the surprising contrast of a rare degree of information, with great simplicity of manners. The excessive severity of character which distinguished the first settlers of New England, is gradually becoming effaced by communication with other people, and especially by the introduction of religious toleration; the rigorism of the puritans has given place to a mild harmony between the numerous sects, which are not only numerous in New England, but the whole Union. But it must not be supposed, however, that indifference has succeeded to fervor; religious exercises are observed with scrupulous exactitude; and it would be difficult to find in Boston a pleasure house open on Sunday. The chains which were formerly stretched across the streets during divine service, are gradually disappearing. The government never interferes in any way in religious matters; the pastors of the different congregations are paid by their parishioners, and if an especial respect be publicly paid to those who frequent the churches, those who never attend them are never persecuted. Finally, there is but one remaining trace of the religious tyranny of the first settlers, and unfortunately that trace occurs in the state constitution. The 1st article of the 6th chapter, excludes from the offices of government all candidates who are not christians, and who will not swear that they are convinced of its truth.—“I, A. B. do declare that I believe the christian religion, and have a firm persuasion of its truth.”

We can scarcely comprehend how, in a society so free and enlightened, where the progress of philosophy is every day evident, the state still can continue to refuse the services of a virtuous man, because the individual may be a Jew or a Mussulman.

CHAPTER IV.

Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by the governor to visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles from Boston; he accepted the invitation, and we arrived there at noon. Savin Hill is a very picturesque situation on the borders of the sea, where during the fine season the volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to pass some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise. On our arrival we found them under arms. The young officer in command came to receive the general, and after a brief address he returned to the head of his troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After various movements of infantry, the artillery commenced firing at a mark. Most of the shots were fired with great skill, at a target floated at a sufficient distance on the water. The artillerists invited the general to aim one of their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target in pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected from a man of his age, procured him the applauses of all the young soldiers, and of the ladies who usually visit the camp to see their brothers and husbands, but on this occasion had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.

The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from the moment of our arrival; after the exercises were finished I approached to examine them more attentively, and was considerably surprised to recognize our French models, which were perfectly imitated. From the officers who observed the interest with which we examined these pieces, we learned that this improvement was owing to general Henry Lallemand, who was forced by the proscriptions of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United States, where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted. The militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great improvements in their artillery; and he has left a treatise on the subject, in three volumes, in which, it is true, he has only reproduced in part the regulations already known and practised in France, but which he has admirably adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married in Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who during 50 years residence in that city, had by his success in commerce, amassed one of the largest fortunes in the United States. The situation of general Lallemand, however, was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor. His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter, continues to reside at Philadelphia, under the protection of her uncle.

After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took us to dine at his country seat; whence we returned to attend a brilliant ball, which Mr. Lloyd, senator of the United States, gave to general Lafayette.

John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected with all the great epochs of the American revolution, and who had the honour of succeeding Washington in the first magistracy of the republic, was then detained at his retreat by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had been acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict friendship with him, was unwilling to depart without paying him a visit: a feeling of delicacy, easy to be understood, made him wish that this visit should be unattended by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest movements had been accompanied. In consequence, he set out in a carriage, merely accompanied by two gentlemen of the city, and followed by his son and myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house, built of wood and brick, and but one story high. I was somewhat astonished to learn that this was the residence of an Ex-President of the United States. We found the venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He received and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight of his ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction, which appeared to renew his youth. During the whole of dinner time, he kept up the conversation with an ease and readiness of memory, which made us forget his 89 years.

The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted to the service of his country and liberty, which from his youth he passionately loved.

He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and studied at Cambridge, which he left in 1755, to take charge of a grammar school at Worcester, where, at the same time, he applied himself to the study of the law, under James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was chosen as a representative of the town of Boston, in the Assembly of Massachusetts. When the quarrels between the English soldiers and the citizens of Massachusetts became sanguinary, he showed his full strength of character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers, for firing on the people; in this defence he was assisted by Josiah Quincy, jr. and S. Blowers. He was unwilling that the love of liberty should transcend the love of justice, and his eloquence secured the safety of those unfortunates, who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant instruments of English tyranny.

In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of Massachusetts, but the political opinions which he had already expressed openly and energetically on numerous occasions, caused him to be rejected by governor Gage. A few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and skilful defenders of liberty.

In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each to draw up a Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s address was preferred by Congress, as is known, but Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and patriotism, was not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that immortal assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification of the colonies.

In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of France, in place of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress having censured all the other European commissioners, made an honourable exception of John Adams. On his return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member of the Convention assembled to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts. In the month of August of the same year, he was sent to Europe with power to treat for a general peace.

In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks for the services he had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he concluded with the provinces of Holland a treaty very advantageous to his country.

In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England. It was during this honourable mission, that he published, in 1787, at London, his learned summary of all the ancient and modern constitutions, under the title of Defence of the American Constitutions. This profoundly erudite work, in which the author in several passages appeared to indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew forth vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic writers, and particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor of New Jersey, who opposed him in an excellent work, which he published under the title of Examination of the English Constitution.

Recalled from England at his own request, he was received with the thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress. In 1789, after the adoption of the new constitution, John Adams was elected Vice-President of the United States, and remained in this honourable situation during the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose confidence in his talents and patriotism was unbounded.

In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy of the republic, to succeed Washington, who refused a third election. Circumstances were then very difficult. The French revolution, which at first received the general approbation of the United States, had at that time become, through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object of horror, even to its warmest partizans. The French question agitated all minds, and had become the subject of vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent attacks, between the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The ill-managed attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United States, to profit by these divisions, alarmed President Adams, and induced him to propose to Congress, as a measure of security, the suppression of the act of habeas corpus. This proposition was too directly opposed to the sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people, not to be rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation. The House of Representatives would not even discuss the bill, and the popularity of John Adams received at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of the fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.

In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens soon forgot the cause of his retreat, and only remembered the great and numerous services he rendered to his country during his long career. The governorship of Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to revise the constitution of the state. But he began to feel the necessity of repose; he thanked them, and concluded by praying the theologians, philosophers, and politicians, to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal, he had not become insensible to the great interests of the country, and when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious vexations of England, his patriotic voice was heard from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that the national honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence was re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this sentiment, those whom party spirit had most widely separated. In short, he so generously sacrificed his private opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his most ardent adversaries could not withhold the expression of their admiration and gratitude.

At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out of his chamber, could scarcely raise himself from his chair, and his hands were unable to convey the food to his mouth without the pious assistance of his children or grand-children, his heart and head felt not less ardour for every thing good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness of the joy which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens towards Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration at the courage with which he supported the pains and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a century had necessarily accumulated upon him.

A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the 30th, in the morning the troops from the environs of Boston arrived under command of general Appleton, those of the city had pitched their tents upon the common, in front of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising we were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous camp. At noon, about 8,000 men were drawn up in line of battle, on this vast parade: a great concourse of ladies adorned all the windows which overlooked the ground, or filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor and his staff, before the line, where he was received by the acclamations of the troops, to which martial music and the shouts of the spectators responded. After passing in front of the ranks of these young soldier-citizens, whose equipments and appearance might charm even eyes accustomed to the regularity of hired European troops, the general was conducted to the most elevated point of the parade, to behold the military movements which were to follow. We did not discover in the handling of their arms, that minute precision to which European officers attach so ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at least, four hours a day; but we were forced to admire the promptitude of the charges, and the union and vivacity of the firing. Beyond doubt, the movements of the line were somewhat defective as to calmness and precision; but it was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater rapidity and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This sort of service appears to be very consonant to the American character; it is also well suited to troops more particularly called to the defence of situations where all the resources are known to them, and which are particularly favourable to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle, which was performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went under an immense tent, where the principal citizens to the number of 1200, were collected at table to receive the adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on the next morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the places we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled with fragments of arms or projectiles, military buttons, &c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a long time after the battle of the 17th June. The governor had the goodness to offer us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust that covered it, could readily be distinguished the number, 42; it is known that this number is one of those which suffered most severely in attacking the American entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve and revere all the monuments of the revolution is very remarkable; every thing which recalls this glorious epoch, is to them a precious relic, which they regard almost with religious reverence. This sort of devotion is praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of love of liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth quite as much, I believe, as that profound veneration which we have in Europe for the ribbands conferred by power.

During the review I remarked with surprise the variety of uniforms; in the numerous companies that defiled before us, scarcely could I find two companies somewhat similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a luxury that was very little adapted to war; while those from the country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they had nothing military about them but the cartridge box and musket. This difference was explained to me by the formation of volunteer companies. These are composed of young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company; the colour and fashion of their uniform is decided by common consent; they elect their own officers, and choose the name of their corps. Thus organized and constituted, they remain always subject to the general regulations by which all the militia are governed, but they meet much more frequently for the purpose of military exercise; as most of these young men are sufficiently well off, they can afford to expend something upon a brilliant dress, and hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this slight rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who had the kindness to give me some information on these points, it is unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to be feared that this advantage may be attended by serious inconveniences? May not the embroidery and plumes which at present serve to distinguish one company from another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction between the rich and poor militiaman open the door to the aristocracy of wealth, which is not less an enemy to equality than the aristocracy of parchments? I am aware that American manners and institutions diminish this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because it is still distant?

The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline of the militia throughout the Union, are determined by general laws emanating from congress. However, as differences of situation or manners which distinguish the aspect of the various states composing the great federation require modifications in the application of these laws, each state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c. taking care, however, not to depart from the general principles established by congress.

As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat from each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious to describe them all in detail, it may suffice to satisfy the reader’s curiosity that we present in this place a sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into the ranks, all citizens capable of bearing arms from the age of eighteen to forty-five, inclusively; the law of Massachusetts makes an exception in favour of the individuals hereafter designated: the lieutenant governor of the state; members of the executive council; judges of the supreme court, the inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature; justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry of deeds, &c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general; secretary and treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs; teachers of public schools; the ministers of all religious sects, without distinction; all civil officers appointed by the United States, and finally the Quakers, when they present a certificate signed by one or two of their elders, stating that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all the individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged from the age of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to present at each annual review, the arms and equipments of war prescribed by the laws of the United States: they must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed in the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in arming and equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their own accoutrements.

CHAPTER V.

Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history, constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.

The state of New Hampshire having sent a deputation to invite general Lafayette to visit the navy yard at Portsmouth, we set out for that place on the 31st of August, by the way of Lexington, Concord, Salem, Marblehead and Newburyport. We delayed but a few moments at Lexington, but we left it deeply impressed by the touching scenes we there witnessed, and the historical recollection it awakens. We recollected that it was at this place in 1775, a few farmers were slaughtered by an English battalion; and upon the same spot Lafayette was welcomed by a free and happy population assembled to greet him. We advanced through two handsome lines of militia troops to the base of the pyramid which indicates the place where the first martyrs of liberty fell, and now repose. There two old men related to us this first scene of the grand revolutionary tragedy, in which they were actors; and this circumstance lent a powerful charm to their recital, which captivated our attention. They were delighted to recall the smallest particulars of this action, repeated with heated indignation the insulting and menacing words of the fierce Pitcairn, when he summoned them to surrender, and the smile of pity and contempt curled their lips when they told how 800 Englishmen had fired upon sixty farmers: they then named with tenderness those of their companions and friends who fell by their sides, turning their eyes filled with tears upon the ground, while our own involuntarily rested upon the last asylum of these hero citizens, paying them a tribute of gratitude and admiration. After some moments of solemn silence, one of the two old men exclaimed, “we still weep for our brethren, but we do not deplore them, they died for their country and liberty!” At the words country and liberty, the crowd, deeply affected, responded by shouts of “long live Lafayette,” and during a long time it was difficult to moderate this burst of public gratitude. All the militia of the district were assembled at Lexington; they defiled before the pyramid and Lafayette, lowering before these two monuments of their revolution their standards, upon which the murder of their ancestors was delineated, by which hatred of despotism is perpetuated among these youthful soldier-citizens.

Just as we were about to depart from the pyramid to re-enter our carriages, a young man presented himself, having in his hands a long rudely shaped and rusty musket; he presented it to Lafayette with a solemnity which induced us to suppose that the weapon by some peculiar circumstance had acquired a right to the veneration of the bearer. In fact, we learned that this was the musket from which the first fire was returned to the English, upon the field of Lexington. “My father bore it on the 19th of April, 1775,” said the young man; “in his hands it commenced the work that Washington and you so gloriously achieved; I am happy to make it known to you.” Lafayette examined it with pleasure; all of us desired to touch it; in returning it to him, the general advised him to have inscribed on the stock the date of April 19th, and the name of the brave citizen who bore it, and then to keep it in a box for the purpose of securing it from the ravages of time. He was moved by this advice and promised to follow it.

Although Concord is but a short distance from Lexington, we were nevertheless obliged to stop there. The inhabitants of the vicinity were collected in the public square, where a tent of flowers and verdure had been erected, under which a troop of blooming and beautiful girls offered refreshments to the Nation’s Guest, who was forced to take a seat at the centre of an elegantly prepared table, around which none but ladies were admitted. Young girls crowned with flowers moved around the table of which they did the honours with touching grace and ease; but it was especially to Lafayette that all their attention was directed, and upon him their tenderest care was concentrated. All was smiling, all was gracious in the picture of happiness and joy before us; but at the same instant we were struck by a singular contrast. In front of the tent, at the other extremity of the public square, we perceived upon a hillock which terminated it, a confused collection of funeral monuments. We recognized the place consecrated to the dead. Of all these monuments, the greater number were already blackened by time; some were still of a glaring whiteness; near one of the latter was placed a female and two children clad in black, whose sorrowing attitudes seemed to say that festival days are not days of repose for death; but not one of the gay party appeared to regard this; all were too happy to remark the narrowness of the space by which they were separated from the spot where all sink into oblivion.

At Marblehead I was aroused from the profound reverie into which the circumstances at Concord had plunged me, by the sound of cannon, and the shouts of the people, who rushed to meet Lafayette. Brilliant preparations had been made to receive him, although it was known that he could only stop to breakfast. In ascending Washington Hill, we were met by the pupils of eleven public and twenty private schools, conducted by their teachers and the president of the board of instruction. There were nine hundred children of both sexes. A deputation, formed by a representative from each class, approached the carriage, and presented an address to Lafayette, in which the children expressed to him their gratitude for the services he had rendered their parents. Salem is only 14 miles from Boston, and yet we did not reach there until afternoon, because at almost every step Lafayette was obliged to stop to receive testimonials of regard from all we met upon the road. At the entrance of the city, we were received by the magistrates, and by a numerous cavalcade of citizens; several military corps were drawn up on each side of the way, and his entry was announced by salutes of artillery and the chiming of the bells. In spite of the rain, which fell in torrents, the streets were entirely filled with the crowds that rushed towards him, and uttered their benedictions. We passed through the town on foot, in order to go under a great number of triumphal arches decorated with emblems and inscriptions. Upon one was “Honour to Lafayette! honour to him who fought and shed his blood for the peace and happiness we enjoy:” upon another, “Lafayette, friend and defender of liberty, welcome to the land of your adoption;” on another, “In the day of our adversity, thou didst aid us, in the days of our prosperity, we recall thy services with gratitude.” The dining-hall and the dinner itself, had been decorated and prepared by the hands of a great number of ladies. In front of Lafayette’s seat, amid garlands of flowers, was the following inscription: “Lafayette in America—Where can one better be than in the bosom of his family?”

Ancient companions in arms, placed at his sides, claimed the privilege of serving him, reminding him gaily, that they acquired this right at Yorktown, where he had not refused their services. The dinner ended with a great number of toasts. One was drank to “France, the friend of liberty in America; may she never become the friend of oppression in Europe.” Immediately after, we quitted Salem to pass the night at Newburyport. Although the weather continued to be disagreeable, the general could not dissuade the Salem citizens from escorting him; they galloped along side of his carriage, sword in hand, for nearly nine miles, at the risk of falling twenty times, so very bad were the roads.

Notwithstanding all our diligence, it was late at night when we arrived at Newburyport. The brilliance of the illuminations, and the fires lighted in appropriate places in the street, the uninterrupted sounds of cannon, bells, the shouts of people, and the sight of armed troops advancing rapidly to the sound of the drum, might have led one to suppose we were entering a town taken by storm, and delivered to the flames, if the words Liberty, Country, Washington, Lafayette, which incessantly fell upon our ears, had not reminded us that we were present at a truly national and popular festival. Although the night was so far advanced, the general was obliged to devote a considerable time to the reception of the citizens who pressed forward in crowds to greet him. We stopped at Tracy’s inn, which had been prepared for our reception. General Washington staid there in 1789. The chamber he used was afterwards preserved with the greatest care; the furniture had not been changed, and Lafayette had the pleasure of resting in the same bed, where, thirty-five years ago, his father and his friend had reposed. From the joy which appeared to sparkle in the eyes of our host, it was easy to divine the sentiments that animated him, and how difficult it would be to induce him to part with the furniture which had served Washington and Lafayette.

We left Newburyport early in the morning, and arrived about mid-day at Portsmouth. Numerous corps of infantry, and almost the whole population, headed by their magistrates, came out of the city to meet Lafayette. A thousand children from various schools were ranged in a double row along the road, and though these poor children had no other covering but wreaths of flowers, and the rain was falling abundantly, none would relinquish their posts. The procession formed to accompany the general’s entry into the town, was more than two miles long. After it had passed through the principal streets, we stopped in Congress street, at Franklin Hall. There the president of the town council pronounced on behalf of the assembled citizens, an address.

The general was then presented to the governor of New Hampshire, Mr. Morill, who had purposely come from his residence, to receive him, after his introduction to the governor, he was surrounded by his ancient companions in arms, among whom he recognized general Smith, who had served three years under him as a captain of light infantry. While they were felicitating each other on their meeting, they were interrupted by another old revolutionary soldier, who with tears in his eyes recounted aloud the great number of services rendered to him during the war, by the Marquis; Lafayette with much difficulty interrupted his recital which embarrassed him exceedingly, but which vividly excited the interest of the spectators.

In going to our lodgings, which were prepared in the house of the late governor Langdon, we met some Indians in the street; these were the first I had seen, and excited my curiosity very much; some members of the committee caused a dozen of these savages from the forests of Canada to visit us at our lodgings. I learned that they came from beyond the great lakes to exchange peltries for toys and liquor. I confess that I found nothing in them which corresponded with my ideas of these children of nature.[9] Their dresses had no other character than that of misery; crosses and chaplets had taken the place of their beautiful head-dresses of plumes, their furs and their arms; their drunken visages had nothing of that noble expression which is said so particularly to distinguish the savage man: at first their manners appeared affectionate, but it was soon evident that they were only servile or interested. They talked of beads and confession, as their fathers, no doubt did of sorcerers and manitoes. In a word it appeared to me that these poor wretches had only changed superstitions, and that civilization had brought them its vices without any of its benefits. In fact I was assured that the majority of them had become idle, drunken thieves, without being in the least degree improved in knowledge. An old man who spoke a little French, appeared to be their chief, he told us they lived in Canada. When asked if they were happy in the vicinity of the English, he replied that they loved the French very much; and immediately he and his companions shook hands very cordially with us. They had with them several of their wives, some of whom were suckling their children; they also appeared very miserable, and by no means pretty.

During our conversation with the civilized Indians a new procession was formed to conduct Lafayette to the navy yard; he went thither a few moments afterwards, but neither his son nor myself could accompany him, as we were desirous of profiting by a sure and prompt opportunity of writing to our friends in France. We regretted however that we missed the chance of seeing the navy yard which is said to be very fine and of considerable extent. The remainder of the day was occupied by a public dinner at which all the public officers and Mr. Salazar, chargé des affaires for the republic of Columbia were present. After dinner we went to a ball, where more than four hundred ladies were introduced to Lafayette; we left the ball at midnight to take our carriages for Boston, where our travelling companions from New York awaited us. Before resuming the account of our progress, I will devote a few pages to the history, constitution, and present condition of the state of New Hampshire, of which Portsmouth is the most considerable town, both for its population, which exceed seven thousand souls, and its commerce which is very extensive.

The state of New Hampshire is situated between the 42° 42′, and the 45° 14′ N. Lat. and between the 4° 29′ and the 6° 10′ of east longitude, from Washington; its surface contains 9280 square miles; its form is that of a trapezium, having its base to the south. On the north it is bounded by Lower Canada; south by Massachusetts; east by Maine and the ocean; and west by the Connecticut river which separates it from Vermont. The coast of New Hampshire is about eighteen miles in extent, is generally sandy and slightly indented. In the interior we find very high lands, amongst which the white hills or mountains are the highest. The most considerable collection of water are the lakes Umbagog and Winnipiseogee, and the lakes Connecticut, Piscataqua and Merimac. The soil of New Hampshire is of primitive formation and generally fertile; however the most productive are on the borders of the streams, which deposit a rich alluvion by their inundations. On the banks of the sea an abundance of salt hay is cured which is found to be very acceptable to the cattle. The most abundant mines are those of iron in the district of Franconia and at Enfield. A small quantity of native silver in threads is found in the western mountains, but it is not worth the expense of procuring it. Plumbago is found in considerable abundance in Sutton county district, and about Monadnock mountain.

The heats of summer are short but excessive; as to the cold it must be very severe, since lake Winnipiseogee which is twenty-four miles in length, and in some places twelve miles wide, is frozen for three months in the year, so hard as to bear heavy wagons. The climate is, however, very salubrious, and examples of longevity are not uncommon; individuals are frequently known to live over an hundred years.

New Hampshire was discovered in 1614 by captain Smith, and the first settlements were made by fishermen and planters on the river Piscataqua, in 1623. These establishments were placed under the government of Massachusetts in 1692. In 1787 the first constitution of New Hampshire was framed, and the limits determined between it and Massachusetts. In 1765 the people rejected the stamp act with energy, and afterwards engaged in the revolutionary war, which they supported with vigour and perseverance to the end. The state of New Hampshire was the ninth that voted for the adoption of the new federal constitution of the United States; it was carried in the legislature by a majority of eleven, the number of members being 300. This circumstance decided in favour of the establishment of the federal government. The new constitution was adopted in 1792; it was preceded by a declaration of rights and recognised three powers, the legislative, executive, and judiciary.

The legislative power is vested in the senate and a house of representatives, which compose the general assembly, and each branch exercises a negative over the other. Bills relative to monies originate in the house of representatives, but it may be amended in the senate which directs the expenditures.

The senate is composed of thirteen, elected annually by taxable citizens. A candidate must 1st, be thirty years old; 2d, must own a freehold in the state worth £200—3d, he must have resided in the state seven years previous to the election, and be a resident of the county by which he is elected.

The house of representatives is composed of members from the different towns, the number of which is proportioned to the population in the ratio of one representative for every 150 taxable inhabitants, of 20 years old at least, and of two for every 450, so that it requires 300 additional taxable inhabitants for every new member.

The election is made by ballot, and no one is eligible unless he own in the county a freehold, whereof he is seized in his own right, of the value of £500. It is necessary also that he reside in the district at the time of his election, and have resided two years within the state.

Every male citizen of 20 years old, except paupers and persons exempt from taxes at their own request, have the right of voting for senators and representatives. The executive power is confided to the governor and five councillors.

The governor is chosen annually by vote of all the taxable citizens; and if two candidates have an equal number of votes, the choice is decided by the joint ballot of both houses of assembly. A candidate for the governorship must be thirty years old, be an inhabitant of the state for seven years preceding the election, have an estate of the value of five hundred pounds, one half of which to consist of a freehold in his own right, in the state. The governor is commander in chief of the forces by land and sea, with the advice and consent of the council of state, which he assembles at will. He appoints the attorney and solicitor general, and the other officers of justice. He has the right of pardoning criminals, except such as are convicted before the senate, by impeachment of the house. He signs all the commissions which are moreover countersigned by his secretary.

The councillors are also elected by all the taxable citizens of 20 years old, and the same requisites are demanded of them as of the governor, with this difference however, that at least three hundred pounds of their property must be in freehold.

The secretary, treasurer, and commissary general are chosen by ballot by the senators and representatives.

The treasurer of the county and the town clerk are appointed by the inhabitants of each county.

The members of congress are chosen by the inhabitants assembled in town meetings, and their votes are sent to the secretary, who opens them before the general court. It is in the same way that candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency are chosen. The two senators in congress are elected by the general courts.

The judiciary court is composed of a superior court of four judges who annually make two circuits through the counties; an inferior court, with the same number of judges in each county, who sit four times a year; a general court of sessions of justices of the peace, who sit at the same time; a court of probates, formed of a single judge who sits every month in each county; and justices of the peace.

The judges are appointed by the governor and council, and retain their places until they are 70 years old. They are liable to impeachment for misbehaviour in office.

The jury composed of twelve freeholders whose verdict decides the judgment in civil and criminal suits, is selected by the municipal council from among persons worth fifty pounds. The names of one third of the members are placed in one box; and the names of the two-thirds in another. The jurors for the superior court are drawn from the first box, and those for the inferior court from the second, by the town clerk in the public assembly.

The general court is authorized to reform the judiciary system when it is deemed convenient or necessary to the public service; to give to the justices of the peace jurisdiction in civil causes, when real estate is not concerned and the damages do not exceed four pounds, with the right of appeal to another court and the trial by jury.

The chief justice receives 1500 dollars per annum; each of the other judges receives 1200.

The sheriffs like the judges are ineligible after they have attained to seventy years, nor can they act or receive fees as lawyers or counsel, while they are in office.

All the civil and military officers take the following oath before entering upon office.

“I solemnly swear that I will bear faith and true allegiance to the state of New Hampshire, and will defend the constitution thereof, and I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform the duties incumbent on me as governor, secretary, &c. &c. to the best of my abilities, agreeably to the rules and regulations of this constitution, and the laws of New Hampshire, so help me God.”

If the officer be a quaker his affirmation is received, adding thereto, “I do this under the pains and penalties of perjury.”

The financial organization is equally economic and liberal. Every town appoints one or more collectors of taxes, who are furnished with the tax lists and entrusted with full powers to seize, in case of necessity, the goods or persons of delinquents. If any one refuse to produce a statement of his property subject to taxes, the municipal council determines the sum such an individual shall pay to the state. The levies upon the counties are divided by the judges of a court which is held four times a year, and the proportion that each town is to pay, is specified in the order to the treasurer of the county.

A new assessment of taxes is annually made in the month of April, upon the property of taxable individuals; all these goods are taxed at six per cent of the value of their income; except uncultivated lands, and ships which only pay ¼ per cent of their real value. Mills and ferry-boats are taxed one-twelfth of their annual income: funds in commerce according to their value, and money at interest at from three-fourths to one per cent.

The debts contracted by the state in 1814, amounting with the interest to more than 30,000 dollars, have been paid; and the state has at present considerable funds in the bank of the United States.

The wisdom and economy of the administration, and the equity of the government have borne their fruits. The happiness of the people of New Hampshire is indubitable; it is attested by the diffusion of knowledge, by the wealth of commerce, the prosperity of agriculture, and the rapid increase of population. This increase in spite of the constant emigration towards the new countries of the south, and especially of the west, is still very remarkable. In 1755 the population was about 34,000 souls; in 1790 it was 141,885; in 1800 it was 183,858; in 1810 it was 214,460, and at present it amounts to 244,161 souls. Of this number about 800 are free persons of colour. Although there is no special law against slavery, the philanthropic spirit of the inhabitants, and a correct view of their interests, have done justice in regard to this monstrosity, and we may say at present, slavery does not exist in New Hampshire: we may say the same indeed of all the New England states.

This population of 244,161 souls, furnishes 2,384 persons devoted to agriculture, 8,699 to manufactures, and 1,068 to commerce.

The state of New Hampshire could bring 25,000 men into the field from the class of citizens from 16 to 45 years old. In case of need this force could be considerably augmented by the men who are on the alarm list, which is formed of men from 45 to 60 years old, and of all those exempt from ordinary service by the militia regulations. The exemptions are the same as those of Massachusetts.

I have said that the diffusion of knowledge in New Hampshire was great. The advantage of a good general education is owing to the care of the government and the foresight of the constitution, which directs the legislator and magistrate always to regard as a sacred duty the advancement of the interests of letters and science and of all the public schools; to encourage private institutions; to give rewards and privileges for the encouragement of agriculture, the arts, sciences and commerce; the natural history and manufactures of the country.

As in all the rest of the Union, absolute liberty in religious concerns is declared by the constitution to be a natural and inalienable right; no one can be disturbed or interfered with on account of his religious views. The law does not acknowledge any dominant sect. All the ministers of the different communions have equal right to the protection of the government, and receive their salaries from their parishioners, whose good will they are obliged to acquire, and they only obtain it by setting a virtuous example. Thus their manners are generally pure, marriages common, and celibacy but little esteemed. It is rare in the interior towns to find a bachelor over thirty years old. The girls marry so young, that it is not uncommon to see the mother and daughter both nursing their infants at the same time. We may also readily find the grandfather, father and son, at work together in the fields.

Many other particulars remained to be learned relative to New Hampshire, but the general having promised to make a second visit in the ensuing spring, I shall profit thereby to collect the information I could not procure during so short a stay.

We left Portsmouth for Boston, as already stated, at midnight and arrived there at two o’clock; we set out again at four, through Lexington, Lancaster, Worcester, Tolland, and Hartford. In each of these places, Lafayette received from all the citizens evidences of regard, which vividly affected him, but to which he had scarce time to respond, so rapid was our journey. We slept the first night at the charming country house of Mr. Wilder, near Boston, whose kind hospitality will never be effaced from our memory. On the second, we stopped at Stafford, after having been present at the brilliant festivities of Worcester, and on the fourth day, at 10 A.M. we arrived at Hartford, a pretty and very commercial town, situated upon the west bank of the Connecticut river, fifty miles from its source. The population of Hartford is 4726 souls, and it divides with New Haven the advantage of being the seat of government of the state of Connecticut.

Lafayette entered Hartford preceded by a numerous escort of troops, and welcomed by the whole population with the most lively demonstrations of veneration and love. The municipal body came to meet him, and the mayor delivered an address. He was then conducted with great pomp to the State House where he was received by Governor Wolcott, who in receiving him, addressed him in the name of the state.

After his discourse, to which Lafayette made an affectionate reply, numerous introductions of all the persons who could come into the hall, took place. The assembly could scarcely retain their emotion, when old general Wadsworth entered, bearing the epaulettes and scarf worn by Lafayette at the battle of Brandywine, where he was wounded. The scarf still retained traces of his blood. These epaulettes and scarf were given to General Swift after the peace, and his family had preserved them carefully, in memory of him who wore them, and the cause he defended.

At the moment we left the state house, he found himself in the midst of eight hundred children from the public schools, who presented him with a gold medal on which was inscribed, “The Children of Hartford to Lafayette, September 4, 1824.”

After passing through several streets strewn with flowers, we arrived at the institution for the deaf and dumb. About sixty of these young unfortunates arranged in a line, awaited in the profound and eternal silence which the lamentable caprice of nature had imposed on them, for the arrival of Lafayette. As soon as they saw him, they pointed out to him, while placing their hands on their hearts, a legend containing these words, “What the nation expresses we feel.” At their head was their teacher Mr. Clerc, pupil of the Abbe Sicard and of Massieu.

Lafayette experienced lively pleasure in seeing this young Frenchman, whose love of liberty and of humanity had brought him to this country, where he had rendered the most important services.

When General Lafayette had reviewed the troops, under command of Colonel Johnson, and taken leave of the magistrates and inhabitants of Hartford, he was conducted on board of the steam-boat Oliver Ellsworth, by a detachment of an hundred revolutionary veterans, preceded by the military band. After taking leave of his ancient companions in arms, the boat pushed off, and we began to descend the Connecticut. This river which arises between lower Canada and New Hampshire, a little above the 45th degree parallel of latitude, serves as a boundary between this state and that of Vermont, and traverses the states of Massachusetts and Connecticut from north to south. Its course is about three hundred miles long. Although much obstructed by rocks, it is navigable by batteaux almost to its source, and large vessels can ascend it nearly fifty miles. During its course, it receives a large number of tributaries, and empties into Long-Island sound about thirty miles east of New Haven. Its banks are very delightful and fertile, though we had but little time to enjoy the sight. Soon after leaving Hartford, our boat stopped in front of Middletown, a beautiful little manufacturing town situated upon the right bank of the river. The sound of cannon and the acclamations of the crowd that thronged the bank, apprised Lafayette of the impatience with which he was expected by the people of Middletown. He hastened on shore to express his satisfaction, and it was not until seven in the evening that he returned on board the Oliver Ellsworth; so that night soon came on and hid from our view the beautiful dwellings which adorn both banks of the Connecticut. However we could form some idea of their number by the lights which appeared on the right and left, glittering like stars amid the obscurity.

At day-break we emerged from the river into Long-Island sound, commonly called the East River. We had Long-Island on our left, and the state of New York on our right.—Whichever way we turned, we beheld beautiful country houses or farms, the mere aspect of which announced comfort and abundance. Although the sun was but just risen when I went on deck, I perceived a large number of ladies at their windows, waiting for the vessel which they knew was to bring back Lafayette, to New York. As soon as our flag was perceived, it was saluted by the most animated exclamations and signs of the warmest affection.

While breathing the fresh morning air, always more so in the vicinity of the sea, and contemplating with pleasure, the delightful harmony of a beautiful prospect, and a rich and free industry, I was accosted by one of our travelling companions, an old revolutionary soldier, who came with us from Hartford, who said he could not sleep during the night, so much was he excited by the pleasure of seeing his general again. I asked him for some account of the most remarkable dwellings, which were in view, and he replied with much kindness, and in a way that led me to believe, that he was familiar with the navigation of the sound. When asked if he had occasionally visited Long-Island, he replied, “Oh yes, certainly, and it is long since the first time; it was in 1776, and without the courage and skill of our worthy General Washington, it is probable that this first visit to Long-Island would have also been my last, and my bones would now rest in peace. It would have been a pity, however, as I should have missed the happiness I yesterday enjoyed in shaking hands with one who has done so much for the independence of my country,” and a tear of gratitude and tenderness fell from his eyes. After some moments of silence, emboldened by his frank and cordial manners, I inquired in what manner his first visit occurred, with which so many other recollections appeared to be connected. He replied, by taking me by the arm, and turning round towards Long-Island, which like a moving panorama, was swiftly passing before our eyes, “in 1776, I was no longer a child, as my bald head and white hairs may show you, and served in the continental army; our regiment made part of the forces destined to defend Long-Island. On the 7th of August, the English and Hessians to the number of about 24,000, protected by the guns of their ships, landed upon the island. We had not more than ten thousand troops, and were in such a position that the greater part of these could not be brought into action. The action was hot and our resistance obstinate, although the enemy had every advantage over us in numbers, discipline and experience.

“The attack of the English was conducted with intelligence and bravery, but I dare say, if we were less skillful, our courage was not undervalued by our adversaries. In fact, we were soon surrounded, some were taken and the rest dispersed, leaving the victory in the hands of the enemy together with our two generals, Sullivan and Sterling. We lost from 1000 to 1200 men, and the English about as many.

“After this unfortunate engagement, we entrenched our lines at Brooklyn, where we were not in safety; fatigued and discouraged by our defeat, having in front of us, an enemy of superior force, rendered daring by success, and knowing that a numerous squadron was preparing to cut off our retreat by entering the East river, we felt clearly, that we could not escape complete destruction unless by the aid of Providence, and the prudence of our commander-in-chief; Washington resolved to withdraw us from this dangerous position. Profiting by the darkness of the night, he crossed the East river in person on the 29th of August, and found us in our lines. His presence re-animated our hopes and courage; we relied with confidence on his direction, and our retreat was effected with an address, which alone would have sufficed to rank him among the best generals. It is true that under these circumstances, Providence vouchsafed us a striking evidence of its protection. A thick fog enveloped Long-Island during the whole night; so that our movements were completely concealed from the enemy, although the atmosphere on the New York side was brilliantly clear. We passed so near to the enemy, that we could distinctly hear the labourers at work, preparing for the attack of next morning. Before day-break, our 9000 men, with their baggage, magazines, horses and munitions of war, had crossed the river, where it is more than a mile wide, and without losing a single man. An hour after our arrival at New York, the fog dispersed as if by enchantment, and permitted us to see the English entering our lines with defiance, where not a single man was to be found.”

During this recital of the old soldier, almost all our travelling companions were collected on deck, grouped around us, and the conversation soon became general. A great deal was said of Long-Island, of the elegance and richness of its country seats where the merchants of New York go to seek repose and fresh air during the protracted heats of summer. I learned that this isle, anciently called Matawack,[10] by the Indians, its ancient inhabitants, is 140 miles long, and its width varies from one to five miles. It is the largest island existing between Cape Florida and Cape Sable. The coast, which is washed by the Atlantic ocean, is flat, sandy and indented by various bays. The greatest part of its surface is level. The soil is composed of a blackish, spongy earth, upon a basis of sand which absorbs the rain and is little favorable to vegetation. Dr. Mitchill, the learned translator of Cuvier’s theory of the earth, has remarked that a bed of sea sand extends the whole length of the island at the depth of from 30 to 50 feet, containing clam and oyster shells, and that pieces of wood have also been found in digging wells. A range of hills which traverse the island from New Utrecht in the west, to the environs of South-hole in the east, is elevated at Harbour hill more than 319 feet above the level of the sea. Notwithstanding the unfavorable character of the soil, the finest orchard of fruit trees is found on Long-Island, perhaps in all America. It is cultivated by Mr. Prince, a skilful gardener and orchardist, whose enlightened zeal renders great services to his country, and who will without doubt, become very serviceable to Europe, as his correspondence is already much sought after.

It was about noon when we arrived at New York, General Lafayette hoped to re-enter the city quietly, but the streamers and flags of the Oliver Ellsworth betrayed his return; and the Franklin ship of the line which was at anchor, fired a salute of thirteen guns. This salute was a signal to the citizens of New York, and when we landed at Fulton wharf we found the population collected, as on the first day of our arrival, who accompanied us with acclamations to the City hotel, where we found our lodgings as we had left them.

CHAPTER VI.

Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes of the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.

On his return to New York, General Lafayette was informed that the society of Cincinnati intended to celebrate the next day, 6th of September, the anniversary of his birth, and he received an invitation to dine with them, which he willingly accepted. About four o’clock in the afternoon, a long file of venerable men arrived, marching two and two, holding each other by the arm for the sake of mutual support, which the weight of years rendered necessary. They were preceded by a military band, with which their tottering steps found it difficult to keep time. We went down to meet them, and were received into their ranks; a decoration of the order of Cincinnatus which had been worn by Washington, was attached to the button hole of Lafayette, and we commenced our march for the hotel where we were to dine. It was truly a touching sight to behold these old soldiers, the glorious remains of the war of Independence, conducting amongst them the companion of Washington, the adopted son of America. The crowd of people that filled the streets through which we passed, showed by their serious and silent conduct the respect which this procession inspired. The hall prepared for the entertainment, was adorned with trophies of arms, and with sixty banners bearing the names of the principal heroes who died for liberty during the revolutionary war. The repast was animated by the frank and cordial joy of all these old soldiers, who were delighted at the recollection of the dangers they had shared together. I had the pleasure to be placed at table by the side of General Fish, who at Yorktown commanded a battalion of intrepid militia, which under the orders of Lafayette, entered the English entrenchments with charged bayonets. He was kind enough to relate to me the details of this glorious action, and indeed of the whole campaign. The vivacity of his recital, which made me forget his seventy years, and the interesting traits of patriotism which were mingled with it, inspired a very lively interest. “I am well aware,” said he, in terminating, “that this campaign of Virginia, cannot be compared to your campaigns of Germany or Italy; neither were our fatigues and privations equal to your disasters on the retreat from Moscow.” “Neither,” added I, “can your results be compared with ours; you have won happiness and liberty, and we have riveted our chains and those of all Europe.” This melancholy reflection, poisoned for an instant the pleasure I enjoyed at this feast of patriotism and gratitude.

Towards the conclusion of the repast, a curtain was suddenly drawn at the end of the hall, and a grand transparency shown, exhibiting Washington and Lafayette holding each other by the hand, before the altar of liberty, and receiving a civic wreath from the hands of America. This sight caused new transports of joy among the company, the expression of which was only interrupted for a moment by the strong voice of General Swartwout, who suddenly began to read the order of the day at York-town, on the 17th of October, 1781.

Head Quarters, before York, Oct. 15th, 1781.

The Marquis de Lafayette’s division will mount the trenches to-morrow.

The commander in chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprize last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the enemy’s work. He requests the Baron Viomenil who commanded the French grenadiers, and the Marquis de Lafayette, who commanded the American light infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments, for the excellency of their disposition, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion; and he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer, and to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for the admirable firmness, with which they supported themselves under the fire of the enemy, without returning a shot.

The general reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must have hereafter in each other; assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger, which they will not cheerfully encounter, no difficulties which they will not bravely overcome.

Prolonged applauses followed the reading of this order, and the hall was shaken by three cheers, when the company were soon brought back to sentiments of a different nature, by the plaintive voice of General Lamb, who sung a ballet composed in 1792, during the imprisonment of Lafayette in the Austrian dungeons, and which was then very popular in America.

As beside his cheerful fire,
’Midst his happy family,
Sat a venerable Sire,
Tears were starting in his eye—
Selfish blessings were forgot,
While he thought on Fayette’s lot—
Once so happy on our plains,
Now in poverty and chains.

Fayette! cried he, honour’d name;
Dear to these far distant shores,
Fayette, fir’d by Freedom’s flame,
Bled to make that freedom ours.
What, alas! for thee remains;
What but poverty and chains?

Soldiers! in the field of death

Was not Fayette foremost there?

Cold and shiv’ring on the heath,

Did ye not his bounty share?

What for this your friend remains;

What but poverty and chains?

Born to honour, ease and wealth,
See him sacrifice them all;
Sacrificing even health
At our country’s glorious call;
What reward for this remains;
What but poverty and chains?

Thus, with laurels on his brow,

Belisarius begged for bread:

Thus from Carthage forc’d to go,

Hannibal an exile fled.

Fayette now at once sustains

Exile, poverty and chains.

Courage, child of Washington,
Though thy fate disastrous seems;
We have seen the setting sun,
Rise, and burn with brighter beams.
Thy country soon shall break thy chain
And take thee to her arms again.

Soon after, the lateness of the hour, and the necessity of terminating the fatigues resulting from the variety of emotions we had experienced during this festival, caused us to separate. Returning to the City Hotel, I recollected how often I had heard the order of Cincinnatus mentioned in Europe, and attacked by some persons with violence as tending to destroy republican equality; and quoted by others to justify the orders of knighthood, or privileged orders of European monarchies. However, what I had seen since my arrival in the United States, did not show the existence of any order created or tolerated by the laws, and destructive equality; but to dissipate all doubt on the subject, I made inquiries next morning of one of our friends, with whom we had dined, who called to visit General Lafayette. He presented me a small pamphlet containing an account of the origin and regulations of the Society of Cincinnati. A perusal of this pamphlet convinced me that the character of this society had been ignorantly or maliciously misrepresented in Europe, and that it is no more a privileged society in the United States than the Benevolent Society of Paris, or the Bible Society of England. The Society of Cincinnati is nothing more than a voluntary association of the ancient officers of the revolutionary army, united with the double object of perpetuating the memory of their patriotic labours, and for the aid of such members as age and infirmities may render necessitous; as to the ribband and badge worn by the society, it is only regarded as an ornament which the members wear exclusively on public occasions, and not as a decoration authorized or sanctioned by the government.

The Society of Cincinnati has nothing in it dangerous to equality, since it possesses no privilege. However, from all parts of the union, accusations were made that the founders of the society wished, under the guise of benevolence, and patriotic recollections, to sow the seed of a hereditary nobility. It is difficult to determine at present whether the founders, or at least some among them had, or had not some such prospective view in making the proposition; but it is certain, that the article of the regulations allowing the sons to succeed the father, were very capable of giving offence to republicans as jealous of equality as the Americans. Every one attacked with vivacity, the absurd principle of hereditary transmission, which found enemies throughout the country. Among the writings which appeared at the time on the subject, a letter of Franklin, addressed to his daughter, who had sent to him in France the papers announcing the formation of the society, which has all the piquancy and originality of that author, placed this matter in a very ridiculous light, and contains such conclusive, and at the same time, such pleasant arguments against hereditary nobility, that no one can read it without being convinced.[11]

The sentiments of Franklin, and the opinion of the public, did not prevent the formation of the Society of Cincinnati, but reduced it to its just value; that is, every one became accustomed to regard this corps merely as a benevolent association, and with pleasure paid a tribute of respect to the members, who had acquired a right thereto by their former services, and personal character. But the aristocratic principle of hereditary succession was so much ridiculed that few sons ventured to succeed their fathers in the society, and in some states they are no longer admitted.

After our return to the city, our time was principally occupied in the examination of the public works and forts, which protect the port and bay of New York. The most remarkable among them is fort Lafayette, situated at the narrows, near the point of Long Island; its fire readily crosses with that from the opposite fort on Staten Island. The garrison officers belonging to a detachment of the regular army of the United States, gave the general a very cordial reception, and pointed out all the interesting particulars of the fort, which has the advantage of being bomb proof, without being exposed to the inconvenience of the cannon smoke, which finds free exit by open galleries into the interior of the yard. The rain which fell abundantly prevented us from examining the other forts with much attention.

Of all the public schools we visited, that which inspired the most lively interest was the Free School for young Africans, founded and directed by the Abolition Society. The general was accompanied in this school as he had been in all the others by a great number of ladies, who all pay assiduous attention to establishments of this sort. He was there informed he had been unanimously elected member of the society, at the same time with Granville Sharpe, and Thomas Clarkson. This election agreed well with his character and declared opinions relative to negro slavery, and appeared to excite in him considerable feeling. Immediately afterwards a black child advanced and said with vivacity, “You see, General, these hundreds of poor African children before you; they participate with the white children in the blessings of education: like them they learn to cherish the recollection of the services you have rendered to America, and moreover they revere in you an ardent friend to the emancipation of our race, and a worthy member of the society to which we owe so much gratitude.”

It would be tedious and difficult for me to give exact details concerning all the benevolent establishments we visited in the city of New York. They are very numerous and as each of them has been erected by an association or voluntary union of individuals, it would require a particular history of each to make them properly known. In general we may say that all these establishments are under the protection, and not under the influence of the law. The majority of the active offices are discharged by persons who receive neither perquisites nor salaries, but regard their appointments as honorable testimonials of public esteem, and they discharge their duties with a zeal and probity which justifies it. Only the inferior officers, whose time is altogether employed, commonly receive salaries. Most of these establishments are founded by societies or by legacies; and supported either by public subscriptions or by appropriations of the government. Thus for example, in examining the books of the Orphan Asylum, founded in 1806, we discovered that this establishment in the course of the year 1822, received from the legislature of the state five hundred dollars; two hundred and eighty-seven dollars as a part of the funds allowed to the public schools by the state; fourteen hundred and thirty dollars from private subscriptions; five thousand dollars, a legacy from Jacob Sherred; twenty-five dollars, the interest of a legacy from Mrs. Mary Williams; 390 dollars from anonymous donors; 17,000 dollars from the Magdalen Society; nineteen dollars for work done by the children, &c. &c. and a host of private donations, such as books, shoes, cloth, buttons, &c. &c. Whatever may be the nature and value of the donations, they are received and scrupulously registered along with the names of the donors. By the aid of these supplies judiciously directed, this house has received from 1806 to 1822, and educated 440 children, of which 243 are already established advantageously in society.

In the alms-house there are more than 1000 individuals of both sexes and all ages.

The great hospital of New York may contain nearly two thousand patients. The insane, although under the same superintendence, are kept in a separate building.

In all these institutions, we were struck with the neatness of the chambers, the whiteness of the linen, the good quality of the food, and especially with the mild and kind treatment of the superintendents towards the persons under their charge. It was easy to perceive that the directors are encouraged by something more precious than emoluments, public esteem.

The persons who accompanied us, and appeared to be well informed, assured us that there were more than forty charitable and philanthropic societies in New York, whose continued zeal contributed much to the support of all the establishments we had visited, as well as to the relief of private misfortunes.

After visiting the Academy of Arts, where among a great quantity of casts, engravings and paintings, there is nothing very remarkable except a collection of paintings by Trumbull, and a collection of engravings presented to the Academy by the emperor Napoleon, we went to the public library. It contains more than 20,000 volumes, well selected and in good order. The library is open every day except Sunday; none but stockholders can take out the books; the number of stockholders is about five hundred.

During our stay at New York we several times visited the two theatres, of which it would be difficult for me to give any opinion, because every time that Lafayette appeared there, he became so much the object of public attention, and the tumult caused by the expression of the pleasure of the spectators was so great that it was impossible for the actors to continue their parts; they were only allowed to sing some verses in honour of the Companion of Washington, the Captive of Olmutz, or the Guest of the Nation. Some persons of taste that I questioned informed me that the stock pieces of these theatres were from England, and generally but poorly selected, and that their companies of actors were usually feeble. These two houses are evidently too small for so numerous a population, and their construction does not correspond either to the beauty or wealth of the city of New York.[12] The rational answer of the citizen to this, is, that before thinking of luxury and pleasure, it is necessary to take care for useful things, and that they should be very much humiliated if strangers were not more struck with the commodiousness and beauty of their works of public utility than with the elegance of their theatres.

On the 9th we attended a concert of sacred music given in St. Paul’s Church, where the general was received with the Marseilles’ Hymn. The number and elegance of the ladies was very remarkable. The different pieces we heard were executed with an effect which we had not previously heard from any of the choirs or orchestras in the United States; for it must be allowed that music is still in its infancy in this country. The causes are sufficiently obvious; on the one hand the English language is but slightly musical, on the other the Americans have not yet time to devote to the merely pleasing arts.—They have no school of music;[13] there are some European artists, who endeavour to diffuse a taste for the science, but these generally find access solely to the very rich families, which are almost as rare as the artists themselves.

After leaving St. Paul’s church, we visited the park in front of the City Hall, where the firemen were drawn up in line, and the General reviewed them. After reviewing this new species of militia, but not less useful than that which is called to the defence of the territory, they defiled with as much order as a division of artillery. We saw thus pass before us forty-six engines, each drawn and escorted by a company of about thirty men, led by a captain with a speaking trumpet. Each engine bore a standard and the emblems of the company. Many of these standards were adorned with portraits of men whose names are dear to the people. The equestrian portraits of Washington and Lafayette were peculiarly conspicuous. After all the engines had defiled we ascended to the balcony of the City Hall, the general was addressed by the commander-in-chief of the Firemen, and we next saw the manœuvres with the engines. They were all formed into a circle around a pyramid erected of the ladders and firehooks. At the top of this pyramid was placed a small house filled with combustible materials; it was set on fire, and on a signal being given, all the engines were worked at the same time with so much accuracy of aim that the whole was extinguished in two minutes. In all thus meeting at the same point, the spouts of water formed a most beautiful liquid dome, adorned with the colours of the rainbow.

On the 10th, we were engaged to dine with Colonel Fish; we were about to go there at four o’clock, when on going out, we found the 9th regiment of artillery drawn up before the hotel to escort Lafayette to the house of his friend. At the moment the general appeared, Colonel Muir commanding the regiment, advanced and presented him in the name of his comrades, a richly wrought sword, all the parts of which had been manufactured in New York. In expressing his thanks, General Lafayette said, “it is with pleasure and gratitude I receive this precious present from a corps of citizen soldiers, each of whom knows that steel was given to men to defend liberty, where it exists, and to gain it, where it has been destroyed by crowned and privileged usurpers.” This answer was received with loud applause, and the general was escorted by the regiment and a numerous concourse of citizens to the house of Colonel Fish. The day was terminated by some beautiful fire-works in honour of Lafayette.

The next day the general and his son were present at a masonic celebration of the Knights Templars, who admitted them to their lodge, and conferred upon them the highest honours, of which they presented them the richly wrought badges. In the evening, we dined with the French residents of New York, who wished to celebrate the 47th anniversary of the battle of Brandywine. The dinner was prepared at Washington Hall, and this patriotic and family festival was marked by a character both happy and original; many Americans, who were present, were struck with astonishment. Upon the very broad table a plan of the grand canal, in relief, was exhibited, which traversing the state of New York, unites Lake Erie with the Atlantic. This novel sort of chart occupied a length of sixty feet upon the table, where it was hollowed out of the thickness of the wood, and lined with lead; an extremely limpid water filled the canal, which was bordered with green sod, imitating meadows, in the midst of which were models of houses, trees and animals. Bridges beautifully crossing the stream, and masses of rock under which the canal passed, and forests through which it wound along, all combined to complete this unique masterpiece of topography. Over the centre of the table was a large sun in continual rotation. Allegorical pictures, full length portraits of Washington and Lafayette, and trophies of French and American flags, completed the decorations. Mr. Monneron presided over the entertainment. After dinner, which was animated with a frank and cordial joy, a great number of toasts were drank, all impressed with that character of energetic patriotism which distinguishes every thing said or done in a truly free country. I cannot resist the desire to insert some of them here.

By the committee. “The United States; their national welfare is imperishable; it is founded upon religion, industry, and liberty.”

By the President. “General Lafayette; we are proud that he is a Frenchman.” And he added, “Gentlemen, in the fourteenth century the Lafayettes of Auvergne, already ameliorated the condition of what were at that period called vassals.

“In the fifteenth century Marshal Lafayette drove the enemies of France from her territory.

“In the sixteenth Mademoiselle Lafayette was the model of beauty, virtue and charity.

“In the seventeenth century Madam Lafayette composed works which will descend to the remotest posterity.

“In the eighteenth century, General Lafayette was born, the enemy of tyranny, and passionate lover of liberty.

“During his youth, he came to support and defend the cradle of liberty in the United States.

“At a more advanced age, he appeared at the public bar, and spoke for liberty in Europe, as he knew how to defend it in America.

“From the tribune he entered into the ranks of the defenders of the country. I have seen him amidst the revolutionary dangers; his genius and coolness never abandoned him: prompt to conceive, ardent to execute, he always fought for true liberty.

“I am an ocular and faithful historian. Behold these trophies, these flags and standards, upon all of them is written, Liberty! Victory! Lafayette.”

To this toast the general replied by the following, “To the memory of the French who died in the cause of true liberty, from 1789 to the present day. Their manes demand of us, that so many sacrifices should not be lost to the country.”

By M. Diaz. “The memory of Riego and the other martyrs of liberty.—Crime, not the scaffold, brings disgrace.”

By Mr. Chevrolet. “France as I wish her to be; without factious conspiracies, without corrupt ministers, without mercenary accusers, and without that slow oppression which silently undermine their energy and vigour.”

Some stanzas to Lafayette, full of grace, harmony and patriotism, the composition of Mr. Pillet, read by Mr. Chegaray, completed the enthusiasm of the guests, who separated with cries, “Long live liberty! Long live Lafayette.”

During many weeks, preparations were made in the city of New York for a magnificent festival, which should surpass in taste and splendor any thing hitherto done in honor of Lafayette. The place chosen for the occasion was the circular fort, about six hundred feet in circumference, called Castle Garden, built formerly for the defence of New York, upon a mole in front of the Battery, now devoted to public amusements. A bridge of three hundred feet long joins the fort to the battery. We were to quit New York on the 14th to make an excursion up the Hudson, and the ball at Castle Garden took place on the 13th.—We went there in the evening by the light of an illumination, we found the bridge covered with rich carpets from one end to the other, and on each side bordered with a line of beautiful green trees. In the middle of the bridge arose a pyramid sixty-five feet high, illuminated with coloured lamps, surmounted by a brilliant star in the centre of which blazed the name of Lafayette. Notwithstanding the magnificence of the entry, our surprize and admiration were strongly augmented on entering the circle of the fort. The hall, about six hundred feet in circumference, around which was a vast amphitheatre, containing nearly six thousand persons. An arch formed of the flags of all nations mingled with symmetry and elegance, was supported in the centre by a column sixty feet high. Over the principal entrance was a triumphal arch of flowers, surmounted by a colossal statue of Washington, resting upon two pieces of cannon. In the centre stood the genius of America, having on a shield these words, “To the Nation’s Guest.” In front of the gate raised upon a platform was a richly decorated marquee, ornamented with a bust of Hamilton; in front were two pieces of cannon taken at York-town. The marquee was intended for Lafayette. Around the hall thirteen columns, bore the arms of the first states of the confederation. This space was illuminated by a thousand torches, the brilliance of which was reflected by numerous stands of arms. When the general appeared, the air “See the conquering hero comes,” was played, and murmurs of approbation and respect accompanied him to his seat. At the same instant, the cloths which surrounded and enclosed the hall, were as rapidly raised as a theatrical scene, and the interior became visible to the eyes of the crowd, who had collected in boats about the battery, waiting for this moment. The pure and brilliant moon shone on the harbor, upon which batteaux and steam-boats were plying in every direction. A few minutes after the general was seated under the rich pavilion that had been prepared for him, a grand transparency was suddenly uncovered in front of him, and presented an exact picture of his residence at Lagrange, with its large ditches and fine gothic towers: having the following inscription below it, “Here is his home.” Lafayette was very much touched with this delicate idea of his friends, who wished to give to their entertainment, by the presence of this picture the character of a family festival. Several times during the evening, dances were attempted, but every time the general moved a step to approach them, the dancers broke off and came to group themselves around him. Time flew swiftly in this delightful assembly, and we were surprized at two o’clock to hear the signal for our departure. The steam-boat that was to convey us to Albany, approached the battery to receive us as we left the ball. We embarked with the committee which was to accompany the general, and a great number of ladies and citizens who were unwilling to separate from us. The boat received as many of them as possible. We parted on board with captain Allyn, of the Cadmus, who was to convey letters to our friends in France, and in spite of the darkness which succeeded to the setting of the moon, we got under weigh. We soon lost sight of Castle Garden, and instead of the joyous sounds of music, we heard nothing but the monotonous noise of the steam machinery struggling against the rapid waves of the Hudson.

CHAPTER VII.

Voyage upon the Hudson: Treason of Arnold: Military School at West Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskill: Hudson: Albany: Troy: Return to New York.

The steam-boat James Kent, in which we were embarked, had been prepared for this trip with the greatest care by the committee appointed by the city of New York to accompany general Lafayette; but as it had not been foreseen that so many ladies designed to be of the party, it happened that the greater part of the men were obliged to sleep upon deck, although the steam-boat contained more than eighty beds. For ourselves we in vain sought repose in a very pretty state-room, which we occupied in common with general Lewis and colonel Fish. The sound of cannon which every few minutes announced our passage by some village, and the noise of our crew, who were endeavouring to push the boat off an oyster bank, upon which she had grounded during the darkness, prevented us from sleeping; at the first dawn of day, we went upon deck to enjoy the view of the majestic banks of the Hudson. In fact, nothing can be more imposing than the aspect of these high mountains, which, covered with wood, or displaying their naked rocks, border the river almost throughout its length. On entering, for the first time, into the pass of the highlands, one feels almost disposed to share the superstitious terror of the Indians, and one understands how that phantoms and their sinister sighings have for a long time exercised their empire, even upon the first Europeans who inhabited these situations, where nature only shows herself under strange forms, and in sombre colours. To the man who delights in the recollection of the robberies of the middle ages, and loves to contemplate the ruins of old Donjon’s ancient refuges of fierce feudalities, nothing without doubt is comparable to the banks of the Rhine; but for one who prefers nature still virgin and wild, there is nothing so beautiful as the banks of the Hudson. This river has its source in the highest country between lakes Ontario and Champlain, and divides the state of New York from north to south for the length of 250 miles: it is navigable for sloops of 24 tons, as far as Albany, 160 miles from its mouth, and larger vessels can ascend as far as the village of Hudson, at the distance of 132 miles from New York. It would be difficult, I believe, to enumerate the boats of all sorts and sizes which carry on the trade between Albany and New York; the river is continually covered with them, and you can rarely sail for a quarter of an hour without meeting with a long succession of them. The tide rises a few miles above Albany, where it is twelve hours later than at New York. The water is salt for fifty miles above Albany, where the rise of the tide is commonly one foot. At Pellpel’s islands, north of the highlands, it is about four feet, and at Kinderhook, situated twenty-two miles south of Albany, three feet.

Notwithstanding the current, and contrary movement of the tide, we advanced ten miles an hour. A group of old revolutionary soldiers gathered around Lafayette on the deck, and were pleased to repeat the details of events, which were awakened in their minds by every point on the banks. We had passed Tarrytown, and at the view of this modest village, the old soldier-citizens pronounced with respect the names of the three militia men, John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wert, who have immortalized themselves as much by their noble disinterestedness, as for the service they rendered to their country and liberty in arresting Major André. Stony Point and fort Lafayette, where Washington, by the judicious choice of a good position, had broken the communications of the English army, were far behind us, and our captain informed us we should soon see West Point, when I remarked that the regards of our travelling companions were sadly turned towards a house which stood alone, not far from the bank, to which the foot of the mountain was gently inclined. I soon heard the word traitor coupled with the name of Arnold; and this house, which excited so much indignation, was actually the one in which the infamous Arnold trafficked for the blood of his companions in arms, and for the subjugation of his country. The history of Arnold teaches a great lesson; it proves once more, the importance, in a well organized government, of not trusting offices to any but men of acknowledged morality. In a captain as in a magistrate, courage or talent without probity are dangerous qualities, which cannot be employed without exposure to great risks.

Arnold was born in Connecticut, but nature appears to have denied him the virtues which so strongly characterize the inhabitants of that state; however, from the commencement he embraced the sacred cause of his country with ardour. His military talent, courage in battle, resignation and patience under fatigues and privations, and especially his brilliant services during the Canadian expedition, had gained him great reputation in the army, and the confidence of Congress, which did not think it too high a recompence to raise him to the rank of a major general. He was wounded before Quebec, and was not yet entirely recovered from his wounds, when the city of Philadelphia was entrusted to him, after it was evacuated by the British in 1778.

Unfortunately, Arnold, along with the bravery he had shown before the enemy, had nothing of that firmness of principle, and rectitude of judgment, which alone could have enabled him to resist the numerous seductions which necessarily surrounded him in the brilliant situation he now held. Urged on by pride and a ridiculous vanity, and forgetting his want of the resources of a large personal fortune, he launched into all the unnecessary expenses of a sumptuous table and luxurious train. He soon contracted debts beyond his revenue; in the hope of liquidating which he entered into speculations which his official duties forbade, and which had most disastrous results. Pushed by the demands of his creditors, he sought relief by embezzlement of public money; but the investigation of a committee of Congress discovered a considerable deficit in his accounts, many citizens of Philadelphia complained of his numerous exactions, and the government of Pennsylvania accused him of still more grievous offences. Finally, in the month of June 1778, Congress arrested and tried him by a court martial, which found him guilty, and condemned him to be reprimanded by the commander in chief. This sentence was approved by Congress, and carried into effect in the beginning of 1779. Furious at being thus struck at the same time by the law and public opinion, Arnold made bitter complaints against what he called the ingratitude of his fellow-citizens, and swore to be revenged.

Great importance was at that time attached to the fortress of West Point, for the preservation of which the American army had manœuvred a long time, and frequently fought. This position was regarded as the key of communication between the eastern and southern states. In fact, its situation upon the brow of one of the highest mountains on the right bank of the Hudson, and its double row of batteries and redoubts, planned by the most skilful engineers, made an excellent defensive post, the occupation of which gave great influence over the state of New York. Arnold was not ignorant of this, and cast his eyes upon this important point to wreak his vengeance. By force of intrigue and importunities, he obtained the command of West Point, at the moment he wrote to the English colonel, Robinson, that he abjured his revolutionary principles, and sincerely desired to regain the esteem of the king, by a striking proof of his penitence. This letter opened between him and sir Henry Clinton an active correspondence conducted with great secrecy. The principal object of this correspondence was to decide upon the means of throwing the fortress of West Point as speedily as possible into the hands of the English. To conduct this intrigue with greater certainty, the English general selected one of his aids, major André, a young man equally distinguished by his amiable qualities and military talents, who had already acquired an excellent reputation among his companions in arms. A sloop of war named the Vulture, carried up the Hudson as far as the King’s ferry, twelve miles below West Point: from this place his communications with Arnold became more frequent and easy, but for a fuller understanding, it was indispensable that they should have an interview, which Arnold insisted upon: André at first refused, either because he felt a repugnance at finding himself in contact with a traitor, or because he deemed it unworthy of a loyal officer to penetrate an enemy’s lines under a name and dress not his own. However, urged by a desire of answering the confidence of his general, he finally accepted the rendezvous, which had been proposed for the night at the house of one Joshua Smith, who was reputed to belong secretly to the English party. Smith himself came in search of major André during the night of the 21st of September, and brought him on shore in a boat rowed by his own servants. André was received by Arnold on the bank, and conducted to the house of Smith, where he remained concealed until the next night. The conference being terminated, and the plans definitively settled, André wished to profit by the darkness of the night to retire; but on coming to the shore, he found that the Vulture had been obliged to haul off, to avoid the fire of a battery with which she was threatened; the boatmen who had brought him on shore, refused to carry him to the sloop of war, and he was obliged to decide upon returning to New York by land. To hasten his march, Smith furnished him with a horse, and to render it secure, Arnold gave him a passport, under the name of John Anderson, charged with public service. This passport served him to get successfully through the American lines, and arrive at Crompond, where Smith, who had accompanied him, took leave, after giving him directions for continuing his journey. He was approaching the English lines near Tarrytown, when suddenly a militia man, who was patrolling between the two armies with two others, his comrades, rushed from behind a bush, and seized his horse by the bridle. This sudden arrest deprived André of his wonted presence of mind, and instead of presenting his passport, he asked the militia men, “to which side do you belong?” “to below,” was the reply; (the English army which occupied New York was thus designated;) “and so do I,” imprudently answered André. Scarcely had he uttered this fatal avowal, when the arrival of the two other militia men revealed to him his error and danger. He thought to remedy the one and escape the other, by offering to his captors a purse full of gold, his very valuable watch, and by promising them, if they would let him go, great wealth, and the protection of the English government. The more brilliant the rewards he promised, the more were the three militia men persuaded that his arrest would be serviceable to the cause of independence, and they rejected his offers with disdain, declaring that though they were very poor, all the gold upon earth would not tempt them to forego their duty, and they immediately commenced a rigorous search of their unfortunate prisoner, to discover if he conveyed any papers capable of explaining his real character. Their suspicions were confirmed by finding in his boots exact plans of the approaches and defences of West Point, and many other details in Arnold’s hand writing, confirmed their suspicions: they conveyed him to lieutenant colonel Jamieson, who commanded the outposts. André, without doubt, intending to let Arnold know that he must take care of his own safety, demanded that Arnold should be immediately informed of the arrest of his officer Anderson, on the way to New York. On the receipt of this news the traitor fled, and sought the recompence of his infamy in the ranks of the British army.

Major André declared himself a British officer as soon as he thought Arnold was in safety. The immediate return of general Washington, hastened the formation of a court martial, of which general Greene was president, and general Lafayette and Baron Steuben, were among the members. André appeared before this tribunal under the terrible accusation of being a spy. His judges treated him with great deference and lenity, and he was informed from the beginning of his trial, that he need not answer any question which could wound his conscience. But the young unfortunate, more jealous of his honour than of his life, freely avowed his projects, and exposed his conduct without concealment, taking no other pains than to exculpate those who had aided his enterprise. His courage deeply affected his judges, who could scarcely conceal their emotion in signing his condemnation. For himself he awaited his fate with resignation. His last moments were worthy of his noble character; the following details of which are given by an eye-witness, Dr. Thacher.[14]

Extract from Thacher’s Journal.

“October 2d.—Major André is no more among the living. I have just witnessed his exit. It was a tragical scene of the deepest interest. During his confinement and trial, he exhibited those proud and elevated sensibilities which designate greatness and dignity of mind. Not a murmur nor a sigh ever escaped him, and the civilities and attentions bestowed on him were politely acknowledged. Having left a mother and two sisters in England, he was heard to mention them in terms of the tenderest affection, and in his letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he recommends them to his particular attention.

“The principal guard officer who was constantly in the room with the prisoner, relates that when the hour of his execution was announced to him in the morning, he received it without emotion, and while all present were affected with silent gloom, he retained a firm countenance, with calmness and composure of mind. Observing his servant enter the room in tears, he exclaimed, “leave me till you can show yourself more manly.” His breakfast being sent to him from the table of general Washington, which had been done every day of his confinement, he partook of it as usual, and having shaved and dressed himself, he placed his hat on the table and cheerfully said to the guard officers, “I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on you.” The fatal hour having arrived, a large detachment of troops was paraded, and an immense concourse of people assembled; almost all our general and field officers, excepting his excellency and his staff, were present on horseback; melancholy and gloom pervaded all ranks, and the scene was affectingly awful. I was so near during the solemn march to the fatal spot, as to observe every movement, and to participate in every emotion which the melancholy scene was calculated to produce. Major André walked from the stone house, in which he had been confined, between two of our subaltern officers, arm-in-arm; the eyes of the immense multitude were fixed on him, who, rising superior to the fears of death, appeared as if conscious of the dignified conduct he displayed. He betrayed no want of fortitude, but retained a complacent smile on his countenance, and politely bowed to several gentlemen whom he knew, which was respectfully returned. It was his earnest desire to be shot, as being the mode of death most conformable to the feelings of a military man, and he had indulged the hope that his request would be granted. At the moment therefore, when suddenly he came in view of the gallows, he involuntarily started backwards, and made a pause. “Why this emotion, sir,” said an officer by his side. Instantly recovering his composure, he said, “I am reconciled to my death, but I detest the mode.” While waiting and standing near the gallows, I observed some degree of trepidation; placing his foot on a stone, and rolling it over and choking in his throat as if attempting to swallow. So soon, however, as he perceived that things were in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wagon, and at this moment he appeared to shrink, but instantly elevating his head with firmness, he said, “It will be but a momentary pang,” and taking from his pocket, two white handkerchiefs, the provost marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with the other, the prisoner, after taking off his hat and stock, bandaged his own eyes with perfect firmness, which melted the hearts and moistened the cheeks, not only of his servant but of the throng of spectators. The rope being appended to the gallows, he slipped the noose over his head, and adjusted it to his neck, without the assistance of the awkward executioner. Colonel Scammel now informed him that he had an opportunity to speak, if he desired it; he raised the handkerchief from his eyes and said, “I pray you to bear me witness that I meet my fate like a brave man.” The wagon being now removed from under him, he was suspended and immediately expired; it proved indeed, “but a momentary pang.” He was dressed in his royal regimentals and boots, and his remains in the same dress, were placed in an ordinary coffin, and interred at the foot of the gallows. Thus died in the bloom of life, the accomplished major André, the pride of the royal army, and the valued friend of Sir Henry Clinton.” [Thacher’s Military Journal, 1780, p. 272, &c.]

Some time after Arnold fled from West Point, and when he had already signalized himself by the ferocity with which he tore the bosom of his country by all the horrors of war, an American grenadier was brought into his presence who had been taken prisoner in a skirmish. Arnold recognized him as having served under his orders at West Point, and interrogated him upon the impression his flight had produced upon the garrison. The bold grenadier answered him with frankness, and did not in the least disguise the general indignation. “What would they have done, had they taken me?” “We should have buried your leg wounded before Quebec with honour, and have hung the rest of your body upon the gibbet.”

While the different groups upon our deck still execrated the memory of Arnold, and pitied the unfortunate André, the thunder of cannon a thousand times repeated by the echoes of Hudson announced our arrival at West Point. We were rapidly carried on shore in the boats. General Lafayette was received by major Thayer, commandant of the establishment, and by generals Brown and Scott, accompanied by their staff. Lafayette was placed in an open carriage, accompanied by the widow of Colonel Hamilton, and followed by a long column of ladies who had come with Mrs. H., and a numerous population which had collected to receive him: they slowly ascended the road which conducted them to the military academy. During this march, two pieces of cannon placed on the summit of a rock far above our heads, kept up an incessant roaring. When we reached the plain upon which the buildings of the institution stand, we found the cadets drawn up in line. The general immediately passed them in review, and they manœuvred before him. After their evolutions were completed, they performed the honours of the entertainment they had prepared for him, with the most kind solicitude.

West Point appears to me to be well chosen for a military school. It is upon a very beautiful plain, elevated upon the right bank of the Hudson, and crowned by other high mountains, upon the summit of which, the ruins of old Fort Putnam may still be perceived. Its separation from the large cities, the silence of the forest, and the aspect of nature at once so imposing and beautiful, all appear to invite to meditation and study.

The pupils are two hundred in number: vacant places are at the disposal of the President of the United States. To be admitted, the candidate must not be younger than fourteen, nor older than twenty-one; must know how to read, write and cypher, and must sign with his parent or guardian an engagement to serve during five years, unless dismissed previous to the expiration of that time. The cadets are taught natural and experimental philosophy, mathematics, chemistry and mineralogy, drawing, fortification, strategy, fencing, and the French language. All the expenses of the institution are paid out of the national treasury. Every cadet receives a pay of six dollars a month, and two rations a day. They are formed into companies, and all do duty as privates or sub-officers, and live in camp during three months of the year in order to learn camp duty. At the conclusion of their term they are commissioned in the different corps of the army when vacancies occur; but most of them return again to civil life. Government rarely refuses them this privilege when it is asked, because its object is not so much to have a nursery of soldiers in this establishment, as to form citizens capable of filling, when necessary, the first offices in the militia service, which is thus annually enriched by a number of instructed young officers.

We had the pleasure of finding among the professors, three of our countrymen, Messrs. Berard, Ducommun and Gimbrede, who took great pleasure in answering our inquiries, and who appeared to stand high in the estimation of the officers and pupils of the institution.

At six P. M., we returned to the shore to embark. A great number of our travelling companions, but particularly the ladies finding it impossible to remain longer so much crowded together in the James Kent, left us to go on board another steam-boat which was returning to New York, and we continued on our journey with the kind and amiable members of the New York committee appointed to accompany the general.

At 7 o’clock we arrived at Newburgh; we should have arrived there at 3 o’clock, but for our accident upon the oyster bank, and thirty thousand persons waited on the shore with the greatest impatience for the arrival of the Nation’s Guest. The tables had been set from the morning. In fact it was easy to perceive this, for our reception here was more tumultuous than any we had yet witnessed. But even this fermentation furnished us with an opportunity to judge of the influence of the magistrates over the people, who even in moments of excitement never lose that respect which citizens owe the laws to which they have freely consented. After a rapid passage by torch light through the streets of Newburgh, in an open carriage, we stopped at the Orange hotel, where we were to dine with the principal inhabitants. While we were at table, a report was spread that general Lafayette was to leave the town immediately; and a vast concourse of people gathered in front of the hotel, and a thousand confused voices cried out that it was shameful thus to snatch from the citizens of Newburgh, the friend they had so long and so ardently desired; that the darkness which covered his arrival had not allowed any one to see him; that they should have the chagrin of being unable to render him the homage with which they had prepared to receive him; and in short, that they would not let him go until after sun-rise the next day, in order that he might bestow his benediction upon the children of Newburgh. To the noise of these clamours soon was added that of the struggle between the crowd and the guard stationed at the door of the hotel. During some moments the mayor of the town who was at table with us, paid but little attention to what was going on in the street, when he was informed that the disorder might become serious, that the militia and police officers began to grow fatigued with their resistance, the mayor rose, took general Lafayette by the hand and preceded by two torches, went out into a balcony which overlooked the street. At the sight of Lafayette the shouts and plaudits increased from all quarters, when the mayor made a sign for silence, which was immediately established. He then addressed the people:—“Gentlemen! (for in America the magistrates always speak politely to the people,) do you wish to distress the Nation’s Guest?” “No! no! no!” “Do you wish that Lafayette should be deprived of his liberty, in a country indebted to him for its freedom?” “No! no! no!” “Then listen to what I am about to say, and do not force me to call upon the law to restore order.” The silence then became profound. “Your friend is expected at Albany, he is engaged to be there to-morrow, before evening; he has already been delayed for three hours by an unexpected accident; if you retain him here until to-morrow, you will deprive him of the pleasure of visiting all the other towns which expect him upon his passage, and you will make him break all his engagements; do you wish to give him this pain?” “No! no! no!” and the air rung with shouts and huzzas. Lafayette then addressed a few words of thanks to the crowd, which were received with the greatest enthusiasm. The people, however, became silent, but still remained in the street though without disturbing the door of the hotel. When Lafayette came down, some citizens advanced and said it depended upon him entirely to console the inhabitants of Newburgh, and it would not cost him more than the delay of a quarter of an hour—“our wives and children are collected close by in a hall which was prepared for your reception; come for an instant that they may see you, and we shall all be happy.” It was impossible to resist so touching an appeal. We entered this hall filled with ladies, and girls dressed for a ball; they had already ceased to hope that they should see Lafayette, and his presence caused them an agreeable surprise. In the fulness of their joy they all crowded near him, and showered over him the wreathes and flowers with which they were adorned. In leaving this hall we found the men all standing in a double row along the way which led to the shore, and the general could not reach the steam-boat without receiving the most endearing expressions of the esteem of these excellent people, who in spite of his assurances, still feared that they had caused him inconvenience. He bade farewell to the authorities of Newburgh on board of the boat, and at a signal given by our captain, we recommenced our voyage in spite of the darkness.

The rising sun found us in the vicinity of Poughkeepsie, where it was impossible for the general to refuse landing. The wharves and shore were crowded with soldiers, citizens, and even a great number of ladies, who had all night waited for the arrival of Lafayette.

Poughkeepsie like all the towns bordering upon the Hudson is both manufacturing and commercial; the population therefore is rapidly increasing. In 1820 it was 3400 souls, at present it amounts to nearly 5000.

It was at the dwelling of George Clinton in Poughkeepsie, that Washington, Hamilton, Chancellor Livingston and Mr. Jay, used to meet to discuss the constitution adopted by the United States. The general was eloquently reminded of this circumstance by colonel Livingston, who was appointed to address him in the name of his fellow citizens.

In continuing our voyage we visited the family of the ancient governor Lewis, who reside in a beautiful dwelling on the right side of the river, and at four o’clock we arrived at Clermont, where we landed in front of the elegant residence of Mr. Robert Livingston, the former residence of chancellor Livingston. The entertainments prepared for us by the citizens of the environs, and the Livingston family, detained us till the next morning.

Scarcely had we left Clermont when we came in sight of the beautiful Catskill mountain, which arising at some miles from the river, finely terminates the horizon by its beautiful brown mass which is amphitheatrically developed, in the centre of which shows forth the white house of the pine garden situated 250 feet above the level of the Hudson. This house is an object of curiosity to the traveller, and a place of promenade for the neighbouring inhabitants.

The masses of soldiers and citizens which covered a long pier projecting into the river, by their acclamations informed general Lafayette that the inhabitants of Catskill also expected a visit from the national guest. We remained a few minutes only with this population, during which the general had the satisfaction of conversing with some of his former revolutionary companions, among whom he recognized one named Foster, who had been particularly attached to his service, when he was wounded at the battle of Brandywine.

To land at the little town of Hudson, we had to cross the river somewhat obliquely; at the port, which is very commercial, we were received by the authorities and people, at the head of whom was presented a detachment of about 80 revolutionary soldiers. One of them advanced from the ranks and showed him a sword he had received from Lafayette at Rhode Island. “After my death it will change owners,” said he, “but its destination shall never be changed, it shall always serve in defence of liberty.”

Triumphal arches had been erected, a public entertainment prepared, and the ladies were ready for dancing, but we had to forego all these festivities, in order to arrive at Albany the same day, where the general was expected with impatience. The inhabitants of Hudson perfectly comprehended his situation, and had the kindness to detain him but for a very short time.

The wealth of Hudson is daily increased by its commerce and manufactures. The population which in 1820 was not quite 3000 souls, at present amounts to 5000. The town is regular and well built; it arises in an amphitheatre about an hundred feet above the level of the river. The largest commercial vessels may lie at its wharves. Its environs are strongly marked with an agreeable aspect, and are well cultivated. Hudson was founded in 1784, and still contains many descendants of the Hollanders who came over in 1636.

In spite of the power of our steam engine, which enabled us to ascend the river at the rate of six miles an hour, it was five o’clock P. M. before we reached Overslaugh a small town situated upon the left bank of the river, a short distance from Albany. Here we were obliged to suspend our voyage, as the steam-boat drew too much water. We landed, and were immediately placed in an elegant barouche surrounded by an escort of dragoons, commanded by general Van Rensellaer and colonel Cooper, and in a few minutes we arrived at Greenbush, another village, in the centre of which we found a triumphal arch, beneath which some refreshments were presented, while the members of the corporation addressed the general, who answered them with that facility and appropriateness, which at least four or five times a day, caused the surprise and admiration of those who heard him.

It was not until night that we arrived in front of Albany, upon the banks of the river, which it was necessary we should cross to enter the city, which stands upon the right bank. A large team-boat called “Horses Back,” received both our carriages at the same time, drawn by four horses each, about thirty of the light-horsemen of the escort, and more than a hundred foot passengers, and bore us quickly to the other shore, which rung with the acclamations of the multitude, and the incessant thunder of artillery. The situation in which we were placed was grand and majestic; the obscurity of the night rendered it still more imposing; but it was not without its dangers. Every discharge of cannon, by its report and sudden light, startled the mettled horses which surrounded us, and which had no other barrier before them than a slight chain, that could not have hindered them from leaping into the river, if they had not been held by powerful men. George Lafayette’s filial solicitude for his father, caused him to quit the carriage, and take upon himself the securing of the horses which drew the general. At the moment of our landing the multitude redoubled their cries of joy; the escort and carriages sprung rapidly on shore, amidst so thick a crowd, that it is difficult to conceive how so many people, whom the enthusiasm of gratitude had urged upon the very wheels of Lafayette’s carriage, could escape uninjured. At the entrance of the suburb a procession was formed in order; a band of musicians led the march, and we went to the capitol through the principal streets, all of which were rendered light by innumerable illuminations, and high pyramids of blazing wood. At the entrance of the street leading to the capitol, was an arch of triumph, upon which was perched a large living eagle, which flapped its wings as the general passed, as if to render him homage.

We entered the senate chamber of the capitol. The galleries were filled with a great number of ladies. The municipality were assembled there. The general was received and addressed by the mayor, who eloquently expressed the gratitude of the United States, and especially of the city of Albany, “those who have shared with you the toils of our revolution, and who still live,” said he, “hail you as a friend and brother. The generation which has arisen since you quitted these shores, is animated with the same sentiments, and those which shall be born in future ages, will celebrate in you the benefactor of America, the hero of liberty. In each of the hearts which beat around you, you hold the place of friendship, and your eulogy is in all mouths.”

In his reply Lafayette could not avoid expressing his astonishment at the numerous changes which had taken place in the aspect of every thing at present offered to his view. “It is not a half century, since the town, then ancient, it is true, but still very small, served me for head quarters, upon the frontier of a vast wilderness. I received here, as commandant of the northern departments, the renunciation of the royal power and the acknowledgement of the more legitimate sovereignty of the people of the United States. At present I find Albany a rich and powerful city, the central seat of government of the state of New York, and the surrounding wilds changed into fertile and well cultivated plains. The present generation is already distinguished by two glorious wars, and still more by its sincere attachment to the institutions whose excellence assures it an incontestible superiority over the haughty power, which wished to arrogate over it the right of control.”

From the senate chamber we went to the apartments of governor Yates, who, surrounded by his staff, received the general with great cordiality and addressed him in the name of the state.

In leaving the governor, the general was conducted to the principal balcony of the capitol to be presented to the assembled people. At the moment he advanced between the two central columns of the balcony, an eagle descended and placed a crown of laurels and evergreens upon his head. This was loudly applauded by the numerous spectators.

Before going to the hotel, which had been prepared for our reception, the general wished to visit one of his old companions in arms, Mr. Matthew Gregory, who, in the assault at Yorktown, was one of the first to mount the trenches, with him and Hamilton. We found there a numerous company, composed of judges of the supreme court, the bar and principal officers of the state.

This day of emotions and fatigues, under which a man less robust than Lafayette must have sunk, was terminated by a supper in which toasts were drank to the health of the “Nation’s Guest,” and “to the liberty and sovereignty of the people,” and by a brilliant ball, which we left at midnight in order to seek a little rest.

Albany was founded in 1612, by a colony from Holland, and next to Jamestown in Virginia, is the most ancient settlement in the United States. Situated on the right bank of the Hudson, 150 miles from New York, this city does not present a pleasing aspect: the ground is every where unequal: the streets, it is true, are wide and regular, but the architecture of the houses is in bad taste and reminds one strongly of the old towns in Germany. With the exception of the capitol there is no building which has a monumental aspect; this building produces a very good effect, being situated upon an eminence which terminates a fine street called State street. This edifice which serves for the senate, house of representatives, the courts of justice, the society of arts, of agriculture, and also contains the library, is constructed of granite from the banks of the Hudson, and the columns, as well as all the exterior ornaments are in fine white marble from the quarries of Massachusetts. The principal façade is of the Ionic order. Most of the halls are decorated and furnished with a luxury which one at first admires, but cannot in the end avoid blaming, when it is known that it has brought the corporation into debts which necessarily fall upon the people. The entire expense of the building amounted to 120,000 dollars, of which at least 34,000 have been paid by the city.

The town house, academy, Lancastrian school, arsenal, prison, and some other buildings of public utility are properly and commodiously built of brick.

The city is governed by a corporation composed of a mayor, recorder, and ten aldermen, and ten assistant aldermen, all appointed by the people. To simplify the administration and facilitate the superintendence of the police, it is divided into five sections or wards. The watchmen are especially charged to guard against the dangers of fire, and an excellent organization of firemen, secure prompt assistance in cases of conflagration. These precautions are rendered particularly necessary by the presence of numerous magazines of oil and spirits, imprudently established in the heart of the city.

The police regulations are enforced with a rigidity which allows no class of citizens to think of infringing them with impunity. Among a multitude of examples related to me, the following is very remarkable. It is expressly forbidden to gallop through the streets. A short time since, the mayor was at his country seat, not far from the city. Suddenly the ringing of bells and even the sight of the flames informed him that a fire had broken out; he mounted his horse and set out for town, through which he gallopped to the fire; alighted, and placed himself at the head of the firemen. In a few instants his example and prudent advice, contributed to remove the danger, and he quietly returned to his dwelling. The next morning he received a summons to appear before a justice of the peace, who fined him for breaking the ordinance which forbids gallopping through the streets. The mayor did not in any way attempt to justify his fault by the motive that had caused him to commit it, and submitted without murmuring to the award, which he acknowleged to be just. This submission to the law was a good example, and on going out of the magistrate’s office, he was met by a numerous deputation of citizens, who presented him with the thanks of the public for the eminent services he had rendered the preceding evening, in courageously exposing himself to save the property of his fellow citizens.

The annual expenses of the city amount to about 45,000 dollars; its revenues in 1824 were valued at 49,000, but its debt amounted to more than two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. This debt which necessarily depreciates the value of property situated in Albany, was incurred by the prodigality of former administrations. It is thought that it will speedily be extinguished by a sinking fund of a hundred thousand dollars, and especially by the resources which are daily presented by the constantly increasing prosperity of commerce.

As a commercial place, Albany is one of the most considerable cities in the union. Ever since its foundation it has been the place of deposit for all the western produce; at present the facility of communication with lake Erie by means of the Grand canal gives a still greater increase to its commercial preponderance.

About twenty-four steam-boats ply incessantly between Albany and New York, and the number of sloops that trade between the two cities is very considerable.

In 1820 the population of Albany was 12,630 souls; it is at present 16,000.

On the morning of the 18th September, at 8 A.M. De Witt Clinton with a large number of citizens visited general Lafayette’s apartments, to present him in the name of the literary and philosophical society of New York with a diploma, constituting him a member of that society. On this occasion Mr. Clinton pronounced an elegant discourse which affected the general more, as coming from an orator who was the son and nephew of two distinguished men, with whom he had been intimately connected during the war of Independence. During this short ceremony a numerous procession was formed in front of our hotel, and at nine o’clock we embarked amidst the thundering of cannon, upon the canal which leads to Troy. Five handsome canal boats had been prepared for our voyage. The first carried a band of musicians; general Lafayette was in the second, with governor Yates, the ex-governors Lewis and Clinton, the mayor and city council, and some of the principal citizens of Albany. In the three last followed the escort commanded by major Coles, composed of an artillery company and three companies of infantry. We stopped a few minutes on the way to visit the Gibbonsville arsenal, belonging to the United States. This arsenal, one of the most considerable and best provided in the union, was founded in 1813, under the direction of colonel Bumford of the artillery, actually attached to the department of war, and completed by major Dalliba of the same corps, who has introduced into it a system of administration remarkable for its order and economy. At his entrance into the court of the arsenal the general was received by the officers of the post, and saluted by the discharge of three pieces of cannon taken at York-town. We remarked among the pieces of artillery, some French pieces presented by France to the United States during the revolutionary war; and all the camp equipage taken with general Burgoyne at Saratoga. We visited all the armouries, which are kept with remarkable care and elegance. We found there more than 30,000 muskets made after the best European models, as well as a large number of well made pistols and sabres. The powder magazine is also well provided.

Before mid-day we arrived at a point where the canal communicates with the Hudson opposite to Troy. At the sight of this town, which at present contains 8000 inhabitants, and which in commercial importance, is next to Albany in the state of New York, general Lafayette was struck with astonishment. “What!” cried he, “this town has arisen as by enchantment!” “No,” answered some one near him, “but it has been created and peopled in a few years, by industry protected by liberty.” The general then informed us that when in 1778, he crossed the Hudson at the same point, with a part of the army he commanded, there was then but two or three little cabins on the spot, in one of which, with some difficulty, he procured a cup of milk, and some corn bread. While he was giving us these interesting details our boat descended to the river, where a dozen decorated boats towed us across to Troy.

Landing in the midst of the numerous population which crowded the shore, the general was received by a committee appointed to express to him the sentiments of gratitude and attachment of the citizens. “Your indefatigable devotion to the cause of civil and religious liberty,” said the speaker, “has rendered your name illustrious wherever the rights of man are respected and honoured. The liberation of this country was an act worthy of the patriots by whose councils and arms it was consummated. Their toils, privations and sacrifices, and still more particularly your generous efforts, have impressed the hearts of the citizens of these states with a profound sentiment of gratitude which is increased daily by the development of an unexampled prosperity, and the benefits of the wisest institutions. May you long enjoy among us the fruits of your glorious labours. These fruits you may gather in the form of our government which guarantees to us, order and liberty; in our legal system which at the same time secures public peace and private rights; in our public schools, which bestows upon the poor as well as the rich, the benefits of a good education, in the change of our vast deserts into fertile fields; in the origin, increase, and multiplication of our cities, towns, and villages; in the creation of numerous means of communication to facilitate our commercial relations; in the variety and harmony of our different religious sects; finally you will gather the fruits of your labours and of those of our revolutionary patriots, in the spirit of enterprise and industry of a frugal people, content with their condition, obedient to the laws, at peace with themselves and the whole world, and lifting their grateful voices first towards God, and then to their benefactors, at the head of which your virtues and generous services place you.”

Unanimous applause, and the cry a thousand times repeated, of “Welcome! Welcome! Lafayette,” followed this speech, and the answer of Lafayette. He was immediately after raised in the arms of the people and placed in an open carriage, accompanied by colonel Lane, who fought with him at Brandywine, Monmouth, and York-Town. The procession, preceded by the Masonic Lodge, and followed by numerous corps of soldiers, passed through the streets of the town, amid the shouts of joy of a free and grateful people. While we were at breakfast in the house, from the balcony of which we had seen the troops of the town and adjacent country defile before us, the general received a message from the ladies of Troy, who invited him to visit the young ladies’ boarding school, where they were collected to receive him. He accepted the invitation with eagerness. The avenues to this establishment, directed by Mrs. Willard, were decorated with green branches and flowers, and terminated near the house in a triumphal arch, under which he was received by a committee of five ladies, headed by Mrs. Pawling, who in a few words elegantly expressed the patriotic sentiments of the ladies of Troy, and their tender gratitude to the illustrious benefactor of their beloved country. He was conducted by this committee into the interior of the establishment, where no other man went with him, and some moments after, we heard the pure and angelic voices of the young girls repeating in chorus, “To visit us thou hast left thy beloved family in a distant land, but be not afflicted; art thou not here in thy country? Behold how many of the daughters of Columbia are proud and happy to salute thee by the tender name of father.”

The general soon returned from the house; his features exhibiting profound emotion, and his eyes swimming in tears. He slowly descended the steps surrounded and supported by the principal ladies of the institution. Two hundred young girls followed him, clothed in white, harmoniously raising to heaven their grateful voices. They accompanied him to the outer gate where they took a tender leave of him, in the presence of several thousand spectators, whom this scene kept plunged in reverential silence.

General Lafayette was unwilling to quit Troy without paying some private visits to different persons of his intimate acquaintance, and particularly to Mrs. Taylor, with whose family he was connected during the revolution. Mrs. Taylor is a young lady much distinguished by her talents, and the information which she acquired at the institution we had just visited. We found at her house a very pretty cabinet of mineralogy, remarkable for its richness and order. She presented to the general as a remembrance of Troy, a beautiful herbarium containing more than two hundred of the most remarkable plants of the vicinity, collected, arranged and described by herself.

After these visits, we slowly left the town, in the midst of the population covering the road by which we had to reach the Hudson. Every one pushed towards the carriage and wished to shake hands with Lafayette. Fathers raised their children above the crowd that they might get a better view of him, and ask his benediction. At the moment we crossed the river, three cheers and a salute of artillery expressed the farewell and last wishes of this rich and happy city.

The town of Troy is situated upon the left bank of the Hudson, six miles from Albany, a little above tide water, and in a somewhat extensive and very fertile plain of alluvial formation. The river at this place is still more than 800 feet wide. Sixty sloops belonging to the inhabitants of this town, are employed in commerce, which does not prevent other vessels from finding occupation. The exportations of grain especially are very considerable.

Upon all the water courses falling into the river, and upon the river itself, are a great number of furnaces in full activity, rolling, slitting, and casting iron, and lead. The most considerable of these establishments is that of Adamsville. The principal building which contains the nail factory, has twenty-four machines for cutting and heading nails; they are all put in motion by an enormous wheel, turned by the force of the stream. This establishment manufactures a thousand tons of iron annually.

About two miles from Adamsville is a fine cotton manufactory, which has constantly 1700 spindles in action, moved by thirty machines turned by water. Near at hand is a bleaching ground for cotton cloths, where the bleaching is done by a chemical process for one or two cents a yard.

Tanneries, potteries, paper making, soap making, and lumber yards surround this city on all sides, which in 1786 did not exist; which in 1801 was nothing but a small village; did not acquire the distinction of city until 1816, and in 1820 was ravaged by a fire, the damages of which amounted to more than 360,000 dollars! In the sixty days following this catastrophe, the insurance company faithfully fulfilled its engagements, amounting to 110,000 dollars; and in a short time the burnt buildings were replaced by others more elegantly, more commodiously, and durably constructed. At present the city daily increases according to a regular plan; all the streets are large, right-lined, and furnished with fine pavements.

The inhabitants of Troy are not less remarkable for their love for letters and science, than for their activity and intelligent industry. They have in the city three periodical journals, four printing-offices, five considerable libraries, and a great number of public schools.

Troy also possesses many other sources of happiness and prosperity, concerning which out short stay in this city prevented me from obtaining positive information. It appears that the canal works for facilitating commerce are worthy of particular attention. But perhaps I shall have an opportunity of returning to this subject, as we expect to visit the greater part of the canals in the state of New York.

I remarked, with pleasure that the black population, which is not very numerous, (about 300) freely united their wishes for the Nation’s Guest, with the white people. At present there are scarcely thirty slaves in the city; from 1827 liberty will no longer have to blush in the presence of coloured men!

In returning to Albany, whither we went back by land, we visited governor Yates and De Witt Clinton, who was also governor of the state in 1817 and 1818. The latter, who has already passed through a long and brilliant political career, is destined, unless I am deceived, to play an important part in the affairs of his country. He has already successively been secretary to his uncle George Clinton, member of the New York legislature; senator of the United States; thrice mayor of New York; member of the committee of internal navigation; president of the canal board; lieutenant governor, and then governor of the state; many benevolent institutions owe their existence to him; he is member of almost all the scientific societies, and I shall not be surprised to hear his name one day, among the candidates for the presidency of the United States. He is at present 55 years old. It is difficult to find a man of more imposing figure, or of a nobler countenance. Every one agrees that his ruling passion is to augment the good of his fellow creatures. These are his titles of recommendation to a nation that knows well how to reward those who devote themselves to her service.[15]

It was very late when we left Albany: we came out of the city as we entered it by the light of bonfires, and went on board the steam-boat Kent at the place where we first landed. A few moments after we began to redescend the Hudson for New York, where we arrived at day-break on Monday, after a navigation of thirty-six hours, only interrupted by the short visits we made to Newburg, West Point, &c.

CHAPTER VIII.

Streets of New York: Drunkenness: Prostitution: Lotteries: Hospitality: Bankruptcy: Women and young girls: Luxury: Hotels: Police: Anecdote: number of passengers arriving at New York from 1818 till 1819.

On returning from our voyage up the Hudson, general Lafayette expressed his desire to enjoy the calm of private life, that he might consecrate some moments to the kind intimacy which a great number of his old friends demanded. In consequence public entertainments were suspended, the citizens resumed their usual occupations; and I had leisure to examine with advantage the customs and physiognomy of the people of this great city, which until now I had only beheld in gala dress.

My first excursion had naturally for object to visit the whole length of Broadway, which is the bazar of American industry, as it is of the productions of all the world. Its length of about three miles, the width of the side walks, solidly constructed and flagged with broad stones, the elegance of the buildings, the richness and variety of its stores, and the ever active crowd by which it is enlivened, makes this beautiful street, one of the most interesting objects for the traveller, who has time for observation. A single circumstance renders it unpleasant, in my opinion, which is that the immense grave yard of Trinity church is separated from the streets by nothing but an iron railing. This view contrasts in a painful manner with the gay groups of young ladies, continually passing lightly along by this sad receptacle of the dead. I am astonished that the wisdom of the corporation of New York, which has done so much for the improvement and health of the city, has not yet thought of removing this focus of putrid exhalations, which in some seasons of the year may become fatal to the whole population.[16]

The greater number of the streets which open into Broadway, are also very clean and regular; but those running in the vicinity of the wharves are commonly disagreeable enough. There are a great many dirty and badly built frame houses, which serve as retreats for drunkenness and debauchery. Drunkenness produces frightful ravages, and annually plunges a great number of victims into the prisons and hospitals. A vast number of crimes and diseases have no other cause. The extreme facility with which the poorest wretches acquire money, the low price of spirituous liquors, which pay no duty, and perhaps also the excessive heat of the climate, are without doubt the principal causes of this disgusting passion. It is said that New York contains more than three thousand grog-shops, in which are annually retailed at least three millions of dollars worth of wine and strong liquors. This appears a frightful amount when compared with that of the population.

Prostitution is less common here than one would suppose, in a large commercial city constantly thronged with strangers and sailors. There are not more than three thousand public women, which is scarcely a sixtieth part of the population. This would be a very small proportion for Paris, and especially for London, where these unfortunates commonly form a twentieth of the population. If we seek for the causes of this great difference, it will be found principally in the early and frequent marriages of the inhabitants. Men usually marry here, from the age of twenty to twenty-five, and the women from sixteen to twenty. Moreover the marriageable age is not determined by law, neither is there any law by which parents are authorized to prevent the marriages of their children. The religious ceremony alone constitutes the act of marriage, and difference of sect never prevents a minister of another persuasion from bestowing the nuptial benediction upon those who ask it of him. Always sure of obtaining the means of support for himself and companion, the young American is never deterred by considerations of fortune to determine his choice which is almost always according to his feelings. Hence there are fewer single men in society, and consequently fewer causes of corruption. A third scourge more terrible than drunkenness or prostitution, extends its ravages through the city of New York, and daily taints the public morals: I wish to speak of those bottomless gulfs, which swallow indiscriminately the wealth of the rich merchant, and the savings of the poor labourer: which are the wreck of so many long-tried good characters, and which in exchange for the money which is paid them, make no other return but disgrace and misery—In short I mean the Lottery Offices.

The laws of the state of New York forbid the establishment of new lotteries, but the legislature have thought it right to respect those already existing, because they have been founded in virtue of privileges anterior to the constitution. Is not this respect for an evil consecrated by time, a culpable weakness? Some persons with whom I have spoken, have answered that the lotteries of New York do not produce as much immorality as those of Europe, because their product does not go to the treasury of the government, but in the support of the hospitals; nor are they as dangerous to the working classes, because the high price of tickets render them only accessible to the rich. These arguments appear to me to be very weak, and by no means reconciled me to the lotteries.

Of all the cities in the United States, New York is certainly the one in which society has lost most of the national character. The great number of foreigners which incessantly flow into it, is a continually operating cause. However we still find there some principal, strongly marked features, which preserve in its physiognomy the character of nationality. One of these features is hospitality. A single letter of recommendation here suffices to give strangers an entrance into the most distinguished society, and if their character and conduct correspond honorably to the kindness which every one is disposed to show them, it is easy for them in a short time to derive therefrom both pleasure and profit. Unfortunately many show themselves unworthy of this kind reception, and I can scarcely comprehend how, after so many unfortunate experiments the New Yorkers can expose themselves again voluntarily to have their generous hospitality returned by fraud, treachery or calumny. It is not rare to find Europeans, who, when interrogated on the character of the Americans, answer with effrontery, “They are all corrupt, hypocritical egotists.” If we take the trouble to examine the conduct of those who accuse with so much asperity we are altogether astounded to discover that one dare not appear in presence of a certain individual, because he has been long in his debt, is insolvent and unworthy; and that another received at first with confidence into a particular family, has been turned out of doors for having attempted the basest seduction; and in short, that a third is at present an object of public contempt, having at first conciliated public opinion under the mask of virtues, which he was totally incapable of exercising. It would be easy for me to prove my assertion and name some of these wretches: but it would be far more agreeable to me, if I did not fear to wound their feelings, to name Messrs. P. B. M. G. &c. who by their intelligence have secured themselves an honourable existence, and by the nobleness of their characters have preserved the French name from the contempt into which it would otherwise have been plunged by so many adventurers.

Among so many calumnies diffused by ignorant and malevolent travellers, there are some disagreeable truths concerning which it would be weakness to remain silent. Thus, I shall not pass by the numerous bankruptcies which at New York, as in all the large commercial cities of the union, inflict as severe injuries upon public morals as upon that confidence and security which commerce every where demands, as a basis indispensable to its existence and prosperity. A faithless man is not withheld in his commercial dealings by any restrictive law, and it must be confessed that the justice of public opinion is not always sufficiently severe. However, for some years past the correct and upright part of the commercial society of New York, forming an immense majority, have raised their voice powerfully to ask of congress a law which shall secure to the creditors of a broken merchant, an equal right to share in the dividend of what he gives up, and to prevent a merchant who finds his affairs embarrassed, from assigning before-hand, all that he possesses for the payment of a few confidential friends, who have lent him their names and money, by the aid of which they have betrayed the confidence of the public. Congress has not been deaf to the chamber of commerce of New York and many other cities; it has already carefully examined into the possibility of making a law which shall repress these terrible abuses, without interfering with the absolute liberty essential to the existence of commerce. The difficulties have appeared great to the legislators, but not insurmountable. Much is expected from their conscientious and enlightened zeal.

The ladies here dress in the French taste, but their manners are still entirely American; that is, they devote almost their whole existence to the management of the household, and the education of their children. They generally live much retired, and although many of them possess very agreeable and excellent powers of conversation, they do not however occupy much attention in society, where the young ladies appear to have the exclusive right of reigning. These latter, it is true, have from nature and education, all the means of pleasing. The unlimited liberty they enjoy, without ever abusing it, gives a grace and frankness to their manners, and a modest ease, which is sought in vain in our companies, where, under the name of reserve, the most painful insignificance is imposed upon our young ladies.

The American ladies are not more remarkable for their severe conjugal fidelity, than the girls are for their constancy to their engagements. At parties I have often had pointed out to me young ladies of eighteen or nineteen, who had been engaged, and of whose future husbands, one was in Europe pursuing his studies; another in China, attending to commercial business, and a third dangerously employed in the whale fishery, in the most distant seas. Young girls thus engaged, hold the middle place in society between their still disengaged companions and the married ladies. They have already lost some of the thoughtless gaiety of the former, and assumed a slight tinge of the gravity of the other. The numerous aspirants, designated here by the name of beaux, which at first surrounded them, and were received until a choice was made, still bestow upon them delicate attentions, but by no means so particular as formerly, and should one of them, either from ignorance or obstinate hopes, persist in offering his heart and hand, the answer “I am engaged,” given with a sweet frankness and an indulgent smile, soon destroys all his illusions, without wounding his pride. Engagements of this sort, preceding marriage, are very common, not only in New York, but throughout the United States; and it is exceedingly rare that they are not fulfilled with religious fidelity. Public opinion is very severe on this point, and does not spare either of the two parties which may dispose of themselves without the consent of the other.

Persons who think republican principles incompatible with the enjoyments procurable by wealth, will find the luxury of New York excessive, and may suppose that a people which treads upon the richest English carpets; which profusely pours into gold and crystal, the most delicate wines of France, and runs after pleasure in elegant carriages, cannot long continue their independence. Such persons might with reason be frightened, if luxury here, like that of our princes and courtiers of Europe, sprung from the oppression and toils of the people; but they may comfort themselves by reflecting that this luxury is the offspring of industry, the rich and fruitful daughter of liberty.

If luxury have invaded the dwelling of the banker; if she be seated at the table of the manufacturer, or penetrated even to the cabinet of the man of science, she has not yet crossed the thresholds of the hotels. Nothing can be more simple, nothing can be more modest, I might almost say more incommodious than the boarding-houses of New York, and indeed of all the other cities of the union. The bed-rooms are commonly large halls, containing seven or eight beds, placed not more than three or four feet apart, in which travellers go to rest at night, and quit them very early in the morning. Every one dresses and undresses himself in silence, and as it were in public, as there are neither screens nor curtains to conceal the business of the toilet. Three meals are offered daily to the boarders; in the morning at 8 o’clock, breakfast, composed commonly of bread and butter, eggs, fish, smoked meats, with tea and coffee for beverage: the dinner is amply supplied with large pieces of boiled and roast meat, accompanied by some pastry, and a few unseasoned vegetables; the whole washed down by a large quantity of wines, and other liquors; supper is exactly like the breakfast. These meals are always announced at fixed hours by the ringing of a bell, at the sound of which the boarders move with precipitation to seat themselves at table, at which, with still greater precipitation they take their food, and nothing is heard but the clattering of knives, forks, and dishes, as conversation is rarely carried on between persons entirely unacquainted, unless they have been introduced to each other by a common acquaintance. The parlour, or hall, which the inmates frequent in the intervals of the meals, is commonly a great compensation for the community of the bed-chambers, and the silent precipitation of the dining-room. Here one finds the newspapers; sometimes a piano, and often a select society, the honours of which are almost always gracefully done by the lady of the house, whose education and manners differ essentially from those of boarding-house keepers in Europe. It is especially in the relations of host and hostess, with the guests, that the feeling of equality which here animates all ranks, displays itself with all its force, and it is not in the least degree more affected by the act of receiving than that of paying money. Servility and arrogance are as uncommon in the boarding-houses of New York as they are said to be frequent in those of London. The mean price of boarding and lodging in New York is about a dollar and a half per day. No deductions are ever made for meals of which the boarder may not have partaken.

Although New York is a very extensive city, containing a numerous population, and annually receiving at least 30,000 foreigners, great disorders are unknown to it, and the slightest crimes but rarely escape the vigilance of the police, which is not less surprising for its activity than for the quietness of its proceedings; from the perfect order which reigns by day and night, it appears to be every where present, and yet it is no where seen in operation. The security which it guarantees to strangers, as to citizens, is not as at Paris the result of the odious combination of assassin soldiers and disgusting spies; the traveller is not obliged on entering to declare his name, rank and business to obtain the protection due to all; in short, after having resided for some time in New York, one is forced to admit that its government, like a good genius, makes its benign influence every where felt, without allowing itself to be any where seen.

Europeans for a long time accustomed to submit to one man or several men, who under the name of government, trammel at their pleasure the exercise of the natural rights of other men, their subjects, with difficulty conceive of a nation, in which all individuals without exception may travel in every direction and for the greatest distances, enter all cities and sleep tranquilly in all the inns, without being obliged to carry with them that ridiculous and tyrannical permission of the government written upon a scrap of paper, called a passport. This unbounded liberty of travelling in all directions causes them a surprise which sometimes amounts to incredulity. The following anecdote which is warranted as true, is a pleasant proof of the foregoing assertion.

Proscribed in 1815 by the restoration, General C. had been obliged to quit Paris precipitately, and seek an asylum near Havre with a friend, whence he hoped to have an opportunity of passing without danger to some land less inimical to him than his country. An opportunity was soon offered; an American ship captain moved by his sad situation, willingly received him on board and conveyed him to the United States. The joy which General C. experienced at being out of the reach of danger, was the sentiment which at first entirely absorbed him; he forgot that he was flying, perhaps forever, his country, family and friends; the vast ocean and the coming thirty days which separated him from New York, gave him a security, which was not disturbed but by the sight of the new land whose hospitality he came to seek. He then remembered with affright, that he had left Paris so precipitately, that he had not brought a paper with him. Without authentic documents, without a passport, what was to become of him. However, he landed and the custom house officer who questioned him politely as to the contents of his portmanteau, caused him a degree of fear he had never before felt, except when his master the Emperor Napoleon looked at him with an air of dissatisfaction; at the end of a few minutes the custom house officer allowed him to proceed without demanding his passport! doubtless it must have been through inadvertancy, by which he resolved to profit. Our general officer much lighter by half, had his baggage speedily conveyed by a porter to one of the hotels in Broadway; there a servant received him and shewed him into a chamber containing four or five beds, on several of which were lying articles which indicated that they had been taken possession of; he inquired with uneasiness if he could not have a private room. There was but one which contained two beds, which was given him, with a promise that no one else should be introduced there. Once alone, he breathed more freely, and thanked his happy star that he had so fortunately passed so many dangers. The next packet from Havre would bring him letters of credit; he could then make himself known and obtain protection. It was then only necessary to avoid being arrested as an adventuring vagabond or suspected person, to pass fifteen days in his retreat, and to this he was resigned. He had already passed three days in his solitary confinement, when on the morning of the fourth day, his landlord presented himself and with an air of politeness without obtrusion, and of interest without curiosity, said “I am not naturally indiscreet sir, nor am I in the habit of troubling my guests with impertinent questions, but I fear that the severe seclusion to which you appear to have condemned yourself since you have been in my house is provoked by chagrin or by some unfortunate embarrassment, and I come to offer you without ceremony my services, which I wish you to accept in the same manner.” The simple and cordial manner in which this was said, encouraged our poor hermit. “You appear to be a good man,” said he to his host, “and I will confide in you; my situation is unfortunate, as you shall judge.” Then casting an uneasy glance around the chamber and lowering his voice, continued, “I am a French officer, forced in consequence of the great events which you know to have happened, to quit my country, and to seek a refuge from proscription. The Americans and their government are hospitable I know, but here, as well as every where else, the police which watches over the safety of the citizens, demand without doubt that strangers shall make themselves known, and how can I do it, as I have not even a passport? How can I then obtain permission to reside in this city, or to go to another? You offer your assistance; be then my security to the police, that I may reside in and move about without interruption, and my gratitude shall be unbounded.” From this disclosure and the agitation which accompanied it, the American thought the French officer must be mad, and he would have remained in this belief, if the other had not explained to him the indispensable importance and necessity of a passport to a traveller in Europe. He then hastened to quiet his fears by saying, “that the authority which governs us emanates from ourselves, and we have not been so senseless as to give it the absurd power of paralyzing our most natural faculties, as those of going in any direction, or as far as we please. Foreigners landing on our soil are allowed to enjoy all their faculties, which do not interfere with the rights of other men. Go then wherever you wish, from Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic Ocean to Lake Huron, or remain an inhabitant of New York, and I guarantee you the most perfect security, the most absolute liberty.” The general could scarcely believe the assertion, but experience soon convinced him, and in his first excursions he was less struck by the beauties of nature and the aspect of an entirely new country, than by the happiness of not being obliged at the entry of every town, or at every change of horses, to show his passport to a police officer.

The movement of the port of New York is one of the most animated and varied pictures that can be imagined. Scarce a half hour elapses without a ship quitting or arriving at the wharves. The wharves are constantly covered by groups of travellers arriving or departing; the variety of their dresses and languages prove that there are few parts of the globe with which the United States have not intercourse. In the midst of the crowd which is animated by various sentiments of surprise or regret, it is easy to distinguish the Americans by their calm, I might almost say their indifference, on returning to or quitting their natal soil, and their friends which accompany them to, or receive them on the shore. Accustomed from infancy to compare together the vast distances which separate the different points of their country, the American is less affected at the moment of sailing from New York to China, than a citizen of Paris would be in going to view the sea at Dieppe. We may perceive the facility with which Americans travel abroad, by glancing at the tables of the number of passengers landed at the different ports of the union: we shall find that the citizens of the United States form a prodigious proportion, in the ratio of their population.

The following table which contains the number of passengers landed at the single port of New York from March 1st 1818, to the 11th of December, 1819, will enable one to judge approximatively of the proportion of passengers which each nation furnishes to the travellers of the United States.

Americans | 16,628
English | 7,629
Irish | 6,067
Scotch | 1,492
French | 930
Belgians | 590
Germans | 499
Swiss | 372
Spaniards | 217
Hollanders | 155
Italians | 103
Danes | 97
Portuguese | 54
Prussians | 48
Swedes | 28
Africans | 5
Sardinians | 3
Norwegians | 3

CHAPTER IX.

Departure from New York: journey from New York to Trenton: battles of Trenton and Princeton: visit to Joseph Bonaparte: state of New Jersey.

On the 22d of September we left New York for the third time. The profound silence of the crowd which filled the streets, and the sadness impressed upon all countenances, indicated that this third absence of Lafayette was to be prolonged. How much this departure contrasted with our arrival. At present not one cry of joy, not one acclamation; but how much of expression in the very silence of the people and soldiers, who stood in double ranks from our hotel to the shore where the steam-boat awaited us. The general wished to go on foot through the long space we had to traverse, and sent away the carriages which had been provided; but when he appeared at the door he was so much crowded by those who wished still to see him once more, that it was impossible for some moments to disengage him, and open him a passage by which he might move onwards. At every step he was retarded by the most touching farewells; persons threw themselves before him, took his hand and squeezed it with tenderness, and then abruptly quitted him with averted countenances, to conceal the tears they could not restrain.

Accompanied by a large deputation from the city, we went on board the steam-boat Kent, which was to convey us to the state of Jersey, from which we were only separated by the North river, which at this place is of prodigious width. At the moment we pushed off, the cannon thundered forth farewell! but its sounds appeared to us to be mournful! it appeared to be harmonious with the adieus of the crowd which stood sadly on the shore. We participated in this sadness, and perhaps we should have yielded to our feelings, had we not suddenly been struck by a contrast, which soon changed the nature of our sensation. On the left bank of the river we had left a bereaved family mourning the departure of a father; while on the right bank we heard shouts of joy from men who were waiting to receive their liberator. We were soon among them, and their frank and cordial reception lessened the pain of our recent separation.

Mr. Williamson, governor of New Jersey, had assembled at Jersey city, where we landed, all his staff and a detachment of militia, by which we were escorted during all our route across New Jersey. Our journey was through Bergen, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, New Brunswick, Princeton and Trenton, in each of which towns, and in all the intervening villages, Lafayette was received with the most brilliant festivities, prepared in the same spirit of enthusiasm and gratitude which had actuated all parts of New England. At Bergen a deputation of the citizens presented him with a cane, in the name of the inhabitants, made of a branch of the apple tree under which he breakfasted with Washington, when he passed through the town during the revolutionary war. This apple tree was blown down in 1821 by a terrible storm. These different circumstances were engraved on the golden head of the cane.

At Newark, a pretty small town situated upon the Passaic, the Nation’s Guest was hailed by the patriotic songs of numerous chorusses of boys and girls. Lafayette passed the night at Elizabethtown, and the next morning he entered New Brunswick amid the ringing of bells and the thundering of cannon. On the 25th he stopped for a few moments at Princeton, where the President of the College, at the head of the professors, presented him the diploma of membership of the society, which under the presidency of Dr. Witherspoon, had unanimously elected him. In the evening we arrived at Trenton, where a great concourse of people awaited Lafayette, at the head of which the magistrates expressed the sentiments of love and gratitude by which every citizen was animated towards him.

The whole line of country which we had passed through during these two days, is commonly called the garden of the United States. This name agrees admirably with this fertile part of New Jersey, which is watered by numerous streams, and adorned with the most beautiful plantations. If in this two days’ march our eyes were constantly delighted with the beautiful aspect of nature, our imagination was not less agreeably occupied by the historic recollections which every step over this soil brought to mind. It was by the same route that Washington effected his excellent retreat in 1776, after having received some checks upon the North river. It was at Trenton and at Princeton that by a bold manœuvre, he resumed the offensive against his presumptuous adversary, which inspired confidence into his troops, and recalled victory to his standards.

The details of these glorious days could not but vividly interest me; and I listened to them with avidity when I heard them related by some old members of the Cincinnati society with which we dined on the day of our arrival at Trenton. The following is the account given of the facts, which they witnessed.

“Washington having learned that an advanced corps of five hundred Hessian and English cavalry, commanded by Colonel Rahl, had taken position at Trenton, formed the project of surprising and capturing them if possible. To effect his design, he made choice of Christmas eve, thinking correctly that discipline and vigilance would be somewhat relaxed by the festival. He had not then more than 3000 men under his command: he took 2400 and formed them into two divisions, one under general Green, and the other under General Sullivan, and at their head he crossed the Delaware in boats at midnight on the 25th of December, during a tremendous storm of rain and snow. Having landed on the Jersey shore, he directed one of his columns to the left to gain the great road to Maidenhead, and the other to march directly upon Trenton, following the river. The march was so quick and secret, that the two columns arrived at the advanced posts by seven o’clock in the morning and entirely surprized them. At the first discharges of musketry the brigade ran to arms, and some men attempted to harness the artillery, which was parked in the church, but they were prevented by the quickness with which the American advanced guard came up. The Hessians and English seeing themselves altogether surrounded, soon ceased to defend themselves, Colonel Rahl and some other officers having been dangerously wounded in the commencement of the attack, the troop surrendered at discretion. This action which secured to the victors six pieces of cannon, a hundred stands of small arms, three standards, twelve hundred prisoners, and much baggage, did not at most cause them the loss of ten men. General Washington decided that the Hessians should be sent into the interior of Pennsylvania, and should have all their baggage. This generous treatment, which they were far from expecting, inspired them with great veneration for the American general, who they said was a very good and very amiable rebel.

“After this success Washington retired beyond the Delaware where, after having received considerable reinforcements from the states of Maryland and Virginia, he re-entered Jersey and encamped at Trenton: at this news Lord Cornwallis discovered himself to have been mistaken, when he supposed the war to be at an end: he soon perceived that his opponent was not a man to give up an undertaking as long as a single musket remained; in consequence he resolved to pursue him vigorously. Notwithstanding the rigors of the season, he collected his scattered troops from their winter quarters, and marched against him with considerable forces. At this approach, Washington retired behind the Assanpink, so that Trenton was placed between the two armies, which during the first evening exchanged some cannon shots, after having spent some time in reconnoitering. However Cornwallis was daily reinforced, and only waited for the arrival of the two brigades of Brunswick to attempt the passage of the brook, and attack. Washington’s situation was then very critical; provisions began to fail, and all communication with Jersey and the Western States was cut off, but he never despaired of the success of the holy cause he defended. On the 2d of January at one o’clock at night, he ordered fires to be lighted, and left a few soldiers to keep them burning while the army marching by its right to fall back subsequently upon its left, passed behind the British army, and re-entered Jersey. The movement was dangerous had it not been secret, for it was necessary to prolong it considerably upon the right in order to cross the Assanpink more easily at its sources, and then fall back upon Princeton. It was executed with rare success; about a mile from Princeton, the advanced guard of Washington in entering upon the great road, found itself face to face with the English regiment of Colonel Mawhood, which was marching in full security towards Trenton; the action immediately began; the American advanced guard was soon driven in by the vivacity of the English fire. General Mercer who commanded it, yielding to his impetuosity wished to renew the attack with the bayonet, but in leaping a ditch he fell among the English, who mercilessly put him to death, at the moment he was presenting his sword, in the belief that he was a prisoner. The Americans discouraged by the loss of their leader, concealed themselves in the woods to wait the arrival of the main body of the army, which was not long delayed. The English corps continued its march upon Maidenhead, so that when Washington arrived upon the place of action, he found only the forty-eighth English regiment, which at the sound of the first firing, had turned to the great road; this he suddenly attacked, dispersed it and took some prisoners. During this time, General Sullivan rapidly advanced, leaving the Princeton road upon his left, with the intention of turning this town and cutting off from the troops occupying it all hopes of retreat upon Brunswick. A wood through which he had to pass, was occupied by two hundred English, which were dislodged in an instant, and rapidly pursued as far as Princeton college, from which they might have maintained an obstinate resistance, but this they did not attempt, and were obliged to ground their arms almost without a combat. Washington at the head of his principal corps, after having dispersed or taken all before him, marched rapidly upon Middlebrook. He was willing to push on as far as Brunswick, which at that time he could have taken without difficulty, but his troops had marched thirty miles in a day, and were harassed with fatigue; he was therefore obliged to halt. It would be difficult to depict the astonishment of Cornwallis on hearing at twelve miles in his rear the audacious attack of an enemy, whom he thought in front, amidst the fires which still blazed upon the banks of the Assanpink. He retired precipitately upon Brunswick, and from that moment Jersey was free, and Pennsylvania secure.

“We arrived at Trenton on Saturday the 25th of September; the next morning we attended divine service in the presbyterian church, and afterwards Gen. Lafayette went in a carriage with the governor and one of his aids, without escort or parade, to Bordentown, the residence of Joseph Bonaparte. The Ex-King appeared much affected by the visit of the nation’s guest, and received him with an expression of sensibility and cordiality, which proved to General Lafayette that time had not weakened the sentiments of affection he had heretofore exhibited towards him. He detained us to dinner, and introduced us to his family, which at this time was composed only of his daughter and his son-in-law, the Prince of Musignano, son of Lucian Bonaparte. Before dinner was served, Joseph withdrew in company with Lafayette to his cabinet and remained there for more than an hour. We passed this time in conversation with his son-in-law, a man of affable manners and apparently of very cultivated intellect. He is devoted to scientific studies, and particularly to natural history, with which he is principally employed. He has continued with considerable talent the great work of American Ornithology commenced by Wilson. After dinner, of which Madame de Musignano did the honors with much amiableness, we found the gardens and yards crowded with the inhabitants of the vicinity, who brought their children to receive the benediction of the patriarch of liberty. Joseph himself with eagerness ordered the doors to be thrown open and in an instant the apartments were filled by the enthusiastic multitude. It was truly a striking picture to behold these good American villagers under the rich ceilings of such a mansion. Although their eyes were unaccustomed to all the splendor of a regal establishment, they stopped not to dwell upon the beautiful productions of the French and Italian schools, nor upon the bronzes and exquisite statuary of which these apartments are adorned with elegant profusion; it was Lafayette alone that they wished to see, and after having seen him they retired satisfied and as if incapable of noticing any thing else. When the crowd had silently left the house, Lafayette hastened to excuse himself to his host for having drawn upon him such a concourse; to this Joseph replied with much kindness that he felt very happy that his neighbours had associated their welcomes with his, and added, moreover I have long been accustomed to see them in as great numbers, as on every fourth of July we celebrate together the anniversary of American Independence.”

Time flew rapidly during this visit, and the Governor of New Jersey was obliged to remind the general that we had only time enough to reach Trenton before night. We immediately set out. Joseph and his family wished to accompany the general a part of the way, we divided the carriages which were prepared for us and slowly traversed the large and beautiful property, the peaceable possession of which appeared to me far preferable to that of the troubled kingdom of Spain. When we reached the great road, Joseph stopped the carriage and addressing Lafayette with ardor, said “permit me to halt upon my frontiers and restore you to the tenderness of the Americans, who claim the happy right of doing you the honors of their country.” He then warmly embraced the general, shook us kindly by the hand, and retired rapidly with his family.

During all this visit Joseph Bonaparte showed himself to be an amiable and intelligent man. The benevolence he displays to his neighbours, the generosity with which he receives strangers, and especially unfortunate Frenchmen, and in short the amenity of his character have gained him universal regard.

On our return to Trenton, we passed the evening with the governor, his family, and some of the principal citizens of the state; the conversation turned upon some of the principal events of the revolution, in which General Lafayette had been conspicuous. The recollection of the sacrifices of all sorts made at that glorious period, naturally led the conversation to the great benefits which have accrued to all parts of the union. One of the governor’s officers, a gentleman of cultivated mind and remarkable knowledge, rapidly sketched for us the developement of the prosperity of New Jersey, from the time it was freed from the ridiculous and absurd colonial system.

This province was first settled in 1628, by a Swedish company, and after passing through the hands of the Dutch and English, changed masters at least ten times in seventy-two years, scarcely contained twenty thousand inhabitants a century after its commencement, and but 100,000 at most when it was first called to participate in the advantages of independence. At present it contains, at least, 280,000. Although the state of New Jersey was constantly the theatre of the revolutionary war, and its losses consequently considerable, its prosperity at this time equals that of the most flourishing states; protected by forty years of peace and liberty, its industry has created it a fruitful source of wealth.

The constitution of New Jersey was discussed and adopted by the continental Congress, held at Burlington on the 2nd of July, 1776. This constitution was preceded by a declaration supporting the following principle.

“All constitutional authority, hitherto possessed by the kings of Great Britain over these colonies, or their other possessions, only existed by virtue of contract by the people, granted it for the common interest of all society. Fidelity and protection being in the nature of things, reciprocal ties, depending equally upon each other, the contract is susceptible of dissolution by the people, when these advantages are withdrawn or refused, and seeing that George the third, has refused his protection to the good people of these colonies; has sought by divers acts to give them up to the absolute power of the parliament, and has himself made war upon them in the most cruel and unheard of manner, for the sole reason that they wished to maintain their just rights, all authority exercised by the king of England is necessarily at an end.”

The constitution of New Jersey also establishes three powers, the legislative, executive, and judiciary, but with this difference, that in this state the governor is always a member of the legislative assembly, and chancellor of the state. He is annually elected by the council and general assembly. He has the right of pardoning, even in cases of treason; is commander-in-chief of the military forces, but has no influence in the appointment of captains and subalterns, which are always elected by the companies of each county. None but the generals and officers of the staff are elected by the council and assembly.

The military force is composed of about forty thousand men, of every description of arms. The militia regulations are very similar to those of Massachusetts.

CHAPTER X.

Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of Pennsylvania: commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia: public buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.

On Monday, the 27th of September, we crossed the Delaware upon a bridge about nine hundred feet long, and entirely roofed, so as effectually to preserve it from the weather. Foot passengers cross on a good side walk; the middle of the bridge is divided into two roads, one of which carriages take in going, and the other in coming, in order to avoid all accidents. It is built after the plan of Mr. Burr, who laid the foundation in 1804; the structure was completed in 1812. At his entrance into Pennsylvania, General Lafayette was received by the governor and his staff, at the head of a number of troops, and citizens of Morrisville; from Morrisville we went to sleep at the arsenal in Frankford, after passing through the charming little town of Bristol. We resumed our march next morning, amidst a still more numerous escort than that of the previous evening; and as we approached Philadelphia, the footmen, horsemen, and carriages, increased our procession so much, that we could not without great difficulty advance. On a plain at a short distance from the city, General Lafayette was received by the civil and military officers, and about 6000 uniformed volunteer militia, drawn up in hollow square, amid the thunder of cannon. After he had reviewed the troops, and they had defiled before him under the command of General Cadwalader, we resumed our march to enter the city. Never could it be more truly said, that a whole population came out to meet Lafayette; none remained at home but those whom age and feebleness detained. Stages had been erected on each side of the streets, as high as the eves of the houses, for the accommodation of spectators. In the principal street of the suburbs by which we entered, the different trades were drawn up in line, at the head of each corps was a workshop, in which were workmen at their employments; a banner accompanied each of these workshops, containing portraits of Washington and Lafayette, with this inscription, “To their wisdom and courage we owe the free exercise of our industry.” The printers were the most remarkable among all these mechanics. Over a press which they had in operation in the open street, was the following inscription, “Liberty of the Press, the surest guarantee of the rights of Man.” From this press, an ode to Lafayette, written by James N. Barker, was thrown into the carriages, and among the crowd, as they passed. After the mechanics, followed the public schools, the masters and scholars all being decorated with a ribband bearing a portrait of the general, and the motto “Welcome Lafayette.” At the head of the procession marched a detachment of cavalry; the nation’s guest followed in a magnificent barouche drawn by six horses, and by his side was placed the venerable Judge Peters, who was the secretary and soul of the war office throughout the revolutionary struggle. Then followed the mayor, city council, and judges, in different carriages; then George Lafayette and myself in a barouche, and behind us four large open cars resembling tents, containing each forty revolutionary soldiers. No one could, without emotion, behold these veterans of liberty, whose eyes half extinguished by age, still poured forth tears of joy at their unexpected happiness, in once more beholding their ancient companion in arms. Their feeble and trembling voices were re-animated by the sounds of the martial music which accompanied them, and acquired a new vigour in blessing the names of Washington and Lafayette. A long column of infantry closed the procession. After passing through the principal streets, and under thirteen triumphal arches, we halted and alighted before the state house. While we rested there a few moments, the representatives and senators of Pennsylvania, the city councils, judiciary, and military officers, assembled in the principal hall, and a few minutes after, under a salute of thirteen guns, we were conducted into the Hall of Independence, and the general having been led to the foot of the statue of Washington, was impressively addressed by the mayor.

In listening to this address, and recognizing this hall in which the declaration of independence of the United States was signed; this hall at whose door he had waited in 1777, with so much impatience to devote his life and fortune to an almost desperate cause, Lafayette felt an emotion he could scarcely conceal, and which several times shewed itself in his eloquent answer.

The people were then admitted to take the guest of the nation by the hand; this greeting lasted for several hours, and presented a picture of the most perfect equality that can be imagined. Mechanics with their hardened hands and uprolled sleeves, advanced to Lafayette; the magistrate and plain clad farmer stood together; the clergyman and player moved side by side, and children sure of having their rights and feebleness respected, marched boldly along before soldiers and sailors. The varieties of dress contrasted singularly with the uniformity of physiognomy, which all expressed the same sentiment of gratitude and admiration.

After this reception, General Lafayette was conducted to Washington Hall amidst a constantly increasing crowd.—A splendid dinner was here served up; all the public officers were present, and numerous toasts were drank. One was drank to Greece regenerated, wishing her a Washington for a leader, and a Lafayette for a friend.

At night, a population of one hundred and twenty thousand souls, augmented by forty thousand strangers from various parts of the union, walked about by the light of an illumination, celebrating the exploits of the champion of liberty, and these rejoicings of the people, which in Europe under the protection of the police would have been signalized by murders, robberies, and accidents of all sorts, here passed without the slightest disorder. The next morning the mayor, Joseph Watson, came to visit General Lafayette. He brought in his hand the report from the high constable, which he showed us. “See there,” said he with an expression of lively satisfaction, “see how freemen behave! More than forty thousand strangers have come to participate in the rejoicings of my fellow citizens, and I have not found it necessary to increase the number of watchmen. We have but a hundred and sixty, who are unarmed, and they have not had a single tumult to repress in this night of joyous and popular effervescence! Examine these reports! not a single complaint—not the slightest trouble,” and joy sparkled in the eyes of this virtuous magistrate, whose chief happiness has its source in the excellence of those over whom he presides. In my opinion the mayor of Philadelphia would make a very bad prefect of police in Paris.

On the succeeding days the general received in the Hall of Independence, the addresses of various regularly constituted bodies, such as the clergy, the Philosophical Society, Bible Society, the University, the Chamber of Commerce, the bar, children of the public schools, Washington Light Infantry, Lafayette Benevolent Association, the revolutionary soldiers, the French residents of Philadelphia, &c. &c. To each of these addresses General Lafayette replied extemporarily with an elegant facility, so appropriate to the various circumstances by which he was surrounded or was reminded of, that the admiration and surprize of the public constantly increased.

The deputation of the clergy presented a very interesting picture, and was well suited to fix the attention of an European. Led by the venerable Bishop White, who was chaplain to Congress during the revolutionary war, it consisted of nearly eighty pastors of almost every different sect, but all animated with the same sentiment of tolerance and charity. The orator always expressing himself in the name of the ministers of all denominations proved himself the faithful organ of their unanimous sentiments in the following address.

“General,

“The Ministers of the Gospel, in this City and its Liberties, present to you their congratulations on your arrival in the United States, and assure you of the interest which they take in the satisfaction manifested universally by their fellow-citizens, on the occasion: the effect of gratitude for your services, in the infancy of their national existence.

“As Pastors of different religious denominations, we are thankful to the Bestower of all Good, for the enjoyment of a Government of equal laws, extending its protection to professors of religion in every form, not hostile to the peace and the due order of civil life. Possessed of this sentiment, we honour and esteem those who have contributed to the establishment, or to the stability, of the liberal institutions of our country. Among them we cannot but perceive a conspicuous station to be occupied, by the eminent person whom we have now the honour of addressing.

“It is gratifying to us, that having hazarded his person and his fortune in the cause of our commonwealth, in the season of her difficulties and her dangers, he has revisited her after such a lapse of years; and become a witness of her subsequent prosperity, and of her progress in whatever can adorn society, or ensure its safety.

“With our congratulations, general, we request you to accept of our affectionate wishes, and the assurances of our prayers, that under the blessings of a gracious Providence, your remaining days may be as happy, as the former have been glorious.”

The following is General Lafayette’s answer.

“The joint testimonies of affection and esteem, with which I am honoured by the respectable pastors of the several denominations in the city and environs of Philadelphia, at the same time that they fill my heart with sentiments of high gratification and profound gratitude, afford an additional proof of the holy fraternity which, in this happy land, unite together the ministers of a gospel of liberty and equality.

“How can republican principles be better supported than by pastors, who, to their own eminent virtues, join the inappreciable advantage of being the free elective choice of their respective congregations.

“I beg you, reverend gentlemen, to accept my respectful and affectionate thanks for your kind address, the more gratifying to me, as it is delivered by a respectable old friend, the friend of Washington, whose patriotic prayers and blessings have in this Congress Hall been associated with the most important events of the revolution.”

The discourse of bishop White, and the answer of Lafayette awakened in me, I confess many new ideas; I began to comprehend that under a good government, religion and liberty, far from being incompatible, mutually support each other, and to procure this happy alliance, unknown in Europe, nothing is wanting but that government, renouncing the absurd and monstrous system of wishing to make tool of religion, should leave the citizens to choose and pay those to whom they entrust their consciences.

I have said that the French residents of Philadelphia, expressed to General Lafayette their sentiments of personal attachment, and the pleasure they experienced in seeing one of their compatriots in the enjoyment of so glorious a triumph. They were led by Mr. Duponceau, their orator, who acquitted himself with that ardent eloquence which has its source in loyalty and love of liberty.

Mr. Duponceau, whom we already had the pleasure of hearing address General Lafayette, at the head of the Philosophical Society, of which he is a member, and of the Philadelphia Bar, of which he is one of the principal ornaments, has resided in the United States since the war of Independence, through which he served with distinction under the command of Baron Steuben, whose aid-de-camp he was. As a lawyer and learned man, Mr. Duponceau has acquired in his adopted country a brilliant reputation, which is enhanced by the practice of every virtue. During our stay in Philadelphia, we counted among our happy moments, those which were passed in his always amiable and instructive conversation.

We found also in Philadelphia another of our compatriots, whom we were very happy to embrace; this was General Bernard, a man not less modest than learned, whose talents and disinterested patriotism were not appreciated by the French government of 1815. General Bernard, who as is known passed with distinction through the imperial court of Napoleon, without losing any thing of his republicanism, which may be considered as a phenomenon, has here found just estimators of his merits. Charged by the American government to secure the defence of the Union by a complete system of fortification, and the prosperity of its commerce by the construction of canals and roads of immense extent, he gives us the satisfaction of seeing a French name nobly connected with all the sublime enterprises of a great nation. No one can know General Bernard without feeling for him sincere sentiments of esteem, admiration and friendship.

All the time that General Lafayette could withhold from the kindness of his numerous friends and the people of Philadelphia, was spent in visiting the humane and public institutions, which are exceedingly multiplied in this vast city; but before designating or describing them, I will give a rapid glance at the settlement and history of Pennsylvania.

In 1627, a company of Swedes and Finlanders landed on the banks of the Delaware, and laid the first foundations of that colony, which was afterwards so rapidly developed under the mild and humane institutions of William Penn. The wisdom and moderation of the Swedes and their excellent administration, should have secured them the peaceful possession of a soil which they had acquired by the free grant of the natural proprietors, the Indians, but scarcely thirty years elapsed before they were deprived of their possessions by the Hollanders, who themselves were soon dispossessed by the English, not less rapacious, and more cunning.

In 1681, Charles II. king of England willing to reward the services Admiral Penn had rendered to the crown, granted to his son William Penn 20,000 acres of land upon the banks of the Delaware; this grant was secured by a charter which contained the following clause.

“The colony shall bear the name of Pennsylvania. William Penn, his successors and lieutenants, with the consent of a majority of the freemen, or their representatives freely assembled, shall levy taxes for public service, establish tribunals, appoint judges, &c. The laws shall be framed with reason and in such manner as not to be in opposition with those of England. The sovereign reserves to himself the right of examining private affairs, and to judge them in cases of appeal. In all cases where the positive law of the province is mute, the laws of England shall be followed. A duplicate of all the laws passed in the province shall be forwarded every five years to the Privy Council, and if in the lapse of six months afterwards, they are declared to be contrary to the royal prerogative, or to the laws of England, they shall be declared null. The proprietary shall collect such taxes as the assembly shall fix upon merchandize: they shall always have at the court of London a deputy to answer any allegations against them; and in case they shall be condemned by the courts, and shall not satisfy the award within the lapse of a year, the king shall resume the government until the demands are satisfied, nevertheless without prejudice to individual proprietors, as well as the inhabitants of the province. They may transfer the property. The property of lands already occupied by Christians shall be respected. The monarch will neither impose fines nor taxes upon the colony without the consent of the proprietary or the assembly, or without an act of the government.”

On the 11th July 1681, the proprietary, and those who were to emigrate with him, agreed “that before distributing lands to purchasers enough should be reserved for the public roads, and that all business with the Indians should be transacted in the public market; that all differences with the Indians should be settled by six emigrants and six Indians; that of every five acres one should be left in wood, in order to preserve the oaks and white walnuts for shipbuilding; and that no one should leave the province without giving three weeks previous notice at the public market.”

About the end of the same year the colonists arrived in Pennsylvania, and commenced their settlement. Penn himself arrived at the beginning of the next year, and bought of Lord Berkely, and the heirs of George Carteret, for the sum of £4,000, some parts of New Jersey, which he added to his property, and thus became possessor of all the space comprised between the 40th and 42d degree of latitude. He also bought some lands of the Indians, which he paid for with scrupulous exactness, never thinking that his title of European gave him the right of unmercifully despoiling the savage nations of their natural and legitimate possessions. This spirit of justice and moderation soon conciliated the attachment of the Indians, who from being as at first hostile to the settlements of the whites, soon became benevolent and faithful allies; Penn’s reputation soon reached Europe, and inspired a multitude of unfortunate men with the desire of seeking within his territories for peace and liberty. The first colonists, who came over with him, imitated his virtues, and the settlement flourished. In the year 1682, William Penn called a general assembly of the inhabitants, and employed their aid in drafting a constitution, the execution of which should be confided to a governor assisted by a provincial council, and the inhabitants formed into a general assembly. The council was to be composed of seventy members chosen by the inhabitants, and presided over by the governor or his representative. One third of this council was to be renewed every year.—On this occasion William Penn delivered an address in which he established this proposition, too much misunderstood by the people and governments of Europe.—

“Whatever may be the form of government, the people are always free so long as they are only governed by the laws, and they participate in the formation of these laws; that it is the sole means by which they can be free; and that beyond these conditions there is nothing but oligarchy and confusion: that the great ends of all government are, to make power respected by the people, and to guarantee the people from the abuse of power; and that thus a people is free in obeying, and the magistrates are honorable, and honored by the justice of their administration and submission to the law.”

Troubles, however ensued; they were caused by the claims of the governor of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, and William Penn was obliged to go to England to maintain his rights. During his absence he confided the government to five commissioners, who disappointed every one by abusing their authority. Under these circumstances, king James having abdicated, his successors seized on the government of Pennsylvania, but three years after, that is, in 1696, it was restored to the proprietary. In 1699 Penn returned to Pennsylvania, and resumed the management of affairs; he then proposed a new constitution which was adopted and maintained until the revolution. New vexations soon recalled Penn to England where he suddenly died of apoplexy in 1718. His death was undoubtedly a great loss to the colony, but the society of Friends, of which he was the chief, showed itself a worthy inheritor of his virtues, and continued by its liberal politics to attract to the province all the men who were disgusted by regal despotism and religious persecution in Europe. From 1729 to 1754 the colony received 30,517 emigrants, principally Irish and Germans. Then all the different doctrines arose from the bosom of the new population, which affected their consciences, and separated the colony into quakers, episcopalians, baptists, presbyterians, catholics, lutherans, calvinists, moravians, covenanters, methodists, universalists, &c. &c. Some of these sects unfortunately let loose their spirit of proselytism and persecution, of which themselves had been victims in Europe, and sometimes they were found to persecute their neighbours the Indians, to impose upon them their creeds. It was this fanaticism which led in 1763, under the execrable pretext of freeing the land from the pagans to the merciless massacre of the Conestoga tribe, which lived so peacefully and securely under the treaty of William Penn. This barbarous act destroyed the good understanding, which had existed during nearly sixty years between the Indians and colonists, and excited those wars which were only terminated in 1779 by the almost total extermination of the natives, the sad remains of which were sent to the banks of Niagara.

From the death of Penn until 1763, the good understanding between the colony and mother country appeared to have suffered no alteration; but the stamp act met with as much resistance from the Pennsylvanians as it did in New England; and in 1768 the provincial assembly protested with energy against the right which parliament wished to arrogate of taxing the colonies. In 1773, the tea imported into Philadelphia by the British was destroyed as it had been at Boston, and all Pennsylvania answered by an unanimous cry of approbation to the insurgent voice of Massachusetts. Finally it was at Philadelphia that in 1776, fifty-four representatives from thirteen states, headed by John Hancock their president, signed the immortal declaration of Independence of the United States.

Towards the end of the same year, the convention of Pennsylvania assembled at Philadelphia, adopted and proclaimed a new constitution, which was preceded by a preamble and declaration of rights.

From the time that this constitution was adopted, Pennsylvania has continually advanced in population, wealth, and prosperity. In 1790, she had but 450,000 souls, at present she contains 1,500,000, of which 41,000 are engaged in agriculture, whose flourishing condition may be compared with the most fertile parts of France. It is especially since property has become more divided by the augmentation of population, that agriculture has made such rapid advances. Ancient estates of 1200 acres, are at present generally divided into farms containing from eighty to a hundred acres, on which are erected commodious dwellings and out-houses, and rich orchards, which constantly furnish the markets with the finest fruits. Since the introduction of plaster as a manure, lands have much increased in value. It would be difficult, I believe, to purchase land in the vicinity of large towns, lower than at the rate of one hundred dollars an acre, or lower than from six to seven dollars in the least inhabited parts of the state.

The greater part of the farmers are not only cultivators, but also traders and manufacturers; they make the woollen cloths for their own use, and sell a great deal of liquor distilled from peaches, corn, rye, maple sugar, &c. They make also large quantities of cider, and for their particular occasions they make wine from currants, raspberries, &c. &c. but seldom from the grape.

The war of 1812, which paralyzed foreign commerce, largely contributed to the advancement of the manufactures of Pennsylvania, which are at present very numerous and very various. According to late estimates it appears, that they employ a capital of more than 40,000 dollars, and at least 60,000 persons.

Since the last war, commerce has resumed its wonted activity; however, the exports are not in proportion with the activity of the industry of the state. Exports consist principally of corn, flour, beef, pork, flax-seed, iron utensils, plank, soap, candles, &c.: in 1820 they did not exceed 8,000,000 of dollars. The coasting trade is considerable, and about thirty ships are employed constantly in the India, China, and North West Coast trade. Altogether, internal and external commerce occupies about 7,000 persons.

As commerce, agriculture and industry, have no obstacles to prevent their increase, and have no great burthens to support, their prosperity is unavoidably augmented every year. Taxes are light, since none of them can ever be increased beyond one per cent. of the value of the goods. They are levied and collected in the following manner. Every three years, at the period of the general election, the people choose assessors, who after having estimated in money the value of the taxable property, send to the commissioners of the county the names of two respectable freeholders of the district, one of which is appointed receiver. This individual announces to the citizens the amount of their taxes, and the day on which their objections will be heard by the commissioners. The payments are then made, and the money placed in the hands of the county treasurer, who receives as his fee one per cent. of the funds that pass through his hands. The taxes are levied upon lands, houses, mills, manufactures, ground rents, cattle over four years old; upon lucrative commercial charges, and in general upon all offices, except those of ministers of the gospel, and schoolmasters; and in short upon tavern licences, and upon adults engaged in no profession.

The excellent financial organization of the state, and the severe economy carried into all the expenses of government, never require extraordinary taxes, and still allow the public agents to devote sufficiently considerable funds to the execution of the seventh article of the constitution, which directs the legislative power to employ all the means proper to multiply the means of public instruction, to procure gratuitous elementary education for indigent children and contribute to the rapid developement of the arts and sciences. The primary schools for the poor, and academies for the study of literature and the sciences are encouraged not only by legislative enactment, but also by the constant efforts of all the citizens, who subscribe together to create new ones where a want of them is felt.

The civil laws of England are still generally in force in the state of Pennsylvania; their conservation was one of the conditions stipulated in the patent granted by Charles the 2nd to Wm. Penn; they should have been entirely changed at the epoch of the revolution, as all connection with England was then broken off; but time and use had so consecrated them that they were left untouched, and even at present they have undergone but few and slight modifications. The same could not be the case with the criminal laws. The penal code of Great Britain, so often sanguinary, is entirely repugnant to the principles of the mild and philanthropic society of Friends; thus from the earliest days of the colony the object of Penn’s attacks who sought to substitute for it a code more conformable to the spirit of his sect, which vigorously opposed capital punishment, or at least desired that it should not be of such frequent and easy application. But the English Parliament was deaf to the cry of humanity and revoked the code of Penn and the tolerant decrees of Calvert which preceded them about half a century.

After the revolution, the disciples of Penn always animated by his philanthropic spirit, again raised their voice against the barbarity of the English penal code. This voice found an echo in the luminous and profound writings of Franklin, William Bradford, Caleb Lowndes and Dr. Rush, and soon after punishment by death was only inflicted upon premeditated murderers or poisoners. Imprisonment and labour proportioned to the strength of the convict, displaced corporal punishment, and those shameful brandings which complete the corruption of the soul, by consigning the body to enduring contempt.

These happy changes were wrought in 1793; from that period a considerable number of useful essays on the improvement of prisons and amelioration of the condition of prisoners, and particularly on the philanthropic system of the moral improvement of the convicts, have appeared in Philadelphia, and soon were imitated in other parts of the union. The state and city governments have not been the exclusive agents in this work, but a great number of benevolent societies, among which the society of Friends occupy a distinguished place, have devoted themselves to this great and good work. Among all the evidences I could cite, I shall confine myself to that of the most respectable and useful philanthropist, the duke Delarochefoucault Liancourt, who in a large and very instructive work, his travels in the United States during the years ’95, ’96 and ’97, speaks with enthusiasm of the reforming prisons of the United States, and particularly of the state prison of Philadelphia, principally managed by the society of Friends. This word state prison has another signification in Europe; but it here signifies the prisons erected by the state legislatures, for the criminals condemned by the courts of justice. Whenever the prisons of France, England, or other parts of Europe have been ameliorated, the prisons of the United States, and especially those of Philadelphia, have been taken as models.

However, the moral means of reformation so well detailed in the works of Liancourt and other travellers, have not entirely satisfied the ardor of improvement which animates the managers of these establishments; on the other hand, it is probable that the prisons of Philadelphia, by receiving a greater number of convicts, and among these a greater number of Europeans, and a much larger proportion of men less susceptible of reform, have furnished less satisfactory results than at the period described by the duke De Liancourt. These respectable friends of humanity have thought to do still better, and by resorting to solitary confinement, which leaving the prisoner to his reflexions, or to those which may be suggested to him, and separating him from other convicts, offers more chances of his amendment. In consequence, and as no expense frightens the Americans when they are once convinced of any great public good, they have built at a great cost, near Philadelphia, an immense building with its court yards and cells, where every prisoner may be separately shut up, and where from the form of the edifice, an easy and continual watch may be kept up.

This superb establishment was still unfinished, when general Lafayette, accompanied by the committee appointed to do the honours of the city went to visit it, and were received by the respectable directors and managers, who explained to him the improvements made. One must have courage to venture upon contradicting men so virtuous and experienced, as generous in design as in the execution of their benevolent works. The frankness and conviction of the general, overcame his repugnance, and with all the regard and respect which were due, and which his personal situation rendered still more necessary, he represented to them that solitary confinement was a punishment which should be experienced to be rightly appreciated; and that the virtuous and enlightened Malesherbes, who during his administration under the monarchical government of France, had ameliorated the condition of prisoners of state, regarded solitary confinement as leading to madness. The general observed that during his five years’ captivity, he had passed an entire year in solitary confinement, and another part of the time seeing a companion but during a single hour, and he added, smiling, that he had not found it to be the means of reformation, since he was imprisoned for wishing to revolutionize the people against despotism and aristocracy, and passed his solitude in thinking upon it, without coming out corrected in that respect. He also made some observations on a too assiduous watchfulness, such for example as that he had been subjected to, during the early part of his captivity, when he was constantly guarded by a sub-officer who remained in sight of him, and was relieved every two hours. Mr. Adams, at this time secretary of state, appeared to be of the same mind with Lafayette. These opinions have since been discussed in newspapers and pamphlets, in which persons on both sides, understanding the subject thoroughly, have maintained opposite opinions. “I observe,” said Lafayette, “that in the states where the prisons are less crowded, in New Hampshire, or in the state of Vermont, the managers, (in New Hampshire the senate have charge of the prisons,) the legislators and the public, find the old method still good, and it procures the reformation of the convicts, which you complain of being unable to effect in Pennsylvania, and in the most populous states. Why may not your fine building be divided into several parts, each of which to contain the same number of prisoners as the prisons of New Hampshire and Vermont, which would be a mode of separating the criminals and exciting the emulation of prisoners who behaved well; and since in your admirable and philanthropic generosity, you have gone to the expense of a cell for each prisoner, shut them up separately at night, instead of crowding them together in those vast sleeping rooms, where it is true the convicts mutually corrupt each other more than in the day time and at work, when they are watched by their guards.” This discussion of equally well meant opinions, in which it must be confessed the directors and managers have the advantage of experience, has not been limited to Pennsylvania, nor even to America. Many philanthropic Europeans who considered the prisons of Pennsylvania as the type of perfection, have become alarmed at this avowal of their insufficiency, this necessity for change, as likely to trammel the efforts of the friends of humanity in Europe. One of the most distinguished Englishmen, Roscoe, the historian, has already written against some opinions which he regards as erroneous, contained in a report made upon prisons to the legislature and public. Soon after Mr. Roscoe entered into a discussion relative to the prison of Philadelphia, and has published some pamphlets on the subject which do equal honour to his understanding and his heart. Such was the existing state of the question, which the circumstance of our visit to the prison caused me to consider. A numerous, enlightened, and experienced portion of the citizens of Pennsylvania, and especially of Philadelphia, appear disposed to try solitary confinement, not as an exception to, but as the basis of, the penitentiary system. Many worthy men whom I have seen and conversed with on both sides of the Atlantic, are of an opposite opinion; but it is exceedingly fortunate for a country that already bestows so much attention upon questions of this sort, that the experiment will be made by well meaning persons, who beyond doubt will modify their system when they perceive its unfitness. After having obtained such wise and generally desired reforms, the ever active philanthropy of the Pennsylvanians has been unremittingly directed to every thing which can contribute to repair or diminish the evils of humanity. The government and directors have vied with each other in zeal; in all parts of the state, hospitals and charitable establishments have exceedingly multiplied. In the year 1774, a society devoted to the abolition of the slave-trade, and to the succour of blacks illegally held in bondage was formed, of which Franklin was the first president.

The Humane Society for affording succour to apparently drowned persons, was established in 1780. This society has considerably diffused the apparatus necessary for attempting to afford such relief; and has established prizes for those who have in any way contributed to save the life of a fellow creature.

Four female benevolent societies, for the relief of widows and orphans, were founded during the years 1793, 1802, 1809, and 1811. The Washington Benevolent Society of Pennsylvania, founded in 1812, also deserves to be mentioned; it was composed of more than 3,000 members, each of which payed two dollars on admission, and the same sum annually into the treasury. These funds were devoted to the relief of members of the society, or to their families.

Nearly thirty benevolent associations for mutual assistance, have been established by the different classes of mechanics, designated by the names of the society of master masons; of carpenters; of stone-cutters, &c. There are similar associations for foreigners, and their descendants, among which may be numbered the benevolent society for Frenchmen in distress, founded in 1805. That for the Germans was founded in 1801.

A circumstance well worthy of remark, is that of four great benevolent establishments in Philadelphia; there is not one which is not founded and supported by private donations or subscriptions, and managed by citizens who devote their time and attention to them without fee. These four institutions are the Pennsylvania hospital; Christ church hospital; the Philadelphia dispensary, and the lunatic asylum.

Most of the travellers who have visited Philadelphia, agree in this point, that the rigid manners and grave characters of the Friends, who are very numerous in the city, have produced an unfortunate effect upon general society, by impressing upon it an air of frigidity and monotony, which render it insupportable to Europeans. I can neither contradict nor adopt these opinions; for how can I form a judgment upon a population which I have only seen in an accession of enthusiasm and gratitude, which reigned in all hearts, and drew along with it the most serious, even the Friends themselves, after him who was the cause of the sentiment. It is difficult, however, to believe that society lacks charm and resources in a city where science and the arts are cultivated so successfully. The learned men who belong to the philosophical society, the medical society, to the academy of natural sciences, the agricultural society, &c. &c. the large public libraries, rich museums, numerous journals of all sorts, &c. ought to offer in this city sufficient aliment to the most active mind, and in my opinion may largely compensate for the absolute want of all the frivolities to which we unfortunately attach so high a price in Europe.

One may affirm that Philadelphia is the most regularly beautiful city, not only of the United States, but in the world. Its fine streets crossing all at right angles, its large and always clean foot pavements, the elegance of its houses, built of brick, and adorned with fine white marble, and the good taste of its public buildings, at first sight present a seducing view; but may eventually become fatiguing from their exceeding regularity. The plan of the city which was drawn by Penn himself, extends from the right bank of the Delaware to the left bank of the Schuylkill; this distance is about two miles long by one broad; two-thirds only of this space is at present covered with buildings, but new houses are daily erected, and I believe a few years will be sufficient to fill with houses all the space at present remaining unoccupied between the city and the Schuylkill.

Among the public buildings which adorn this beautiful city, we cannot avoid indicating the old bank of the United States, in Third street, the first edifice erected in Philadelphia with columns and a portico. It was begun in 1795, and finished in 1798. Its principal front is entirely of white marble, and resembles considerably the Dublin exchange, which is said to have served for its model. It is at present the banking-house of Stephen Girard.

The new bank of the United States in Chesnut street, the work of the American architect Strictland, is generally considered as one of the finest pieces of architecture in the union. It presents in miniature a tolerably exact image of the temple of Minerva at Athens. It is entirely built of white marble, brought from Montgomery county, in the state of Pennsylvania.

Perhaps, before ending this chapter, I should resume the description of the brilliant and varied festivities which the inhabitants of Philadelphia offered to the Nation’s Guest, during the eight days we passed among them; but a simple enumeration of them, would carry me far beyond the circle to which I wish to confine the narration of this journey, or rather triumph; and notwithstanding all the pleasure I should have had in speaking of the masonic dinner, the civic ball, the visit of general Lafayette to the arsenal, and navy yard, the party at general Cadwalader’s, &c. &c., I am forced to pass from Philadelphia to Baltimore, where the guest of the nation was received with equal transports of love and gratitude.

CHAPTER XI.

Voyage from Philadelphia to Baltimore: American aristocracy: Fort M’Henry: Entry of Baltimore: Description of Baltimore: Defence of the city in 1814.

On the 5th of October, received the touching adieus of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and at 8 o’clock, P. M. we embarked on the Delaware to go down to Chester. We were accompanied by the committee of arrangement, a battalion of volunteers and a great number of staff officers. We arrived at Chester by 11 o’clock at night, and found the town illuminated; the hall in which general Lafayette was received and addressed, reminded him of a very memorable epoch of his life; it was in this very hall that the wound was first dressed, which he received at the battle of Brandywine. Before dismounting he still had the strength and presence of mind to rally a party of troops which were flying in disorder, and placed them at the entrance of the bridge to check the enemy, if he had conceived the thought of following up his first success. These different circumstances were recalled in a very affecting manner, by the orator charged to receive the general in the name of the inhabitants of Chester. After partaking of an excellent supper prepared by the ladies of Chester, we went to pass the rest of the night at the dwelling of colonel Anderson, an ancient companion in arms of general Lafayette.

Next morning we continued our journey, and arrived at an early hour at the borders of the state of Delaware, the point of which we were to cross where it lies between the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New Jersey. There we took leave of our Philadelphia friends, who only left us after consigning us to the care of the Delaware committee, at the head of which general Lafayette recognized with pleasure, captain M’Lane, who commanded with great intrepidity under his orders, a company of partizans during the campaign of Virginia, and who at this time in spite of his 80 years of age, came to receive him on horseback, wearing the revolutionary hat and feather.

We arrived, to dinner, at Wilmington; this handsome town, regularly built between the Christiana and Brandywine, is the largest in the state of Delaware; although its population does not exceed six thousand souls, it is nevertheless the centre of a considerable commerce, which is facilitated by its means of navigation. The vicinity of Philadelphia and Baltimore imparts a great activity to its manufactures. Notwithstanding the entreaties of the inhabitants, general Lafayette was obliged to continue his route to Frenchtown, in order to arrive the same day, where we were to find a steam-boat to convey us to Baltimore. We delayed for some hours at New Castle, to be present at the nuptials of the son of Mr. Victor Dupont, with Miss Vandyke. The marriage ceremony, which was conducted according to the rites of the reformed church, interested us extremely by its touching simplicity of character. It was performed in a hall in presence of the collected members of both families, and of some invited friends. The minister of the gospel before uniting the young couple, made them a short address, in which he explained clearly and without mysteriousness, the duties which their new situation would impose on them in the social order, and spoke of the virtues which could alone contribute to their happiness, like a husband and parent to whom the practice of these virtues had long been familiar. After having united them he terminated by a touching prayer, in English, in which every one could heartily unite, as it was perfectly intelligible to all. Notwithstanding the absence of robes and decorations, this service appeared to me as worthy and imposing as that of the Roman Catholic church.

The night was far advanced when we arrived at Frenchtown, where the steam-boat United States had waited for us a long time. At a short distance from Frenchtown, general Lafayette was met by a numerous deputation, and the aids of the governor of Maryland, who informed him that they were charged to convey him to Fort M’Henry, where the governor had established his head quarters to receive him. Among this deputation Lafayette recognized with pleasure many of his old friends, especially two Frenchmen, colonel Bentalou, ancient officer of Pulaski’s legion, and Mr. Dubois Martin, an old man of 83 years, who commanded the vessel in which Lafayette escaped from Bordeaux to come to the United States. At the moment of our embarkation we learned that Mr. John Adams, secretary of state, had arrived at Frenchtown, on his way to Washington, and that he had accepted with pleasure the invitation given him to join the company of general Lafayette, to whom this was an especial satisfaction, as Mr. Adams was also an old and kind acquaintance.

Many travellers who have visited the United States, and who pretend to be well acquainted with the manners of the country, have stated that the Americans, in spite of their republican institutions, are essentially aristocratic in their habits, the following fact, will, I think, victoriously refute the accusation; and this fact is not an insulated one, nor an exception, as I shall have many others to relate.

On board the steam-boat which conveyed us across the Chesapeake, a chamber was prepared for general Lafayette, and as the committee of arrangement had the kindness to think that those who had participated in his fatigues ought to share in his repose, they had caused two other beds to be placed in the same chamber, one for his son, and the other for me. We were ignorant how our numerous travelling companions were arranged to pass the night; when George Lafayette going on deck for the sake of air, observed that the great cabin in which we had supped was converted into a vast dormitory, the floor of which was covered with beds, which the crowd occupied without ceremony. Among those who were preparing to lie down on the humble mattresses, he remarked with astonishment the secretary of state, John Adams. He immediately addressed him, and besought him to change beds with him; which he refused, declaring that he was very well accommodated, and should be grieved to separate him from his father. I arrived at the same moment and joined my intreaties to those of George Lafayette, remarking to Mr. Adams that the same objection would not apply to my proposition, and added I hoped he would not condemn me to lie in a good bed, when a man of his character was stretched upon a hard mattress: he replied very obligingly, but gave a formal refusal. In short, pressed by our united requests, and the name of general Lafayette which we made use of, he stated that if he even felt disposed to accept our offer, he should still be obliged to refuse it, because before every thing else he must respect the dispositions of the committee of arrangement, and the committee had determined that no one should be admitted into general Lafayette’s chamber but his travelling companions. Mr. George Lafayette now sought a member of the committee of arrangement, and requested in the name of his father, that Mr. Adams should be admitted into the chamber instead of one of us. This latter clause was considered inadmissible by the committee, which, after a short deliberation, determined that a fourth bed should be prepared in general Lafayette’s chamber for Mr. Adams, not because he was secretary of state, but because general Lafayette desired to have one of his old friends near him. Mr. Adams did not consent to relinquish his mattress in the common room, until formally invited by the committee.

If there be any aristocracy in American manners, it must at least be confessed, that the great officers of the government partake of no such privileges.

During the night we advanced in exceeding bad weather, but in the morning when we entered the beautiful river Patapsco, on the banks of which the rich city of Baltimore stands, the sun dispersed the clouds, and his first rays gilding the vast horizon unveiled before us, permitted us already to see the spires of the city and the grove of masts of vessels which habitually fill the port, and the bastions of Fort M’Henry, which defends the entrance of the harbour.—At nine o’clock four steam-boats, the Maryland, Virginia, Philadelphia and Eagle, covered with flags and streamers, and crowded with a multitude of citizens, who came to receive their guest by saluting him with a triple welcome, with which their grateful voices made the air ring, came out of port and formed a line behind the United States, which majestically continued her course towards the shore. When we came within a short distance a number of boats came off to land the company. The first which landed conveyed general Lafayette, the secretary of state Mr. Adams, general Smith, Mr. Dubois Martin, and Mr. Morris, president of the committee. Captain Gardener acted as cockswain, and it was rowed by twelve ship masters of Baltimore. We went on shore in the other boats, and were landed at the wharf of fort M’Henry. The National flag which had floated over it during the last war was hoisted: its ample field pierced by a bomb-shell, attests the vain efforts of the British engineers. At the gate of the fort general Lafayette was surrounded by a number of persons in citizen’s dress, for the most part mutilated. These were some of the individuals who in the year 1814, proved so energetically to the English, how much superior are men who combat for their liberty, country and families, to vile mercenaries hired by kings to gratify their passions. Fort M’Henry defended by a few citizen soldiers, saw before its feeble walls the pride and rage of an English fleet rendered vain, and the enemy obliged to retire disgracefully after a bombardment of 48 hours.

As general Lafayette entered the fort, the salute of cannon announced it to the citizens of Baltimore, who at this time crowded forth to meet him, and covered the long peninsula which extends from the city down to fort M’Henry, between the two bays formed by the river Patapsco. On the parade of the fort were collected a great number of old revolutionary officers, the magistrates, &c. and a detachment of infantry, which, by opening their ranks, allowed to be seen behind them the tent of Washington. If at this sight general Lafayette was affected by various emotions, his son was not less moved in beholding once more the person who had formed the happy and noble idea of bringing it to aid in the solemnities of the day. Mr. Custis, the author of this delicate attention, is the nephew of general Washington; with him George Lafayette passed two years of his youth under the hospitable roof of Mount Vernon, during the imprisonment of his father in the dungeons of Olmutz. The remembrance of their former fraternity, and of the cruel loss of him who had been their common father, caused them an emotion of mingled pleasure and pain, which could only be expressed by their silent tears and embraces.

General Lafayette having endeavoured to calm his first emotion, advanced towards the tent of Washington, where he was received by governor Stevens with an appropriate address.

After this discourse, to which general Lafayette replied with the sincere expression of a grateful and profoundly touched heart, we went into the tent, under which was old colonel Howard, who signalized his youth by the war of independence, and crowned his old age by the laurels gathered in 1814, in defence of Baltimore, and who filled the interval of these two great epochs of his life by the devotion of all his time to the cause of liberty. This venerable patriot, at the head of the society of Cincinnati, also addressed the general, and expressed the sentiments of all his old companions in arms, who could not longer contain the impulse of their joy, and hastened to throw themselves into the arms of their ancient leader, who, as they presented themselves, recognized nearly every one, and reminded them, with vivacity, of the times and places in which they had shared the same dangers and fatigues.

At length we left fort M’Henry, and the procession was formed to enter Baltimore; general Lafayette led the way in an open carriage, drawn by four horses; the vast extent of ground we had to pass on our left, was ornamented by a line of militia on foot and horseback, which formed in column behind us as we passed. On our right were the people who had flocked to meet us from Baltimore. We arrived at the entry of the town, where we found a triumphal arch, supported upon four beautiful Ionic columns. Under this arch 24 young ladies, robed in white, crowned with myrtle, and bearing lances, upon which were inscribed the names of the states of the union, received the Nation’s Guest, encircled him with garlands, and crowned him with laurels. At the same instant, the roar of cannon, mingled with the acclamations of the multitude. The procession continued its progress, and passing through all the streets, finally stopped in front of the City Hall, in the principal hall of which the general was received and welcomed in a speech by the mayor.

In his reply, general Lafayette proved that he had not forgotten the zeal of the inhabitants of Baltimore in the cause of liberty.

After this answer, and when all the members of the corporation were introduced, we went to the principal street of the city, in the centre of which an alcove, covered and adorned with rich carpets, had been prepared for the reception of general Lafayette and his companions. Here the militia of Maryland, whose martial air disclosed the warlike character of this fine country, defiled before us to the sound of Lafayette’s march. Among the numerous corps which passed before us, one was pointed out to the general which marched under a ragged standard; this corps was Forsyth’s riflemen, and the flag was that under which Pulaski died at Savannah.

Pulaski,[17] after having long and uselessly fought for the liberty of his country, Poland, only abandoned it when the cause of independence was altogether desperate, and in search of places where he might still shed his blood for the principles he had hitherto defended. Virginia and Maryland were completely devastated by the war in 1778; when he organized a legion at Baltimore, the arts were no longer cultivated, and the entire activity of the citizens was turned towards war: he was then obliged to have recourse to the most simple colours. A piece of crimson silk, obtained with great difficulty, was embroidered in silk by the religious Moravian women of Bethlehem in Pennsylvania. On one side were the letters U. S. (United States) and the words “vis unita fortior,” on the other side was a field emblazoned with 13 stars, with this legend, “non alius reget” Such was the flag of Pulaski, which always conducted to the path of glory, the warriors who rallied under it. In 1778, the lieutenant colonel of this legion fell under the British bayonets at Egg-harbour, in New Jersey; in 1779, the colonel, who had previously commanded a regiment of hussars in the army of Frederick the Great, was sabred before Charlestown; on the 9th of October of the same year, general Pulaski, who had given his name to the legion, was mortally wounded by a shell, in the attack upon Savannah. In 1770, the major was sabred at Mark’s Corner; colonel Bentalou was then the oldest surviving officer; he took command of the legion, and at the end of the war inherited its flag, which he carefully preserved. Since the revolution it had never been displayed, but he thought that the arrival of Lafayette was a sufficiently glorious occasion for bringing it to light. After the ceremony, he presented it to the museum, where it was received by the hands of the ladies of Baltimore.

After the review, we were conducted to our head quarters, which were established in the elegant hotel kept by Mr. John Barney, brother of the intrepid commodore Barney, who gloriously fell, dreadfully wounded, at the head of his sailors, (at that time acting on shore as soldiers,) in the battle of Bladensburg.

In the evening, the city corporation, the senators and representatives of Maryland, and the governor and his staff dined with the general. After dinner, numerous toasts were drank, which for the most part were expressive of attachment to the person and principles of Lafayette, or sometimes according to the American custom, the opinion of their political party. Mr. Adams, still affected by the touching scenes he witnessed at fort M’Henry in the morning, gave the following, which was received with unanimous applause: “The tears of glory, gratitude, and joy, shed under the tent of Washington.”

Every instant of our stay in Baltimore, was marked by the most brilliant festivals, and the most delicate attentions. It is difficult to give a just idea of the elegance and delicacy of manners of the inhabitants of this city, in which we find the amiable union of American frankness, and French ease. The ball given by the city was every thing that was perfect of the kind; it was prepared in the theatre, and disposed with inimitable taste. All the boxes were occupied by ladies, and the carpet was entirely vacant. We were introduced from the stage, only accompanied by some members of the committee. At the moment the general appeared, he was announced by an invisible music, which played Lafayette’s march, and the gas blazing abundantly from numerous pipes, and throwing floods of dazzling light over the hall, discovered to our delighted eyes the most ravishing picture I ever beheld. The splendour of a parterre covered with the most beautiful flowers, would have looked pale along side of this crowd of beautiful ladies, waving their handkerchiefs, scattering flowers, and expressing, by their sweet tears, the happiness they experienced in beholding the Nation’s Guest. In an instant they abandoned their places, advanced to the middle of the hall, and surrounded the general, who remained for some moments incapable of expressing his gratefulness, so much was he affected. The dancing soon after commenced, and gave us an opportunity of admiring more in detail the graces and beauty of the ladies of Maryland.

We only remained five days at Baltimore, but general Lafayette’s time was so skillfully divided, that he could attend to nearly all the invitations he received. He was present successively at the entertainments of the freemasons, of the Cincinnati society, &c. &c. He daily received numerous deputations from a great number of cities earnestly requesting him to visit them. He visited the various public establishments of Baltimore, and on Sunday attended divine service, celebrated by the archbishop. The mass, in music, was admirably chanted by the ladies of Baltimore, under the direction of Mr. Gilles, an excellent professor, who for some years has diffused in the city a taste for good music, and formed a large number of distinguished pupils. On the same day the corps of militia officers was introduced by general Harper, who, on this occasion, pronounced a discourse, the following passage of which, appeared to me, to be especially remarkable.

“This free homage of our hearts,” said he, “stranger to flattery and ambition, is the more precious to you, as you well know, that it is the testimony of a nation, in favour of those principles of government, for which you have shed your blood in this hemisphere, and suffered so much in the other. This testimony perhaps will not be useless to the sacred cause you have embraced: at a moment when Europe is divided between two parties, one of which is endeavouring to perpetuate absolute power, and the other courageously combats for equality of rights and the establishment of a constitutional government; it will we hope be a great encouragement to the friends of the good cause to know that here we are undivided, and that the American nation is unanimous in its attachment to liberty.”

General Lafayette replied to the orator, assuring him that he participated in his opinions, his wishes, and his hopes.

The testimonials of affection both public and private, which the citizens of Baltimore heaped upon their guest, are too numerous to be all related; however I cannot refrain from stating the following.

The evening before our departure we had passed at the house of general Smith; whence we returned on foot accompanied only by two or three persons. Notwithstanding the lights which illuminated the street, we hoped to be able to pass through the crowd which was considerable, without being known, but the size and gait of general Lafayette betrayed us. He was recognized by some of the passers-by, and his name flying from mouth to mouth, brought the crowd immediately around us. Nevertheless we approached our place of residence, and were already rejoicing that we had not been too long delayed, when George Lafayette feeling himself strongly pulled by his coat, turned round and saw a most beautiful girl, who with her hands joined, and with the most touching voice, exclaimed “I beseech you to enable me but to touch him and you will make me happy.” General Lafayette hearing her, turned towards her and gave her his hand, which she seized and kissed with transport, after which she retreated concealing, her tears and blushes with her handkerchief. Such a circumstance, especially when it is not insulated, says more than the most skilful historian.

We visited in nearly all its details the city of Baltimore, which appeared to me to be one of the most handsome cities in the union. Although its streets are all very broad and regular, still they have not the monotony of those of Philadelphia. The ground upon which Baltimore is built is undulating, which gives to every part a character of variety: from several elevated points of the city, the eye can take in not only the whole of the buildings, but also a part of the port. The sparkling waters of the Patapsco, and the sombre forests which extend in the distance, seem placed there like shadows fit to bring out more strongly the magic picture of a city containing 60,000 souls, which has sprung up in half a century. The inhabitants of Baltimore generally have a decided taste for the fine arts. I have already said that it was to a Frenchman that they were indebted for their marked superiority in music, over almost all the cities in the union. They are also much indebted to a Frenchman for much of their good taste in architecture. Several of their public buildings are built from designs furnished by Mr. Godefroy, who resided a long time in Baltimore. The Unitarian church is a masterpiece of elegance and simplicity. The battle monument (by Capellano) is of a chaste style and fine execution. The Washington monument (by Mills) is considerably similar in its form and elevation to our column in the Place Vendôme, at Paris. It is built of beautiful white marble, and stands on a gentle elevation, whence it may be seen from various parts of the city, and it may be also seen from a great distance upon the water.

The harbour of Baltimore is safe and commodious; it occasionally happens, however, that it is frozen over in rigorous winters. Although two hundred miles from the sea, it is much frequented; the great number of navigable rivers which flow into the Chesapeake, makes Baltimore the centre of a very active internal commerce. Nevertheless, within a few years a very sensible diminution has taken place in the commercial activity of Baltimore, which is attributed to various causes. It is believed that these will be removed, or at least cease to operate prejudicially so soon as the Ohio rail road shall be completed.

Baltimore appears to me to be one of the most agreeable places of residence; its inhabitants although occupied ardently in all sorts of industry, do not neglect those studies which form the taste and enlarge the dominion of intellect. Several scientific societies exist there; one of them, the Newtonian Society of Maryland, formed in 1818, encourages with vigor the study of the natural sciences; the Economic Society, founded in 1819, is intended to forward manufactures and domestic economy. The Agricultural Society is not less remarkable than the others for the services it renders, and by the merit of its members. Before our departure, we were all three distinguished by being elected honorary members of this society. The cabinet of anatomy by Chiappi, (at the hospital,) the museum of natural history, the gallery of paintings by Rembrandt Peale, and the mineralogical collection of Mr. Gilmore, are beautiful and valuable. The city library is composed of about 14,000 volumes, and belongs entirely to the public. What tends to give a great charm to the advantages of the city of Baltimore, is its vicinity to Washington, the seat of the general government, which is about 35 miles distant; which, during the session of congress, offers great attraction to those who wish advantageously to attend to the political debates. However, at Baltimore, as throughout New England, Sunday is rather a dull day; religious observances are austere, though the most perfect liberty of conscience exists. The city contains at least twelve sects; the Catholics are the most numerous, and although thus superior in numerical force, the sect is as mild, as tolerant and as charitable as the others; because it is well known that it would meet with no support from government if it wished to intrigue and domineer as in some parts of Europe.

This city, so beautiful and interesting at present, was forty-five years ago, nothing but a small collection of badly built houses. In 1790, its population amounted suddenly to 13,500 inhabitants: in 1800, by the new census, it was found to contain 26,514: in 1810, 35,583: in 1820, 62,738; and in 1824, it amounted to 65,000, of which at least fifty thousand were whites, and eleven thousand free citizens of colour; the remaining four thousand were slaves. The numbers of the latter are fortunately daily diminishing: the progress of philanthropy, and of interest well understood, although slow, is nevertheless constant, and the friends of humanity have a right to hope that before many years the inhabitants of Baltimore will be disembarrassed from this pest of slavery, which might be called disgraceful if we were not aware how many obstacles have been surmounted to the present time, to abolish this horrible inheritance which England has bequeathed to the United States, as if to punish her for having broken her colonial yoke.

The luxury and the arts introduced into Baltimore, have not brought with them the effeminacy and corruption, which some persons believe to be their inseparable companions. The defence of Baltimore during the late war, sufficiently proves that the inhabitants are still, as in the glorious days of the revolution, passionate lovers of liberty, and courageous defenders of their independence. Their campaign of 1814, did them much honour, and pleads victoriously in favour of the militia system in a defensive war.[18]

CHAPTER XII.

Farewell to Lafayette, by the inhabitants of Baltimore: Journey from Baltimore to Washington: Entry of that city: Visit to the President: Description of Washington: Jesuits.

Our departure from Baltimore was as brilliant as our entry, but not like the latter enlivened by resounding acclamations of public joy. The troops paraded on the plain between the city and fort M’Henry, to perform some grand manœuvres in presence of general Lafayette, after which we were invited to a farewell dinner, under an immense tent, whence we could behold nearly all the points rendered illustrious by American valour during the war of 1814. Generals Smith, Stricker, and Harper, colonels Howard, Carrol, Bentalou and other veterans of liberty were present at this repast, during which a number of toasts were drank, among others was one paying to general Smith a tribute of eulogy and gratitude for his excellent conduct as commander-in-chief, during the late war. The modesty with which the veteran received this testimonial of esteem from his fellow-citizens, proved to us what generous sentiments are inspired by liberty and excellent institutions. He rose with vivacity, and in a short address replete with the fervour of feeling, reproached his friends for heaping their gratitude exclusively on him, while so many brave men had an equal claim to it.—“My plans and orders,” said he, “would have been unavailing, if my troops had not been freemen, and had I not been so ably aided by my worthy friend general Stricker. Cease then fellow-citizens to thank me exclusively, you cannot wish that a republican should appropriate to himself a victory common to all.”

Towards the conclusion of the entertainment a young officer requested permission to sing some verses of his own composition. They were filled with those generous sentiments which among Americans naturally arise at the magic names of liberty, Washington, and Lafayette. He sung them with an engaging expression, but as he drew near the conclusion, and was to pronounce the name of him he celebrated, his emotion overcame his voice, he could not complete his song, and falling upon the hand of Lafayette, he bathed it with tears, and rushed out to escape the praises merited by his feelings and intelligence.

The approach of the sun to the horizon warned us that no time was to be lost, if we wished to profit by his light in commencing our journey; we therefore quickly left the table to join our carriages, which waited for us at some distance; but, so great was the crowd surrounding them, that, notwithstanding the care of those who accompanied us, we were soon separated; the general and his son were literally carried in triumph by the citizens, and it was a long time before I could rejoin them.

Night closed in upon us while on our journey, and rendered the march very painful to our escort, which had been constantly mounted since morning. On this account, added to the general’s wish to enter Washington by daylight, the committee of arrangement determined to propose that he should sleep on the way. To this the general assented, and soon after we arrived in front of an hotel, at which we were to halt, but as we were about to alight, we heard a great tumult of confused voices pronouncing angrily the name of Waterloo: at the same moment an officer of the escort came to the door and informed the general that the name of the house was Waterloo, inquiring if it was agreeable to him to lodge there. The general replied that he would willingly go on, but that he feared to fatigue his escort. They however declared they had rather founder their horses than that he should remain in a house whose name might awaken unpleasant reflections; we therefore continued our journey. Our escort, enraged at the innkeeper, wished before we left the place to pull down his sign, and would have done it, if their officers had not prevented it by reminding them of the sacred right of property. We stopped for the night at an excellent inn two or three miles distant, where we learned that an old tory of this country, still besotted by his love for the English, had rented the other house to a poor innkeeper, on condition that he named it “Waterloo.” Our informant added that every one despised him, and as no one goes to his tavern, he is obliged to indemnify the tenant; however he is rich and obstinate.

On the morning of the 12th of October, captain Sprigg was at the head of his beautiful volunteer cavalry, ready to escort general Lafayette to Washington. Captain Sprigg was not long since governor of Maryland, which office he discharged for several years in a manner that conciliated universal esteem and regard. In relinquishing his public office to return to private life, he did not think he had discharged all his duties towards his country. He organized, almost entirely at his own expense, a company of volunteer cavalry, gave them for instructor a brave Polish officer, colonel Leymanowski, who served for twenty years in the French army, and forgetting his previous elevation, did not think it beneath his dignity as ex-governor, to assume the modest uniform of a captain. One cannot avoid feeling a sentiment of profound respect on beholding this patriotic soldier surrounded by his cavalry, nearly all of whom are farmers residing in the county he lives in, continually employing himself with their military improvement and the perfection of their organization, and especially with the development of their patriotic sentiments, which his conversation and example daily augments. Captain Sprigg is also a tender parent, and an active and enlightened agriculturist.

We soon after met the corporation of Washington, the troops and people who came to meet general Lafayette. We then left our carriages for open barouches, and in a short time entered the capital of the United States. We were already half an hour within the limits of the city, without finding a single habitation; the plan of Washington is so gigantic that it will require a century for its completion. It is only built up in the interval which separates the president’s house from the capitol, and this space at present forms a moderate town. Our march from the entrance of the city to the capitol, was marked by the firing of cannon, and frequently impeded by the crowd which pressed upon the procession. After passing under an arch of triumph Lafayette entered the capital, where all the municipal authorities awaited him: he was conducted to an outer gallery where the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city, in presence of the people. Leaving the capital the procession moved slowly through the city to the president’s house. The way was thronged with the youth of the schools, and by numerous corps of militia. In this part of our progress we passed under the windows of several ambassadors of the holy alliance, to whom doubtless a triumph so excellent, so pure, and simple, must have been an incomprehensible phenomenon.

We arrived at the president’s mansion, which is a very simple building, but in good taste: it is constructed of very hard white stone, has but one story, and terminates by a platform in the Italian style. The first floor is somewhat raised from the ground, and an elegant peristyle leads to it. The yard in front of the house is surrounded by a handsome iron railing, having three gates, which are neither defended by guards, constables, nor insolent lackies. The crowd which accompanied the procession stopped in front of the railing, and none but the city authorities accompanied us into the house. A single domestic opened the principal door, and we were immediately introduced into the hall of audience, which is of considerable size, elliptical in shape, and decorated and carpeted with a remarkable correctness of taste. The president at the upper end of the room, was seated upon a chair not differing in form or elevation from the rest, and had near him the four secretaries of the cabinet, the officers of the army and navy; some senators and public officers were arranged in a semicircle on his right and left. Like the president, they were all dressed in plain blue, without lace, embroidery or decorations, without any of those puerile ornaments for which so many silly men dance attendance in the antichambers of European palaces. When general Lafayette entered, the whole assembly rose, the president advanced eagerly to meet him, embraced him with fraternal tenderness, then came to us and shook us kindly by the hand, after which he introduced us all three individually to the persons present. After this official introduction, the circle broke up, groups were formed, and particular conversations ensued on various points. During this time the president having drawn us three near him, addressed the general thus:—“you are aware from my last letter how much I desired to have you in my house along with your two companions, during your stay in this city; but I am obliged to renounce this pleasure. The people of Washington claim you; they say that as the Nation’s Guest, none but the nation has a right to lodge you. I must yield to the public will, and the municipalty have prepared a hotel, provided a carriage, and in short, anticipated all your wants. You must accept their invitation, but I hope that this will not hinder you from considering my house as your own; you will always find your places ready at my table, and I wish whenever you have no engagement with the citizens, that you will dine with me. This evening, the municipalty expect you at a public banquet: to-morrow you will be present at a grand dinner which I give to the principal officers of government, but once these ceremonies are concluded, I will do every thing I can, that you may be as frequently as possible, a part of my family. This invitation was so cordial and pressing, that general Lafayette frankly accepted it, and retained our united thanks.”

The next day we went to dine with the president, and found there, all the ministers, the municipal, judiciary and military officers. Before taking our places at table, Mr. Monroe introduced us to his wife, two daughters, and his sons-in-law. We found throughout the family, the same cordiality and simplicity, which distinguished the president. Mrs. Monroe is a fine and very agreeable woman.

In sitting down to dinner I observed that but one place was distinguished from the rest, and this was for general Lafayette, whom the president caused to sit on his right. All the rest took seats without ceremony, but all with remarkable modesty. Every one appeared to try to make his rank forgotten. Accident placed me between the secretary of the navy, Mr. Southard, and major general Macomb. The latter speaks French fluently, and had the kindness to answer my numerous questions, as almost every thing I saw appeared strange to me. “You see here,” said he, “nearly all the principal officers of our government; that is, the upper servants of the people. They are not numerous, and consequently the easier to superintend. The people are so much the better served, and the expense is trifling, for among all these officers there is not one who dreams of enriching himself. Their appointments are generally too small to excite cupidity; it is a fact that most of them are obliged to neglect their personal concerns, in order to attend to those of the public, and quit the administration poorer than when they enter it; but an ample recompense awaits their return to private life, in the esteem and gratitude of their fellow citizens, if they have faithfully performed their duties.”

I wished much to obtain some details concerning most of the persons who are here called public servants, but the conversation became general, and interrupted our particular observations. “On your return from Yorktown,” said general Macomb, “you will probably pass some time here, and you can then study the public characters and domestic habits of our statesmen at your ease. This study may prove very interesting to an European, and if I can aid you, you may command my services.” I accepted of his offer with eagerness, and promised myself much advantage from his good advice.

The three following days of our sojourn at Washington were employed by the general in visiting Georgetown, which is only separated from the capital of the United States by a small stream, where he met with a brilliant reception; in receiving daily a great number of citizens, and in passing a few moments with the family of his paternal friend, general Washington. This time I employed in examining the city and its public buildings, and in collecting some notes relative to the District of Columbia.

Some time after freedom, commerce, and industry had effaced the bloody traces of the revolutionary war, and rendered calm the great American family of the union, Congress thought justly that as every state required its entire independence, none of them could long be satisfied with the presence of the central government, which itself needed to be so situated as to be free from all local influence. In consequence a small portion of land, situated upon the borders of Maryland and Virginia, was purchased by government, which made it the seat of its operations in 1800. This territory is ten miles square, and is traversed by the river Potomac, and under the name of District of Columbia is subjected to the immediate administration of Congress. The two most considerable cities of the District of Columbia are Georgetown and Alexandria, both much older than the formation of the district. The first is very prettily situated on the declivity of a hill between the Potomac and Rock Creek; its population is about 7,000 souls: it contains a foundery of cannon, of which I shall hereafter speak; but its commerce, although somewhat active, is much less than that of Alexandria, situated much lower down, on the right bank of the Potomac. The population of Alexandria amounts to 8,000 souls, and its exports, consisting principally of flour, annually amount to nearly 9,000,000 dollars. As to Washington city, it is upon too vast a scale to derive the aspect of a city from its 13,000 inhabitants. But for its public buildings, one might take it for an infant colony struggling against difficulties. In some parts of it, a quarter of an hour is necessary to walk from one dwelling to the next, and it is not rare to see on the way a plough heavily tracing a furrow which will probably bear harvests for another half century, instead of buildings. The projected streets are all large, straight, and parallel to each other, but the greatest error committed in tracing them was that of not preserving a row of trees on each side which would have better marked their direction, and have offered a shelter from the heat of the sun. The most beautiful building in Washington, beyond doubt, is the capitol. It contains two spacious and well arranged halls for the senate and house of representatives; another for the supreme court of the United States, and a third for the national library. The capitol was burned by the English in 1814, who behaved like Vandals when they took Washington; but it has risen from its ashes, more vast and splendid. The workmen were still engaged upon the capitol when I visited it. The navy yard, situated at a short distance from the capitol, is one of the richest and most beautiful establishments of this kind. All the works in wood and iron are effected by steam machinery. I saw there several large frigates building. The armoury appeared to be amply supplied. I was shown some repeating guns for defending entrenchments, consisting of several barrels, connected with one lock, firing fifty successive shots without being re-loaded. Commodore Tingey, who commanded the navy yard, and did the honours with most laudable politeness, promised to show me one of these guns in operation, but not having time to witness it, I could not judge of its usefulness, which some American officers boast much of. In the centre of the principal court-yard, a rostral column is erected in honour of the Americans who fell before Tripoli. It is of white marble, and was surrounded with allegoric figures, skilfully executed; but in 1814, the British, basely jealous of all foreign glory, endeavoured to destroy it; it still bears numerous marks of sabre cuts with which it was struck in brutal rage. The Americans have effaced none of them, and have scarce complained against this act of Vandalism; but they have carved in large letters, on the base of the monument, this severe sentence, “Mutilated by the British in 1814.”

Next to the capitol, the most remarkable building is the mansion of the president. The four large buildings which surround it, and are occupied by the departments of state, are commodiously and solidly built, but are by no means remarkable for their architecture. The town house is not yet finished, and is so little advanced, that one can form no idea of its effect as a public building. As to the theatre, it is a trifling little house, in which three or four hundred spectators can hardly venture without danger of suffocation.

Columbian college, founded but a short time since, at present contains but a small number of pupils. The choice of the trustees and president promise a brilliant futurity to the institution, but it has a formidable disadvantage in the proximity of Georgetown college. This institution, which we visited on the morning after our arrival at Washington, and in which general Lafayette was received with great evidences of gratitude and patriotism, is under the direction of the Jesuits. I could not avoid feeling a painful sensation when I saw the reverend fathers in the costume of their order. All the mischief with which the Jesuits are reproached in Europe, presented themselves in a crowd to my alarmed imagination, and I deplored the blindness of the Americans who confide the education of their children to a sect so inimical to liberty. On returning to Washington, I could not avoid mentioning my reflexions and fears to Mr. C——, a senator, with whom I passed the evening. He listened, at first smiling, but when he heard me express the wish that the Jesuits in all countries should not be allowed to interfere in public instruction, he shook his head with an air of disapprobation. “Such a measure,” said he, “will never be adopted in our country, I hope at least; it would, in my opinion, be contrary to the spirit of liberty which animates us, and unjust towards the Jesuits, against whom we have no cause of complaint. Nor do I know of any power in our society which has a right to prescribe such a measure.” “It is possible,” I replied, “that you have nothing to complain of, because they are here few in number, and have not yet attained power; but patience—see what happens in Europe and tremble.” “What happens in Europe can never occur here, so long as we are wise enough to continue our present institutions; so long as we have neither king, state religion, nor monopoly, we have nothing to fear from the intrigues nor the influence of any association. With whom will the Jesuits intrigue here? with the government? the people are the government. I can well conceive how the Jesuits of Europe by force of intrigue possess themselves of the king’s ear, and fill his mind with religious terrors, by the aid of which they gain from him riches, honour, power, &c.; but really do you believe that with all the trick and address that you attribute to them, that your Jesuits will ever be able to persuade a whole free and enlightened nation to plunder themselves on their account, and to deliver themselves up shackled hand and foot? Never. And in what way are they to accomplish this? By public instruction? In order that this instruction should be an efficacious instrument, they must have a monopoly of it; but thanks to our institutions we have no monopolies of any kind. We do not groan as you do in Europe under the yoke of a privileged university. Here every parent is the sole judge of the manner in which his children shall be instructed and educated. Hence the concurrence among all those who wish to devote themselves to the exercise of public instruction, a concurrence which is only supported by a sincere attachment to our institutions, a profound respect for the laws which are our work, and the practice of all the virtues which make a good citizen. The Jesuits themselves are obliged to fulfil these conditions in order to obtain public confidence, and they do obtain it; so long as they continue to deserve it, I see no pretext for depriving them of a right common to all, and should they ever become unworthy of confidence, public opinion will render them justice.” “Alas!” continued I, “public opinion can do them justice with us also, but can neither drive them from the councils of the prince, nor from the university, nor the rich establishments they have founded, nor the offices they have secured.” “Then,” coolly replied the senator, “have none of these things, and your Jesuits will be as harmless as ours.”

CHAPTER XIII.

Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: Celebration of the anniversary of the surrender of Yorktown: Details of its siege in 1781.

The Virginia militia had long since expressed their desire to general Lafayette, of having him present at the celebration of the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, on the very soil where this great event occurred, which, in terminating the revolutionary war, forever secured the independence of the United States. To accept this honourable invitation, general Lafayette left Washington the 16th of October, crossed the Potomac upon a wooden bridge nearly a mile long, and was received upon the Virginia side by a corps of troops, under command of general Jones. His march to Alexandria, and his entry into that city, were marked by the continual thunder of artillery, placed along the road, and by the acclamations of the people. We dined and slept at Alexandria. As we were sitting down to table with all the magistrates, and a great number of citizens, Mr. Adams, the secretary of state, informed us of the death of the king of France, Louis the eighteenth.

On the 17th, we embarked in the steam-boat Petersburg, in company with the secretary of war, Mr. Calhoun, generals Macomb, Jones, and a great number of other officers and citizens. After a voyage of two hours, the guns of fort Washington announced that we were approaching the last abode of the father of his country. At this solemn signal, to which the military band accompanying us responded by plaintive strains, we went on deck, and the venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us; at this view an involuntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We landed in boats, and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of Washington. A carriage received general Lafayette, and the other visitors silently ascended the precipitous path which conducted to the solitary habitation of Mount Vernon. In re-entering beneath this hospitable roof, which had sheltered him when the reign of terror tore him violently from his country and family, George Lafayette felt his heart sink within him, at no more finding him whose paternal care had softened his misfortunes, whose example and wise counsel inspired his youthful mind with those generous sentiments which at present render him an example of good citizenship, a model to parents and husbands, the most devoted of sons, the most stable of friends. His father again sought with emotion for every thing which reminded him of the companion of his glorious toils.

Three nephews of general Washington took Lafayette, his son, and myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle; our numerous companions remained in the house; in a few minutes after, the cannon of the fort, thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage to the ashes of Washington. Simple and modest as he was during life, the tomb of the citizen-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre cypresses by which it is surrounded: a vault slightly elevated and sodded over, a wooden door without inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands, indicate to the traveller who visits this spot, the place where rest in peace the puissant arms which broke the chains of his country. As we approached, the door was opened; Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few minutes after re-appeared, with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took his son and me by the hand, and led us into the tomb, where by a sign he indicated the coffin of his paternal friend, along side of which was that of his companion in life, united to him forever in the grave. We knelt reverentially near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted with our lips; rising, we threw ourselves into the arms of Lafayette, and mingled our tears with his.

In leaving the vault, we were met by the three nephews of Washington: one of them, Mr. Custis, presented general Lafayette with a gold ring, containing some of the hair of the great man, and we returned to the house where our companions awaited us. An hour was devoted to visiting the house and grounds, which at present belong to a nephew of Washington, who bears the same name, and is one of the judges of the supreme court of the United States. He has made no alteration in the property left him by his uncle, for whose memory he entertains the most profound and tender respect. George Lafayette assured us that every thing in the house was as he saw it twenty-eight years ago. He found in the place where Washington himself had left it, the principal key of the bastile, which was sent him by Lafayette, at the time this monument of despotism was destroyed. The note sent with the key is still carefully preserved.

The situation of Mount Vernon, upon the right bank of the Potomac, is very picturesque, and is seen to a great distance from this majestic river. The house is small, very plain, and surrounded by fine trees. The tomb is about two hundred paces from the house.

After resting a few moments, we resumed the path leading to the shore: our march was silent; each of us bore a branch of cypress, cut from over the tomb of Washington. We resembled a bereaved family, who had entombed a beloved father, recently dead. We were already on board our vessel—and the waves had borne us afar, and no one had interrupted our silent meditation. At last Mount Vernon disappeared behind the high and winding banks of the river; all then grouped themselves on the quarter deck of the steam-boat, and listened attentively till evening to Lafayette, who talked of Washington.

Soon after leaving Mount Vernon we met the steam-boat Potomac, having on board a volunteer company from Fredericksburgh, commanded by captain Crutchfield, and a great number of passengers who came to meet general Lafayette. The two boats after exchanging salutes, sailed in company during the night, and arrived next day at noon at the mouth of York river, where were five other boats, which ascended the river with us to Yorktown. We delayed a moment in front of a point marked for our landing, and at a signal given by the artillery on shore, we debarked in boats commanded by captain Elliot. The general was received on shore by the Yorktown committee, the governor of Virginia and council, the chief justice of the United States, John Marshall, and numerous officers of the army. The upper banks of the river were covered with a crowd of ladies from great distances, and its waters offered an entirely picturesque view from the number, variety and disposition of the vessels with which it was covered. After having replied to the addresses of Mr. Leigh, president of the committee, and to that of the governor of Virginia, general Lafayette was conducted amid the acclamations of the people, to the head quarters prepared for him. It was in the very house that Cornwallis inhabited during the siege of Yorktown, forty-three years previous.

Yorktown, which has never recovered from the disasters of the revolutionary war, because its unhealthy situation prevented the access of new inhabitants, appeared from its actual condition very properly adapted to the celebration which was to take place on the following day: houses in ruins, blackened by fire, or pierced by bullets; the ground covered with fragments of arms, the broken shells, and overturned gun-carriages; tents grouped or scattered according to the nature of the ground; small platoons of soldiers placed at various points, all in a word, conveyed the idea of a camp hastily formed near a village taken and occupied after an obstinate battle. The manner in which we were lodged, tended to keep up the illusion; a single bed was prepared for general Lafayette; all who accompanied him, officers, generals, and the governor, placed themselves at random on mattresses or straw, in the half open and unfurnished apartments. During the night sixty officers formed a volunteer company, to guard the head quarters, around which they were bivouacked. We were awaked at day-break on the 19th, by the cannon thundering from the plain, calling all the surrounding troops to arms. General Lafayette, accompanied by the committee of arrangement, went to Washington’s marquee, which had travelled with us, and was erected at some distance from the head quarters: there he received the different corps of officers from the surrounding regiments. During this presentation we were witness to the most affecting scenes: two old revolutionary soldiers fainted away in shaking hands with the general. The appearance of colonel Lewis who presented himself in the dress of a Virginian mountaineer, and asked permission to address Lafayette on behalf of his county, attracted great attention.

As soon as colonel Lewis had finished this discourse, which was much applauded by the auditors, the general kindly took his hand into his own, thanked him affectionately, and begged him to express all his gratitude to the mountaineers of Virginia, whose excellent and numerous services rendered during the revolution, he rapidly enumerated.

At eleven o’clock the troops approached the head quarters near which they formed two columns, and some moments after they marched to conduct general Lafayette under a triumphal arch erected over the situation of the English redoubt which he formerly carried, at the head of the American troops he commanded during the siege of Yorktown. His march now took place through a double row of ladies whose vivid joy and elegant costume singularly contrasted with the warlike arrangements around us. He was received under the triumphal arch by general Taylor who after the different corps had taken the places assigned them, and silence was established among the surrounding crowd, commenced an eloquent address, in which he developed the motives of American enthusiasm and gratitude, towards Lafayette.

General Lafayette was profoundly moved, and his emotion was still more augmented by the enthusiasm with which the last words of the orator were received by the people. However, always governed by that modesty which so strongly characterizes him, he immediately removed the wreath which had been placed upon his head, and turning to colonel Fish, one of the officers who valiantly seconded him in the attack upon the redoubt; “take it,” said he, “this wreath belongs to you also, preserve it as a deposit for which we must account to our comrades.” Then addressing general Taylor, he returned his thanks, thus:

“I am happy to receive such honourable evidences of friendship from my ancient companions in arms, in the place where the American and French arms were so gloriously united in a holy alliance in favour of American independence, and the sacred principle of the sovereignty of the people. I am happy also to be thus received on the very place where my dear comrades of the light infantry acquired one of their most honorable rights to the love and esteem of their fellow-citizens.” He finished by paying a tribute of gratitude to the officers who directed the attack upon the redoubt, and among them named Hamilton, Gimat, Lawrence, Fish, and added that it was in their name, in the name of the light infantry, and only in common with them, that he accepted the proffered wreath.

After this ceremony all the troops defiled before Lafayette, and we returned to Yorktown, where we passed the rest of the day in festivity. A circumstance of considerable piquancy augmented the interest of this patriotic and military celebration: I have already stated that General Lafayette on arriving at Yorktown, established his head quarters in the same house in which Cornwallis had his, forty-three years before. Some servants, in examining the cellars, in order to put away the refreshments and provisions conveniently, discovered in an obscure corner a large chest; its weight and apparent antiquity excited their curiosity; they opened it, and to their great astonishment found it filled with candles, blackened by time: by an inscription on the lid it was found that they formed part of Cornwallis’s stores during the siege. They immediately made it known in the house, and the intelligence speedily reached the camp. Shortly after all the candles were removed, lighted and arranged in a circle, in the centre of the camp, where the ladies and soldiers danced during the evening. A ball in York-town in 1824 by the light of Cornwallis’s candles, appeared so pleasant an occurrence to our old revolutionary soldiers, that notwithstanding their great age, and the fatigues of the day, most of them were unwilling to retire until the candles were entirely consumed.

Although more than half the night was passed before we could retire to rest, the desire of attentively considering the place in which American independence was secured by a decisive victory, did not permit me to waste much time in sleep. I awoke just at dawn of day, and reached the ruins of the ancient entrenchments of the town as the first rays of the sun fell upon the temporary encampment of the militia, which they had already abandoned; I saw a part of the troops going on board of vessels, which were preparing to leave the shore, while the decreasing sounds of the drum behind the forest, which begins at a short distance from the town, indicated the route of those detachments which sought their homes by land. Although every thing around me offered an exact and piquant scene of war, my attention was not long withheld from my principal object, and I soon began to reconnoitre the situation of the town, the exterior works and the position of the two armies, whose holy alliance had secured the independence of a young nation, and the rights of man on the American continent. Notwithstanding some gardens, and the useless efforts of the plough to fertilize some spots of a soil consisting almost entirely of sterile sand, I could easily find the trace of the fortification of the town, which describes an arc whose chord was formed by York river, which in this place is large and navigable even for frigates; but I had much difficulty in recognising the exterior works. However by the aid of a plan of the siege, I pursued my researches, when I remarked a man seated at the foot of a small pyramid, and who appeared to be plunged in profound meditation. On this pyramid is inscribed in large letters, the names of Viomenil, Rochambeau, Lauzun, St. Simon, Dumas, in short of all the principal officers of the French corps who had fought and conquered at York-town. While I read again and again with satisfaction the glorious names which will remind remotest posterity of the honourable part France took in the struggle of American liberty against British tyranny, the old man rose; I saluted him, and we soon entered into conversation relative to the objects which appeared to interest us equally. He informed me that he had served with Lafayette during the campaign of Virginia, and the siege of York-town; that having lived for forty years since on a farm but a few miles distant, he had not passed an anniversary since the capture of York-town, without coming to the spot, and paying the tribute of his regrets to his ancient comrades, and of gratitude to the French nation. “Since,” said he, “you appear to take so much interest in the details of this event, in which I had the good fortune to take an active part, let us ascend together this point of a bastion, which remains standing among all these ruins, whence we can take in the plan of operations at a glance, and I can make myself better understood.” After the old soldier had looked around to collect his recollections, we sat down together, with our backs toward the town, and in front of us the plain, which the besieging army occupied. “You know,” said he, “how Cornwallis, after a campaign of six months, was driven by the young Lafayette, from post to post through Virginia, to shut himself up in York-town, whence he could only escape by laying down his arms. I shall therefore commence my recital from the period when Lafayette by establishing himself at Williamsburg, rendered it impossible for Cornwallis to escape.”

“In the early part of September, Cornwallis attempted to reconnoitre our position, but judging that it would be impossible to force it, and knowing that all retreat by sea was cut off by the French fleet under Count de Grasse, determined to run the chances of a siege, and endeavoured to fortify himself as well as he could. We all thought, that profiting by the enthusiasm which our late successes had excited in the army, Lafayette would not give his adversary time to prepare himself, but would lead us at once to a final victory. But the young general on this occasion manifested a moderation perhaps still more admirable than his bravery and talents; neither the solicitations of his officers, who pressed him not to lose this opportunity of winning new laurels, by striking the last blow at the English army, nor the offers of Admiral De Grasse, who through M. De St. Simon offered him the support of the marines, and even a part of the crews of his thirty-eight vessels, could determine him to attempt any thing before the arrival of the allied army commanded by Washington and Rochambeau. “When great interests are in question,” answered he, “I shall never prefer the gratification of self-love, to the certainty of a assured success,” and he waited to the end with a patience which would have excited surprise even in an old captain.

“On the 13th Washington and Rochambeau arrived at our camp, and on the 17th went on board the Ville de Paris to concert with Count de Grasse the measures necessary to render the French fleet tributary to the success of the enterprize. On the 26th and 28th all the combined forces were united, and we marched to invest York-town, which was accomplished without the loss of a single man. The French corps commanded by Rochambeau, occupied the space between the river and a marsh which is nearly in front of us, but which is now masked by some trees and ravines, under shelter of which, without risk, we could approach within pistol-shot of the enemy’s works. The Grenadiers and Chasseurs of the advanced guard of this army was commanded by Viomenil. Next morning the American army passed the same marsh, established its left there, and placed its right below upon York river. The investment of the place was thus as close and complete as possible. The legion of Lauzun, a corps of cavalry, and a half brigade of American militia, took post at Gloucester on the other side of the river, where they could only establish themselves after dislodging Tarleton, who occupied it with 400 horse and 200 infantry.

“During the night of the 29th and 30th, the enemy dreading to be attacked by a coup-de-main in the very extensive position he had fortified, resolved to abandon his camp at Pidgeon hill, and to retain only two redoubts in front of the body of the place. The day of the 30th was employed by us in occupying the works abandoned by the enemy, which enabled us to enclose him within a narrower circle, and gave us the greatest advantages. From this moment we opened our trenches, and a noble emulation was established between our allies and us. Although we were very young soldiers and inexperienced in the operations of a siege, we had the satisfaction of meriting the praise of the French, who agreed that our zeal and intelligence made us worthy of being associated with veteran troops.

“Messrs. Duportail and de Querenet superintended the works as chiefs of Engineers. M. D’Aboville commanded the French artillery, and General Knox the American. Notwithstanding the enemy’s fire, the trenches were rapidly advanced. On the 9th, three batteries were ready to play upon the town. General Washington himself fired the first gun, and at this signal we commenced a furious cannonade, which the enemy answered with great vigour. On the 10th a red-hot shot fired from a French battery at the little English squadron stationed in the river, set fire to a ship of 44 guns and two other smaller vessels. This conflagration which commenced in the evening and continued till late at night, presented a terrible and magic spectacle. The devouring flames which blazed in tall columns up the masts, threw a lurid light upon all our batteries, and seemed to lend us their light to facilitate their destruction.—The battle only ceased when the cessation of the conflagration left us in darkness.

“On the 14th, the English possessed no other external works but two large redoubts, on the situation of one of which Lafayette yesterday received the civic wreath; the other much more to the right, precisely where the pyramid is raised, at whose base we first met. Washington resolved to take them, and all the 14th and part of the 15th was employed in cannonading them to destroy the abattis which defended the approaches, and facilitate the storm. During this cannonade Washington and Rochambeau, on foot, surrounded by the officers of the staff, remained as near as possible to the enemy’s works, to judge better of the effects of our batteries, and caused the whole army to admire their calm intrepidity. Rochambeau, to calm the impatient ardor of Viomenil, who thought they were burning powder uselessly, and that the moment was arrived for the assault, descended alone into the ravine which separated him from the enemy, tranquilly mounted the opposite side, entered the abattis within pistol-shot of the English batteries, and returned to assure Viomenil coolly that the abattis was not sufficiently destroyed, and he must wait until the parapet was more levelled, in order that his grenadiers should be exposed as little time as possible. At length the enemy’s fire began to slacken, and Washington judged the moment favorable for the assault. Lafayette at the head of the American light infantry was charged with the attack of the redoubt on the left of the beseiged, and Viomenil, at the head of the French grenadiers with the left. Lafayette thought correctly that to carry entrenchments defended by experienced soldiers with young troops, he could only count on the audacity and rapidity of the attack; in consequence he had all the arms of his division discharged, formed it in column, and led it himself, sword in hand, at full speed across the abattis, and in spite of the enemy’s fire entered the redoubt, of which he was soon master with the loss of but few men. He immediately sent his aid, Barbour, to Viomenil to inform him he was in his redoubt, and inquire where he was. The aid-de-camp found the French general at the head of his column of grenadiers, waiting patiently under arms, under the terrible fire of the enemy until his sappers had methodically prepared a path across the abattis. “Tell Lafayette,” said Viomenil, “that I am not yet in mine, but will be there in five minutes,” and in fact within five minutes, his troops entered the redoubt by beat of drum, and in as good order as if on parade. This action displayed in the strongest manner the discipline, bravery and coolness of the French grenadiers, but cost them a considerable number of killed and wounded. As soon as we were masters of the two redoubts, we established there good lodgments which were connected with the second parallel, and new batteries were constructed, which completed the enclosure of Cornwallis’s army, and battered effectually the interior of the place in a very destructive manner.

“During the night of the 15–16th, the enemy made a sortie of 600 picked troops, commanded by Abercrombie, who met with resistance from all our redoubts, but succeeded in deceiving the French post of the second parallel, by presenting themselves as Americans, and by the aid of this manœuvre gained and spiked a battery of four pieces. Chevalier Chastellux arriving immediately with his reserve, forced the British to retreat precipitately. Thanks to the care of General Aboville, commanding the French artillery, the four badly spiked pieces were ready to be used in six hours afterwards.

“It appeared that this sortie was intended to cover the retreat of Cornwallis and his army. In fact we learned soon after, that general Cornwallis had resolved to leave his sick and baggage, cross the river during the night, attack the troops which occupied Gloucester unexpectedly, and after routing them, to force his way by land even to New York. The plan was a bold one, and worthy of such a man as Cornwallis. His boats were all in readiness, and part of his troops had already landed on the opposite side of the river, when a violent tempest suddenly coming on, rendered it impossible for him to continue his operations. He esteemed himself very fortunate in getting his troops back to York-town, before the daylight betrayed his secret. He then perceived there was no longer a hope of escape for him, and on the 7th he demanded a parley. The negociations continued until the 19th: they were conducted by the American colonel Laurens, whose father was a prisoner in England, and the Viscount de Noailles. The capitulation specified that Cornwallis and his army should be prisoners of war; that the troops should defile with shouldered arms, with flags rolled up, and drums beating an English or German march, and that they should ground their arms on the glacis, in face of the allied armies. This capitulation was ratified by the general in chief, and at noon detachments of the allied troops occupied the principal posts. When the British came out of the city to defile before us, we were ranged in two lines, the Americans on the right, and the French on the left; at the extremity of both lines were all our general officers. In the midst of them, the beloved Washington was conspicuous, from his great height and beautiful charger, which he managed with inimitable grace. At the moment when the head of the column appeared, all eyes sought Cornwallis, who being detained by indisposition, was represented by General O’Hara. The latter either through mistake or determination, offered his sword to General Rochambeau, who by a sign pointed out General Washington, and said, that the French army being only auxiliary, it was from the American general that he should receive orders. O’Hara appeared piqued, and advanced towards Washington, who received him with a noble generosity. It was evident to us that the English in their misfortune were especially mortified to be obliged to lay down their arms before Americans, for the officers and soldiers affected to turn their heads towards the French line. Lafayette perceived this, and revenged himself in a very pleasant manner. He ordered the music of the light infantry to strike up yankee doodle, an air which the British applied to a song composed to ridicule the Americans at the beginning of the war, and which they uniformly sung to all their prisoners. This pleasantry of Lafayette was so bitter to them, that many of them broke their arms in a rage in grounding them on the glacis. Cornwallis himself participated in their weakness of self-love, which made them blush to be conquered by those they chose to consider as rebels, rather than as citizens armed in defence of their rights. The day after the capitulation, being amid the allied generals who came to visit him, he affected in speaking of Lafayette always to separate his glory from that of the Americans. “I determined more willingly to surrender,” said he, addressing our young general, “as I knew that the French were associated with the Americans, and their character assured me of an humane and honourable treatment for my army.” “What,” replied Fayette, “has your lordship so soon forgotten that we Americans are also humane to captive armies?” This answer which alluded to the taking of Burgoyne’s army by the Americans, some time previous, prevented Cornwallis from returning to the subject. You see,” said the old soldier, whom I had not once ventured to interrupt, during his recital, so strongly was I interested, “that Lafayette was on all occasions a strong and ardent friend; he was not contented to serve our cause by his counsels and sword in her battles, but he defended our character and reputation, when they were unjustly attacked, and identifying himself with us, rendered himself as it were bondsman for all our actions. Moreover the English who affected so much contempt for us, ought at least to have talked less of humanity, as they every day outraged this virtue by the most horrible actions. We should never forget that during this campaign of Virginia, so glorious for our arms and fortunate for our independence, fire, pillage and murder accompanied them through our towns and villages; frequently they massacred their prisoners in cold blood after battle, and, in short, during the seige of York-town, despairing to conquer us by force of arms, they attempted to poison us, by sending among us more than an hundred unfortunate negroes, affected with the small-pox, and which our pity succoured at the foot of their ramparts.

“But why dwell so long upon the crimes of a tyranny we have destroyed, and which half a century of happiness and liberty, should efface from our memory!—Have I not moreover a much more pleasant task to accomplish in speaking of the rights which the French army and its virtuous leaders have acquired to American gratitude by their courage and generosity.” He then related to me with emotion a number of incidents, which proved that there never was a better disciplined army, nor understood their duties as allies better, than this little French army, and I ought to add that this evidence of an old American soldier, speaking as it were in presence of the facts he cited, is not the only one I collected during our journey. Every where, even to the smallest villages, which were formerly occupied by the French army, I heard its severe discipline, its profound respect to propriety, patience under fatigues, courage in battle and moderation in victory, highly praised; and I avow that this eulogium on the noble conduct of my countrymen always made my heart beat with a delightful emotion. Why then, does the French restoration of 1815, (which, to attach to its colours, glorious recollections, or to cause to be forgotten the warlike prodigies of the tri-colored cockade, incessantly invokes the standard of Henry IV, which was only distinguished in civil wars, or of Louis XIV, whose banners were merely witness to useless victories or devastating retreats,) not claim as a legitimate heritage a part of the glory of the War of American Independence? Was it not under this White flag that Rochambeau’s grenadiers marched to the capture of Yorktown? Was it not under the banners of legitimacy that our navy immortalized itself in securing the freedom of a young nation by the dispersion of the English fleets? Or does the restoration spurn the glory because it was acquired to the advantage of Liberty? I know not; but what is certain, is, that while we were celebrating the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, the French squadron commanded by Admiral —— which was then lying in Hampton roads, where they might hear the acclamations of American gratitude for French benefits, remained coldly strangers to a festival which ought to have been regarded as a family celebration by both nations. However, we are satisfied that this inexplicable indifference or repugnance, was not participated in by a majority of the officers or crews. Of the officers some privately came on shore and in citizen’s dress, were witness to this patriotic scene, in which the Americans would have speedily assigned them a distinguished place, if they had been permitted to present themselves in their proper uniform.

When I returned to the headquarters, I found our travelling companions very much occupied with this question, and many of them affirmed that the French admiral would not have acted thus unless he had received instructions on the subject from a superior authority.

CHAPTER XIV.

Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.

The acclamations of gratitude and tumult of arms, which momentarily interrupted the habitual calm of Yorktown, had already ceased, when on the morning of the 20th, we departed for Williamsburgh, formerly the capital of Virginia, but at present a small town retaining very little of its ancient importance. Its college which was founded under the reign of William and Mary, and bears their name, was celebrated for the excellence of its learning until within about half a century, since when it appears to have partaken of the sad destiny of the town, to which it belongs. Williamsburg is situated on a plain between York and James rivers. Two creeks which fall into these great rivers approach each other in front of the town and form a sort of narrow road upon which General Lafayette established the excellent post which Cornwallis attempted unsuccessfully, when he essayed to escape from the snare into which he had been drawn by his youthful adversary. Although the population of Williamsburg is not more than 14 or 1500 souls, the general was received with great feeling, and had the pleasure of greeting a considerable number of ancient friends, with whom he passed the day. The day following, we embarked at Jamestown for Norfolk, and our voyage down James river was very interesting to General Lafayette and some of our old travelling companions, who at each point of the shore again reviewed a page of the history of their glorious Virginian campaign.

In about five hours we arrived in the vast road of Hampton; the declining sun threw his rays obliquely upon the fort of old point Comfort, which in the distance seemed to rest upon the level surface of the sea.—Beyond that, upon the Chesapeake, we beheld several ships whose majestic sides seemed elevated like high walls, which belonged to the French squadron; some cannon which we heard towards the south, and the columns of smoke seen rising in that direction, indicated the position of Norfolk, which, situated upon a flat and marshy ground at the mouth of Elizabeth river, does not appear above the surface of the water, unless it be closely approached. Our boat soon reached the wharf, and at his landing General Lafayette was saluted by the two forts which defend the entrance of the river, and by the shipping in port. I shall not undertake to describe the festivities prepared by the citizens of Norfolk for the reception of the nation’s guest; they were, as every where else, strongly impressed with the patriotic and grateful character of the people. The young lady, who as the emblem of the Genius of Norfolk, received General Lafayette under the triumphal arch, and expressed the sentiments of the citizens, merits an especial remembrance; her beauty, eloquence and the modest firmness with which she performed her part, made a deep and ineffaceable impression upon all the spectators.

Of all the cities we had visited, Norfolk had the least agreeable aspect; the houses are generally badly built, and the streets narrow and crooked. On account of the circumjacent marshes, the air is unhealthy, and diseases common during autumn. Its population does not exceed 4000 souls. Its commerce however is very active with the northern states, Europe and especially the West India Islands; its harbour is deep enough for the largest, has room for at least three hundred vessels, and is the only good port in Virginia and North Carolina, so that all the imports and exports of these two states are made thereby. The exports consist principally of corn, flour, wheat, all sorts of lumber, salt-meat, and fish, iron, lead, tobacco, tar and turpentine. A great number of French families, emigrants from St. Domingo reside at Norfolk. These families first made choice of this asylum because of its proximity, and were eventually induced to fix themselves there, because they had permission to retain and work the unfortunate slaves they brought with them. It is a sad and revolting spectacle which is presented at present by some of these refugees, who have no other means of struggling against misery, than by hiring their wretched slaves out to severe labour, for which they receive the pay. Many of the negroes who work about the harbour are slaves thus hired to the merchants, who feed them and pay about 65 cents a day, which they faithfully carry home at night to their indolent master.

On the following morning, we visited Portsmouth, a small village situated immediately opposite Norfolk upon the left bank of James river, and contains a fine navy yard, where we saw a superb sixty-four gun ship, the North Carolina, which had not long been launched. On re-entering Norfolk, we were received with great pomp by the freemasons, who had the kindness to receive us all three as honorary members of their lodge. In the evening there was a brilliant ball, to which the citizens of Norfolk hoped to have had the company of the officers of the French squadron, but it appeared that the same causes, which had prevented their participation in the Yorktown festival, also prevented them from having the pleasure of dancing with the Norfolk ladies, for we did not see one of them, at least in uniform.

After the ball, about eleven P. M. we returned to the steam-boat to ascend James river to Richmond, the capital of Virginia, distant about one hundred miles. The nation’s guest was expected there with more impatience because this city in proportion to its population contained a greater number of witnesses of his efforts in favour of American independence. At Richmond, in fact, and its vicinity, the multiplied movements between Lafayette and the traitor Arnold, supported by General Philips took place.

All business was suspended to receive Lafayette, and in spite of the inconvenience of a profuse rain, which detained us for some hours on board the boat, the crowd had pushed forward to meet us at Osborn where we were to land. The solemn entry could not take place till next morning. Forty revolutionary soldiers who had served under him in Virginia, were introduced to him immediately after his arrival. It was with great feeling that they again beheld their old general, and he, full of emotion, astonished them by remembering and calling by name those who most particularly shared his toils and dangers.

The next morning, as the bad weather ceased, the festivities were resumed with increased splendour. The general was received at the capital, built in imitation of the square house of Nimes, and welcomed in a speech by Chief Justice Marshall, in presence of the civil and military officers, and a vast concourse of citizens, among whom we had the pleasure of finding some Frenchmen, and particularly Mr. Chevalié, who for thirty years has lived in Virginia, where he has uniformly enjoyed the friendship and esteem of his adopted fellow-citizens.

Notwithstanding the multiplicity of entertainments into which we were almost forced, during our stay in Richmond, we were able to pass some moments in private society, with some of the most distinguished men of the city. From their uniformly instructive conversation, I collected the details relative to the history, constitution, and manners of Virginia, which will be found below.

That part of the American continent called Virginia, which was one of the most ancient English colonies in the western hemisphere, and at present forms one of the vastest states of the great republican family of the union, was first discovered by John Cabot, according to English, and by Verrazano according to the French historians, who took possession of it in the name of Francis I. But whoever was the fortunate navigator who first landed upon this fertile soil, it is not the less true, that its first establishments do not date earlier than 1587, at which time Sir Walter Raleigh took possession on behalf of a company of English merchants. This feeble colony was composed of but 500 individuals in 1605, and was soon reduced to sixty by all sorts of privations, and the reiterated attacks of the Indians. It is probable that this shattered remnant would soon have been entirely destroyed, if a new expedition of three ships under Captain Newport, had not arrived to assist them with men, arms and provisions. At this time Jamestown was founded, and its slender ramparts offered a shelter to the colonists from the Indian arrows. War, famine and discord would speedily have extinguished the colony, if the influence of one man of genius had not sufficed to save it. Captain Smith, by his skill and bravery, soon became the soul of the settlement; he waged successful war with some of the tribes which refused to negociate, and formed friendly alliances with others, so that the colony was soon in a nourishing condition. It was in this state, and already beginning to forget its first troubles, when Captain Smith was taken prisoner by hostile Indians, who would inevitably have killed him, if the young Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan chief of the tribe, by her prayers and tears had not obtained his pardon, at the moment he was about to be sacrificed. As soon as he was set at liberty, he hastened to return to Jamestown, where he found the colony once more reduced to the most miserable state. But thirty-eight persons survived, and were willing to risk in a frail shallop, the lives they had compromitted by their imprudence and presumption. Smith still had sufficient ascendance to retain them; his activity created new resources, and another reinforcement was brought by Newport. The colony again began to prosper, but a novel incident again threw them into necessity, and was near extinguishing them forever. They thought they had discovered gold in a rivulet flowing through a bank of sand above the town, and the senseless wish of amassing gold caused them to abandon the only exertions by which they could hope for a happy existence. Famine again began to decimate the colonists who were obliged to recur to him, whose prudence had so often saved them. Smith taking advantage of the terror with which he had impressed some tribes, and the friendship he had excited in others, obtained succours from them, which they brought to Jamestown in abundance. He then undertook to explore the country to great distances to ascertain its resources. For this purpose he embarked in a small canoe, and amid all perils explored most of the rivers flowing into the Chesapeake, and collected concerning them, and especially of the actual territory of Virginia. Such exact details that they still serve as the basis of the best efforts of the best geographers. In short the genius of Smith preserved the colony, and continued to extend its limits until 1610, at which time a fatal accident prevented him from making farther attempts. In returning from his expedition, his powder flask exploded and wounded him dreadfully. His friends urged his return to England; he yielded to their intreaties, and in six months after the five hundred colonists, whom he had left well armed, well provisioned and beginning to enjoy their flocks and harvests, were reduced to sixty individuals, looking like spectres more than men. The colony would have soon ceased, but for the arrival of three ships and a great number of new emigrants, brought by Lord Delaware. This reinforcement raised the spirits of the colonists, and the wise administration of Sir Thomas Dale gave to the settlement an unexpected increase of prosperity. At this time Mr. Rolfe, one of the settlers, married Pocahontas, the same that saved the life of Captain Smith. This alliance was immensely advantageous to the colony, because Powhatan pledged himself and all the tribes under his influence, to aid the English in all their wars, and furnish them with provisions. How much is it to be regretted that Rolfe’s example had not been followed by his companions! It would have been easy for them to have secured their own prosperity by such alliances, and they would have spared humanity much blood and tears.

After this marriage, the settlers peacefully applied themselves to the culture of tobacco, which brought them great wealth, and subsisted almost entirely at the cost of the Indians, who were faithful to their treaty, although it was truly onerous to them. Sir Thomas Dale profited by this tranquillity to perfect the administrative system, but unfortunately he was succeeded in 1617, by Captain Algal, whose haughty and tyrannic disposition was near causing the greatest disorders, and the colony already experienced some vicissitudes. Recalled by the company, he was replaced by George Hardly, who to obtain the means of repairing the errors of his predecessor, convoked a general assembly of the inhabitants of Virginia. The introduction of the representative system into the colony dates from this period, which was not slow in feeling its happy effects. The London Company assented to this new form of government, and determined its basis by a charter granted on the 24th of July 1621. This charter established, “That in Virginia for the future, there should be a legislative body, called the General Assembly, consisting of the governor, twelve counsellors, and representatives of the people; that the counsellors and representatives should make the laws, and that the government should have the right to approve or reject them; that the laws should have no effect until ratified by the company; and that as soon as the colonial government was well established, the orders of the company should not affect the colony, without consent of the General Assembly.”

The company however, reserved the right of nominating and displacing the governor and counsellors at pleasure. Notwithstanding this reservation, the constitution of Virginia thenceforth remained fixed, and its inhabitants, servants of a company as they were, at once changed into freemen and citizens. At this period the company sent to Virginia 160 poor young women of irreproachable character; they were received with eagerness, and married to the young settlers, who payed the expense of their transportation at the rate of 120 lbs. of tobacco for each one.

The rights of the London Company, already weakened by concessions made to the colonists, were soon contemned by king James I. and three years after Virginia passed under the immediate domination of the English government.

The population of Virginia, at first confined to the environs of Jamestown, began gradually to extend over a vast country, following the rivers which fell into the Chesapeake. But their imprudence towards the natives increased with their increase of strength, and they inflicted upon the Indians all sorts of vexations. Powhatan was dead, and the tribes he had governed had elected in his stead a renowned warrior from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, named Opecancanough. This prince felt a profound hatred of the Europeans, because he foresaw how fatal they would become to his nation; he found it easy to impart his hatred and fears to his countrymen, and induced them to enter into a vast conspiracy against the common enemy. The secret was faithfully kept during four years, and was only betrayed at the moment of execution, by an Indian who was baptised by the English. Notwithstanding this treason, the plot was partially executed, and four hundred settlers fell under the savage tomahawk. The retaliations were cruel, and only suspended by a treaty which concealed the most atrocious design. The Indians, relying with confidence upon the protestations of their enemy, applied themselves without suspicion to their agricultural labours, when the English fell upon them unexpectedly, and committed the most horrible butchery; the feeble remnants of the tribes which escaped this terrible massacre, soon miserably perished in the forests, and disappeared forever. The colonists, thenceforward masters of this great country, could extend themselves at will, but even this advantage was fatal to them, and they would inevitably have fallen under the horrors of famine, if a new reinforcement of settlers and provisions, had not arrived, to replace those destroyed by the Indians. These succours were not sent by the company, as this was dissolved by king James. This violence of the crown against a company which had expended more than three millions for the establishment of the colony, and who in spite of its faults merited encouragement for its astonishing perseverance, at first afflicted the colonists, but eventually turned to their actual advantage. They knew how to defend themselves against the encroachments of the royal government, and obtained the confirmation of all the rights acquired before the extinction of the company.

The colony was peaceful and prosperous until 1651. The troubles produced in England by the decapitation of Charles I. agitated it but slightly, and had no other result than a treaty, in which Cromwell acknowledged in an especial article, the exemption of Virginia from taxes, and impositions of all sorts; nor without the consent of the general assembly, could any charge be laid upon her, forts or castles be built, nor troops be kept in service. But from the year 1652, the colonists began to feel the narrow policy of the commonwealth of England, relative to the commerce of the colonies, during the ten years of Cromwell’s reign; their discontent augmented to such a degree, that when Governor Matthew, who was appointed by the usurper, died, the inhabitants of the colony profiting by this sort of interregnum, overturned the republican authorities, and proclaimed Charles II. who was then sheltered in Holland, and who thus found himself king of Virginia, before he was certain of remounting the throne of England. The death of Cromwell which occurred in 1660, saved the colony from the danger to which its imprudent attachment to the Stuart cause would infallibly have exposed it.

The Virginians soon repented of their devotion to the new king, whose ingratitude was more injurious to them than Cromwell’s tyranny. Charles II. far from abolishing the restrictions, which already shackled the commerce of Virginia, aggravated and perpetuated it by the navigation act. The re-establishment of the Gallacan church with all its intolerance, the violent revocation of all the acts that could perpetuate the memory of the revolution, the spoliations of property to recompense the instruments of the restoration; the constitutional depreciation of the value of tobacco, every thing in a word, concurred to offend the colonists, and dispose to a popular insurrection; an occasion soon offered, and civil war broke out in the colony. A squadron sent by Charles II. to the relief of Governor Berkeley, arrived at the moment Bacon, chief of the insurgents, who were already masters of Jamestown, died; no one feeling possessed of the talents necessary to complete, what this hardy and skilful leader had undertaken, they accepted the amnesty offered by Berkeley; but this attempt at insurrection only angered Charles II. whose despotism soon surpassed all limits. He went so far as to interdict by law all complaint of, or evil speaking against the administration of the governor, under pain of the severest chastisement, and several seditions were quelled by force. However, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of the metropolis, commerce regained some activity, and the population finding daily new resources in its industry, rapidly augmented. In 1688, there were already more than 40,000 souls. But with their increase of strength the colonists increased in hatred to the royal authority; and to the first cries of independence made in the northern colonies, Virginia answered by raising the standard of revolt. From the month of June 1776, the representatives of the people, assembled to the number of one hundred and twelve, at the capitol in Williamsburg, drew up and signed a declaration which forever broke the tyrannical chains which previously bound the colony to the mother country. This declaration, in establishing in a clear and precise manner the rights of every member of the social body, consecrated the principle of the sovereignty of the people, and repelled as a monstrosity, the hereditary principle in the exercise of power. This was soon followed by the publication of the constitution, which triumphantly came out of the revolutionary war. In 1785, the assembly passed the act revising the laws, and establishing religious liberty; finally, in 1788, Virginia completed her revolution, and strengthened her independence, by adopting the confederate constitution of the United States.

The state of Virginia, which on account of its long establishment, the extent and fertility of its soil, and the pleasantness of its climate, should now be the richest and best peopled state in the union, has still but 1,600,000 inhabitants, dispersed over a surface of 40,960,000 acres. That is to say, in proportion to its extent, it has not more than half the population of the state of New York, its cotemporary; and not more than the state of Ohio, whose constitution and existence as a state, are not much more than twenty years old. This difference, which at every step betrays itself to the attentive traveller, by the separation of the towns, the smallness of the villages, and the poverty of the cultivation, will not disappear, until Virginia, comprehending her true interests better, and placing them in harmony with the principles of liberty and equality so clearly established in her declaration of rights, and so vigorously defended by her arms, shall have finally abolished negro slavery.

When we have examined the truly great and liberal institutions of the United States with some attention, well comprehended their action, and admired their happy influence, the soul feels suddenly chilled and the imagination alarmed, in learning that at many points of this vast republic the horrible principle of slavery still reigns with all its sad and monstrous consequences; we demand with astonishment the source of this contradiction between such sublime theories, and a practice so shameful to humanity! This question which for a long time has been always keenly discussed by philanthropists and politicians of both hemispheres, though not always in good faith, we hope will speedily be settled by the well-understood interests of those immediately concerned. In the mean time I shall hazard some observations here, not with the expectation of ending the discussion, but in the hope of establishing in their true condition, some facts which have been misrepresented by the ignorance or bad faith of some writers.

Happily, there is no part of the civilized world in which it is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle of negro slavery; at the present day every sane man agrees that it is a monstrosity, and it would be altogether inaccurate to suppose that there are in the United States more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently senseless to seek to defend it, either by their writings or conversation. For myself, who have traversed the 24 states of the union, and in the course of a year have had more than one opportunity of hearing long and keen discussions upon this subject, I declare that I never have found but a single person who seriously defended this principle. This was a young man whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its organization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions relative to Roman history, and appeared to be completely ignorant of the history of his own country. It would be waste of time to repeat here his crude and ignorant tirade; for every man of good faith, the following I believe are the most essential points for discussion concerning slavery in the United States.

1st. Have the Americans adopted it voluntarily?

2d. Since they have secured their independence have they practically testified their aversion to slavery?

3d. Do they at present well understand the entire danger in which slavery places them, and do they conscientiously do their best to eradicate the evil?

4th. What are the most efficacious means to attain as speedily as possible, the enfranchisement of the blacks?

If these four questions were impartially examined, it is probable that those violent declamations which offend without instructing would be relinquished, as they offer no mode of redressing the evil of which they accuse others. I shall not attempt a profound investigation of these questions, which demand a vaster field than I can give them; I shall but skim over them, but always in the course of my journey, if opportunities present, I shall exactly state the facts I witness, and this I hope will make known the state of slavery, and the daily progress of public opinion on the subject, better than all discussion.

This crime, by which man abusing his power and intelligence, subjects to his caprices or to the supply of his wants another man less enlightened than himself, was first committed in Virginia in the year 1620. It originated in the misery of the colonists whose small numbers and exhausted strength could no longer till the soil, and the avarice of the Hollanders, who sold them like beasts of burthen, the unfortunate negroes they had stolen from the shores of Africa. The English, not less avid of money than the Hollanders, soon perceived in this abuse of power, encouraging idleness, a source of wealth, which they hastened to turn to their advantage, and from that time their ships annually cast forth upon the American continent thousands of slaves. However, the sentiments of humanity which famine had for some time smothered in the bosoms of the colonists, were re-animated by the return of prosperity and abundance. The general assembly of Virginia about 1680, demanded of the metropolis that an end should be made of this infamous and now unnecessary commerce in human flesh, since the population was sufficiently numerous and active to cultivate a country which richly recompensed the slightest labour; other colonies repeated this call of justice and philanthropy, but the metropolis was insensible thereto, and only replied by this atrocious declaration of parliament;—the importation of slaves into America, is too lucrative, for the colonies to ask that England should ever give it up;—and this declaration was followed by threats, to which they were obliged to yield, since they were unable to resist.[19] The general assembly nevertheless frequently renewed its demand, which had no other result than to obtain in 1699 an act by which the importation of slaves into Virginia, was heavily taxed. It was not a remedy for the evil, though it was somewhat palliative.

This condition continued as long as the colonies remained under the English yoke; when that was broken, and their independence was assured, the different state governments turned their attention towards slavery, and sought means to cause its disappearance. But this frightful evil had taken such deep root, that, so to speak, it was fixed in the manners of the citizens. The remedy was therefore difficult of attainment, and could not produce immediate effects; however, those who had undertaken the cause, did not lose courage; their writings and conversation animated all minds, and the state of Virginia had still the honour to give a great example, in being the first to proscribe the importation of slaves into her territory. This example was soon followed by nearly all the other states, and some went still farther; several, like Pennsylvania, declared all coloured children born, after the promulgation of the law, free; others, as the state of New York, declared that after a given time no one could hold a slave. Congress, following the general movement of opinion, did what no European power had dared to attempt; it proscribed the slave-trade, which it assimilated to piracy, by making it a capital offence; finally, of the thirteen primitive states, eight proclaimed the freedom of the blacks by special legislative acts; none but the most southern states refrained from the same movements, as their black population had so rapidly increased, that at some points it was quadruple that of the whites, to whom they caused some fear.

At present the Union is composed of twenty-four states; thirteen of them have abolished slavery by law; the eleven others are still soiled by it; among these last, five are of the ancient or original states, the others are formed of portions of the old states, or parts of the territory of Louisiana after it was bought from France. In this part of the United States, the prejudices against the blacks, it must be confessed, keep a great number of slave-owners blindfold; accustomed as they are from infancy to see in the African nothing but an inferior race, incapable of ever acquiring the qualities belonging to a free citizen, they do not attempt to give their slaves that instruction, without which, it is very true that liberty would be hurtful to themselves and to society; they think they have done enough for humanity in softening the rigours of slavery by kind treatment; but in their blindness they forget that in the social state, the rights of citizen cannot be refused to one class of men, without placing them in a state of war in relation to those who do enjoy them; and if the oppressed be sufficiently numerous to demand the reason of this refusal, it is to be presumed that they will not always tranquilly suffer such an injustice, at least unless they be crushed beneath the weight of tyranny. This terrible truth, for a long time repeated at all points of the union by the voice of philanthropy and religion, which although less powerful in the south than in the north, still exerts a considerable influence, begins to affect the minds of persons in the slave states, and every day finds the number of individuals increased, who desire to seek the means of freeing their country from this horrible scourge.

Of all the plans yet presented, none has produced any very marked result; it is true that all are very difficult of execution; for whatever certain European philanthropists may say, who would perhaps be very much embarrassed if placed in the situation of a Carolina or Georgia planter, the general and instantaneous enfranchisement of the slaves cannot be thought of without exposing to the greatest evils, not only the whites, but the blacks also, who on account of their extreme ignorance, see nothing better in liberty than the privilege of doing nothing, or of committing every excess. I may venture to affirm that to four fifths of the slaves in the United States, immediate liberation would be nothing but a condemnation to die of famine after having destroyed every thing around them. Consequently I believe that under such circumstances to withhold from these men, the immediate exercise of their rights, is neither to violate these rights nor to protect the violaters of them, but is merely employing in the mode of removing the evil, the prudence necessary to make the justice we wish to render them more surely a mean of happiness. Here prudence requires that the enfranchisement should be gradual. It remains, therefore, to inquire if the slave-owners really take means to produce surely and rapidly this gradual liberation.

Among those who wish to deliver their country from the opprobrium and degradation of slavery, all are not agreed upon the measures to be taken in relation to the fate of the slaves. Some persons have proposed that in order to indemnify owners for the loss of their slaves, they should be sold in the English or French West India Islands: but this inhuman plan was repelled with horror by most of the planters, who declared they could never determine to send, to perish under the lash of the drivers of Guadaloupe or Martinique, men, whom they had accustomed to be treated with mildness. Some others thought of devoting a portion of the vast territories extending towards the foot of the Rocky mountains, to the establishment of a colony, to which all the young blacks of twenty, and all the females of eighteen years old, should be sent, after having first given them at the public expense, an education, and furnished them with all the objects necessary to their establishment. This colony might eventually govern itself, and become a powerful ally of the United States; but when this proposition was made, the prosperity of the United States was not sufficiently great to afford the funds necessary for such an enterprize, nor was public opinion sufficiently formed at that time to feel all its importance.

Some years afterwards this idea was resumed, modified, and finally carried into execution by a society formed in 1818, under the presidency of Judge Bushrod Washington. This society, which now counts among its members the most distinguished men of the different states of the union, and of which General Lafayette is a vice-president for life, has founded, under protection of the American government, a colony upon the coast of Africa, which probably will soon attain the double end of affording an asylum to the blacks of the United States, in proportion as they receive their liberty, and at the same time as a centre of light and industry, whence hereafter civilization may be introduced into that part of the world.

However, whatever may be the efforts and success of this philanthropic colonization society, it cannot reasonably be hoped that it will alone prove sufficient to produce the abolition of slavery. If slave-owners do not endeavour to instruct the children of the blacks, to prepare them for liberty; if the legislatures of the southern states do not fix upon some period, near or remote, when slavery shall cease, that part of the union will be for a still longer time exposed to the merited reproach of outraging the sacred principle contained in the first article of the declaration of rights; that all men are born free and equal. But every thing leads to the belief, that the moment has arrived, when the gradual abolition of slavery will rapidly advance. The sentiment of well understood personal interest, now better comprehended by the southern proprietors, begins to make them feel, that in a few years their products will scarcely be able to maintain the competition with those of Mexico and South America, if they do not relinquish a ruinous system of culture; and already many of them do not fear openly to attack the unfortunate prejudices of their fellow citizens, by declaring that they would be happier, and much richer, if the black population was sufficiently diminished for them to hire free black labourers, and thus by the emulation of free labour, replace the ruinous mass of children and old men, they are now obliged to support in idleness.

Thus then, according to the opinion of men most disposed to abolish slavery, the greatest obstacle to enfranchisement, whether general or gradual, is the too great population of the blacks; this population must consequently be diminished as the first step, and the system of colonization is therefore wisely conceived, since its object is to offer an outlet to this superabundance of population. The emancipation of Hayti, also adds to the facilities offered by the African colony of Liberia, but in order not to compromit the safety and prosperity of this colony, and of the republic of Hayti, no emigrants should be sent to either, except such whose manners and intelligence may contribute to the prosperity of these new societies: it is unfortunately but too true, that almost the whole of the blacks in the United States, are still too much brutalized by ignorance and slavery, to furnish good subjects for emigration. The efforts then, of the friends of humanity, and of that true liberty which does not admit of the ridiculous distinction between men, founded upon colour of skin, should all be directed to enlighten the minds of the rising generation of blacks. This noble end can only be attained by establishing, multiplying, and encouraging, every where, free schools for coloured children of both sexes. It is in vain that some individuals, blinded by their prejudices, exclaim that there is no hope of improving the African race, which is only intermediate to man and the brutes, in the scale of being. Numerous facts have long since refuted this absurd assertion; and moreover, may it not be asked of those who are so proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who judge the blacks only by what they are, not what they are capable of, if they know well what would be the condition of their descendants after several generations, were slavery suddenly transferred from the blacks to the whites? But why fear the opposition of prejudices which are daily weakened, and whose approaching extinction is presaged by the humanity with which, in general, all the American planters believe themselves at present obliged to treat their slaves.

Some facts which I shall have occasion to cite, will, I hope, complete the proof that relative to slavery, public opinion is in a good train in the United States, and that it only requires encouragement, and that good advice relative to the means to be employed, would be more serviceable than violent attacks which are often unjust and exaggerated.

I shall conclude these observations by remarking, that the state of Virginia in a population of 1,065,366 contains 462,281 coloured people, of which 37,113 are free. This last number appears never to increase much, because this state in particular supplies colonists for Liberia, and emigrants to Hayti and that in general the irregular life of the free negroes in the large cities; considerably prevents their reproduction.

CHAPTER XV.

Masonic Entertainment: Journey to Petersburg: Visit to Mr. Jefferson: his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: Religious Liberty: Return to Washington by Orange Court House and Fredericksburg.

Among the splendid festivities prepared by the citizens of Richmond for the National Guest, the particular description of which I am obliged to forego, there was one I must speak of, as affording an idea of free-masonry in the United States; an institution, for whose persecution the Inquisition has so often lighted its faggots in Spain and Italy, and which some European governments do not tolerate at the present day, without repugnance.

On Saturday, the 30th October, after having been introduced with the accustomed ceremonies into the Masonic Temple, where the members of the various lodges of Richmond were collected, we marched forth in grand procession, to go to a fraternal banquet prepared at a hotel in the other end of the city. The procession, consisting of more than three hundred persons, moved in the following order:—

A detachment of brethren with drawn swords, preceded the march. After this detachment came a band of musicians, playing American and French national airs, among which the Marseilles hymn was not forgotten. Behind the music marched two long files of brethren of the lower degrees, and between these two files, all the grand dignitaries of the society, carrying in the centre a bible, placed on a rich velvet cushion embroidered with gold, and surrounded by masonic symbols. Among the grand dignitaries, the governor of Virginia, chief justice Marshall, and many other officers of state, were conspicuous. All the brethren wore the badges of their degrees, and their variety presented a truly original picture. All the streets we passed through were crowded with spectators, who by their attitude and silence, expressed the respect inspired by this ceremony. Before taking our places at table, a protestant clergyman belonging to the masonic order, pronounced a discourse, in which he reminded us that true masonry reposed on truth, equality, and charity, and that to fulfil our duties as masons, was, in other words, to discharge our duties towards God and man. He concluded his discourse by blessing our repast, which was commenced with much gravity, but concluded amidst those bursts of frank and hearty merriment so distinctive of the inhabitants of Virginia. A great number of patriotic toasts were drank by the guests; that of general Lafayette was enthusiastically received. It was as follows—“Liberty, Equality, Philanthropy, the true masonic symbol. May the practice of these principles always secure us the esteem of our friends, and the dislike of the enemies of the human race.”

After the entertainment we resumed our rout to the temple with the same ceremonies, and in the same order observed in coming to the hotel; we returned to spend the evening gaily in the company of a numerous society collected at our dwelling.

On leaving Richmond general Lafayette expected to pay a visit to his old and good friend, the ex-president, Jefferson, but a pressing invitation from the citizens of Petersburg, caused a slight change in his plan. He resolved first to attend to this invitation, and then to return to Richmond, and set out thence for Monticello. Nearly six hours were occupied in traversing the woody and sandy road from Richmond to Petersburg, which is not more than twenty-five miles. While on the way, some of our escort pointed out an old frame church, which had been occupied by Lafayette, as his head quarters during the campaign of Virginia, when he manœuvred on this ground to prevent the junction of Cornwallis with general Phillips. In approaching the town general Lafayette recognised the position whence he cannonaded and burnt Petersburg, in order to dislodge the British, who had entered by so rapid a march that he could not prevent it. The details of this part of the campaign of Virginia are briefly and clearly related in Marshall’s excellent Life of Washington.

The twenty-four hours passed by general Lafayette among the citizens of Petersburg, were signalized by great variety of pleasures; in passing through the streets the inhabitants with much glee made him remark how much the town had gained by being burnt by him in 1781. “At that time,” said they, “we had none but miserable wooden houses to receive you in, and now there are large well built brick dwellings, in which we can offer you all the comforts of life.”

Petersburg has in fact an agreeable aspect, which declares the prosperity of its inhabitants. It is a pretty small town, containing about 7000 inhabitants, built on the southeast bank of the Appomatox river, which is navigable from this place to its confluence with James river, for vessels of sixty tons. All the products of the south of Virginia, and most of those of North Carolina, have no other outlet but Petersburg. The commerce of this place is, consequently, considerable in tobacco and flour, which is in great part, manufactured at the numerous mills situated near the town, below the falls of Appomatox.

After returning to Richmond, we rested for forty-eight hours, and then set out for Monticello, distant eighty miles, accompanied by the volunteer cavalry of Richmond, and a deputation of the committee of arrangement. The first night we slept at Milton, a small town, half way to our place of destination; there a great many planters of the vicinity had assembled to offer a patriotic entertainment to Lafayette. The next morning at the time of starting, I was so severely indisposed, that I could not leave my room; it was thought I was threatened with a bilious fever, a disease very common in Virginia at this time of the year, and frequently fatal.—However, a cup of tea and two hour’s sleep restored me so far, that I was able to continue my journey in the carriage. Notwithstanding all my entreaties, Mr. George Lafayette had left the company, and remained with me; an evidence of his kindness, I shall never forget. We arrived at Monticello, a short time after general Lafayette. We found Mr. Jefferson still deeply affected by the pleasure of having embraced his ancient friend. He received us amidst his numerous family, with an amenity which instantly dissipated the timidity, which I could not help feeling on my first approach to a man who had performed so much for the human race.

When one recollects how much the life of Jefferson was occupied, and useful to his fellow creatures, one feels penetrated with a deep veneration for him, but to this sentiment is soon added that of confidence and friendship, when we have lived a few days near him. It is difficult to find a man of more agreeable and instructive conversation: endowed with a memory which readily reconveyed him amidst all the events of his life; familiar with most of the arts and sciences, his conversation could easily satisfy all the demands of a mind desirous of instruction.

Thomas Jefferson was born at Chadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 2d of April, 1743; he was educated at Williamsburg college, and devoted his early years to the study of the law. The advantageous situation in which he was placed by the considerable fortune left him by his father, Peter Jefferson, one of the oldest settlers, and still more the elevation of his mind and character, soon caused him to be sent to the legislature of Virginia, by which he was sent in 1775, as its representative to the continental congress. He was not long in obtaining a great reputation amidst that august assembly, which in 1776, adopted his draft of the Declaration of Independence, a composition not less remarkable for the depth of its thought, than for the clearness, dignity, and energy of its style, of itself sufficient to immortalize the author. But Jefferson could not stop at so glorious an opening of his political career; he must traverse the whole course with the same step, and on his way, still find means of paying tribute to the sciences and arts, which he never neglected. Successively legislator, governor of Virginia, representative, minister plenipotentiary, secretary of state, vice president of the United States, he passed during twenty-five years through all the high public offices, to arrive at the first magistracy of the republic. His election, which occurred in 1801, in opposition to John Adams, was regarded as the triumph of the democratic over the federal party; then, as at all times, the vanquished party exhaled its rage in outcries, murmurs, and incendiary pamphlets. The newspapers, which were its organs, declaimed incessantly against the new president, and against all the persons who aided him to suppress unnecessary offices; reduce the army to what was strictly necessary, and to give to the constitution that steady movement which agrees so well with the simplicity of its conception. But Jefferson contemned these idle clamours, and did not remit the work of reform and amelioration he had undertaken. In vain the mistaken zeal of his friends urged him to recur to a law repressive of the abuses of the press: he repelled their dangerous suggestions. “I am happy,” he replied, “in this continual censure which the papers exercise against my administration, because among all the violence dictated by passion, some truth may be found and I shall profit by it. Moreover, a government whose acts are all done in public, whose members live amidst their fellow citizens, to whom all their words are addressed, and under the eyes of whom all their measures are executed, has nothing but bad conduct to fear.” Sublime and severe lesson by which European governments might well profit!

So much wisdom and firmness was not to pass unrewarded in a correctly thinking nation: Jefferson was re-elected president in 1805. Among the remarkable circumstances which signalized his administration, was the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, which was very advantageous to the United States.

In 1809 he returned to private life, and sought repose in his retreat of Monticello; there at the summit of a mountain, which towers far above the fertile and smiling valley, under a simple roof, but in good taste, raised under his direction, and we may almost say, by his own hands, amidst his children and grand-children, by whom he is idolized, he still devotes all his time and faculties to the amelioration and happiness of his race.[20] Through his efforts, Charlotteville has beheld her university erected, richly endowed, and already containing a great number of pupils. In another year this establishment will be for the southern and western states, what Cambridge is to those of the north, a fruitful source of improvement, whence the youth may obtain the knowledge and principles requisite to the formation of good citizens.

The hospitality of Mr. Jefferson is proverbial, his house is constantly open, not only to numerous visitors from the neighbourhood, but also to all the foreign travellers who were attracted by curiosity or the very natural desire of seeing and conversing with the sage of Monticello. The dwelling is built in the figure of an irregular octagon, with porticoes at the east and west, and peristyles on the north and south. Its extent comprising the peristyles and porticoes is about 110 feet by 90; the exterior is in the Doric order, and surmounted by balustrades. The interior of the house is ornamented in the different orders of architecture, except the composite; the vestibule is Ionic; the dining room Doric, the drawing room Corinthian, and the dome Attic. The chambers are ornamented in the different forms of these orders in true proportion as given by Palladio. Throughout this delightful dwelling are to be found proofs of the good taste of the proprietor, and of his enlightened love for the arts. His parlour is ornamented by a beautiful collection of paintings, among which we remarked with pleasure an ascension by Poussin, a holy family by Raphael; a flagellation of Christ by Rubens, and a crucifixion by Guido. In the dining room were four beautiful busts; of Washington, Franklin, Lafayette and Paul Jones. There are also some other fine pieces of sculpture in different parts of the house. The library without being extensive is well selected; but what especially excites the curiosity of visitors is the rich museum situated at the entrance of the house. This extensive and excellent collection consists of offensive and defensive arms, dresses, ornaments and utensils of different savage tribes of North America. Mr. Trist, son-in-law of Mrs. Randolph, daughter of Mr. Jefferson, an amiable and enlightened gentleman, pointed out to me the arms which had belonged to Tecumseh; they are not especially remarkable, as to form or materials, but one cannot help regarding them with interest when the extraordinary character of their former owner is known.

Tecumseh, born among the Chippewa Indians, on the frontiers of Canada, was the chief of his nation, and his courage and talent acquired for him an immense influence over the neighbouring tribes. This child of nature was born with the impress of grandeur; a body of perfect symmetry, and a most imposing aspect, contained the soul of a hero, and one might affirm that if he had come into existence amidst the lights of civilization, his vast intelligence would soon have assigned him a place among the first men of his age. For a long time he secretly nourished the hope of opposing an insurmountable barrier to the constantly increasing power of the whites; to this end he had during several years visited nearly all the Indian tribes to induce them to enter into the league he wished to form. His persuasive and forceful eloquence had secured him numerous partisans; already he saw at no distant period, the epoch in which by raising the tomahawk against the whites he should regenerate his brethren, when suddenly the war broke out between the United States and England. Tecumseh was rejoiced at this occurrence, because in his opinion it favoured his projects, since it would hasten the destruction of his enemies by their own hands. At first he resolved to remain an inactive spectator, but soon changed his views; it appeared to him a wiser policy first to aid in the destruction of the strongest, in order to have afterwards none but the weakest to attack; and he willingly yielded to the solicitations of the English, who eagerly sought his alliance. He was then 40 years old; from his youth he had taken part in all the engagements against the whites, and still no one could reproach him with one of those cruel actions so common to his compatriots in the intoxication of victory. He abhorred bloodshed after battle, and was often seen defending prisoners from the fury of his own warriors: with so noble a character, he must soon have blushed at the atrocious conduct of his allies who basely excited the Indians they had intoxicated to murder their wounded prisoners; he manifested to them all the contempt they had inspired, when he refused with haughtiness the rank of brigadier-general, and the silk scarf presented in the name of the king of England, as a reward for his bravery at the battles of Brownstown and Mayagua. Being always pre-occupied with his vast plans, he thought it right to persist in his alliance with the British, until the Americans whom he regarded as his most dangerous enemies were destroyed. Called by his formidable voice, new tribes ranged themselves under his orders, and it was at the head of the flower of his warriors, that he marched to the river Thames, to lend for the last time aid to his allies, in the battle fought with the Americans under general Harrison. From the beginning of the action, Tecumseh had thrown himself with fury amid the ranks of the enemy, and had at first shaken them by the audacity of his attack, but the troops soon rallied, and the combat became horrible. The Indians, excited by the example of their valiant chief, repeatedly renewed their attacks, which the Americans repelled with equal intrepidity. In the midst of the struggle, colonel Johnson advanced almost alone towards a dense body of Indians, who were rallying under the voice of Tecumseh. His uniform and white horse rendered him remarkable, and he became a mark for all shots, and in a moment fell under numerous wounds: at this instant Tecumseh approached and raised his tomahawk to give him the death blow; but, struck with his intrepidity, or his unfortunate situation, he hesitated an instant, and this hesitation proved fatal to him. Colonel Johnson collecting his strength, and perceiving the extent of his danger, drew a pistol from his belt and discharged it, almost touching the breast of Tecumseh, who fell dead by his side. Thus perished this extraordinary man, upon whom rested all the hopes of many nations, who daily diminish, and of which civilization will soon destroy every trace of their past existence. The body of Tecumseh was found among the dead after the battle, and recognized by the Americans, who, in respect to the well known valor of the chief, interred it with all the honours of war.

The plantation surrounding Mr. Jefferson’s dwelling, consists of several thousand acres, but not more than twelve or fourteen hundred are cultivated, the rest being still in wood; the principal products are grain and tobacco. Cultivation appeared to me to be well conducted in general, but judging from the observations I made, it must be very expensive, and consequently leave very little profit to the proprietor. Like all the planters of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson employs slaves to do his work; that is to say, if he require the labour of fifty negroes, he must feed, lodge and clothe a hundred, for if from this number of slaves we subtract the old men, children, and weakly or sick women, certainly not more than fifty individuals are in a working condition. After all, it may be added, that these fifty active individuals do not effect more, than would be accomplished by thirty free men hired by the day, as may be easily understood. The free labourer, hired by the day, knows that if he does not exert all his power and all his intelligence, he will cease to be employed, another more laborious will be hired in his place, and be will be reduced to misery; the slave labourer, on the contrary knows, that whatever he may do, his condition will remain unchanged; he is aware that to preserve the capital which he represents, his master will be always forced to feed, lodge, clothe, take care of his health, and defend him; thus without disquiet as without hope for the future, the slave labourer can have but one desire, that of repose. In fact, what is it to him whether his master’s prosperity increases or is diminished? The consequences to him are always the same; is he not always a slave? From these considerations we may boldly conclude, that thirty free labourers paid by the day, would do the work of a hundred slaves, which the owner is obliged to feed and clothe throughout the year, to have fifty labourers. I suppose that the support of each slave costs but one franc a day, and the hire of a labourer would be three, there would then be a difference of ten per cent. a day in the labour, in favour of cultivation by free hands. This difference does not appear at first very considerable, but if we then take into account the enormous capital of 50,000 dollars at least for the purchase of the slaves; the fifty-two Sundays and other holidays, during which nothing is paid to the free labourer, and during which the slaves eat although they do not work, we shall then find that the difference is still greater, and shall scarcely comprehend why a planter (apart from all sentiments of humanity, and consulting his personal interests exclusively,) should not make his best efforts to substitute the labour of free men for that of slaves.

The good appearance and gaiety of the negroes at Monticello attested the humanity of their master, if so noble a character had need of an attestation; all those with whom I conversed assured me that they found themselves perfectly happy, and were not subject to bad treatment; that their task was light, and that they cultivated the grounds of Monticello with greater satisfaction, because they were nearly certain of not being torn from their homes to be sent elsewhere, during Mr. Jefferson’s life. This conversation proved to me that, notwithstanding what some persons say, it is possible to excite in slaves a love of labour and gain their affections; this infallible mode would be to attach them to the soil, and teach them to consider themselves as an inalienable part of the property to which they belong; to assure them in short, that they should enjoy the ameliorations or embellishments created by the sweat of their brows; when they knew that their natal soil was to nourish them to the end of their days, they would be attached to it, and take pleasure in rendering it productive. The masters themselves would have more regard for beings whom they would no longer consider as beasts of burden, which are to be gotten rid of, if the owner have not talent to guide them. Obliged to keep them, he would take more care of their moral and physical improvement; then those horrible markets would cease, which pitilessly breaking the ties of nature and affection, tear the infant from its mother, separate the wife from the husband, the brother from the sister, the unfortunate from the friends to which at least they were united by the same chain.

The objections to general and immediate emancipation are unanswerable; the objections to gradual emancipation are subject to discussion; but the objections against changing slavery into servitude, appear to be easy of refutation. The government of the United States has given a great lesson to the whole world in abolishing and punishing as a capital crime the trade in slaves. Virginia has acquired great claims upon the gratitude of the friends of humanity in opposing from her infancy the importation of slaves into her territory; but many palms still remain to be merited in this career of justice and philanthropy; the first to be decreed, will belong in my opinion to the states which shall first replace the slaves by servants.

Before leaving Mr. Jefferson, we went with him to visit the University of Virginia, at Charlotteville; he conveyed us thither in a very elegant calash, made by negroes on his own place; it appeared to be very well made, and in its construction I found a powerful argument against those who pretend that the intelligence of negroes can never be raised to the height of the mechanic arts.

Every thing had been prepared at Charlotteville, by the citizens and students, to give a worthy reception to Lafayette. The sight of the Nation’s Guest, seated at the patriotic banquet, between Jefferson and Madison, excited in those present an enthusiasm which expressed itself in enlivening sallies of wit and humour. Mr. Madison, who had arrived that day at Charlotteville to attend this meeting, was especially remarkable for the originality of his expressions, and the delicacy of his allusions: before leaving the table, he gave a toast, “To liberty, with virtue for her guest, and gratitude for the feast,” which was received with transports of applause.

After dinner, we visited the establishment; it is composed of two parallel lines of small buildings, all of different architecture; at the extremity is another building, constructed after plans of the Parthenon at Athens, reduced to one-fifth of the original dimensions, containing the library, and a vast circular saloon for public meetings. All these different buildings have been superintended by Mr. Jefferson himself, who passed several hours daily either among the workmen, or amidst the pupils and professors, who all profited by his wise counsel.

Before taking leave of the youth of Charlotteville, and its respectable professors, one of the latter took us into a little hall where he showed us a rattlesnake moving at freedom, upon the floor. It was caught a few days previous, in the woods, and was intended as a present for Mr. George Lafayette, who had expressed a desire to obtain one. We contemplated with pleasure this dangerous reptile, whose piercing eye, supple movements, livid body, crossed by broad black bands, and sounding tail, would doubtless have inspired sentiments of another nature, if we bad not known that his venom had been rendered harmless, by the extraction of the canulated fangs, through whose instrumentality this animal so subtlely introduces its poison into the veins of the victims it strikes. The poison of the rattlesnake is so violent, that it is said frequently to produce death in less than half an hour. The possibility of obtaining an efficacious remedy against the bite of this reptile, has long been, and still is doubted; however, Doctor Thacher affirms positively, in his excellent Military Journal of 1776, that the employment of olive oil and mercury perfectly succeeded in his hands, in saving the life of a soldier bitten by a rattlesnake.

Notwithstanding the happiness enjoyed by general Lafayette in the company of his old friend Mr. Jefferson, he was obliged to leave him, because other affections and other engagements still called him from numerous points. Of this vast republic, of which we have not yet visited but a small part, although since our landing we have constantly travelled at the rate of nearly forty miles a day. From Monticello we went to Montpelier, the charming residence of the ex-president Madison; there we found with some slight shades of difference the same habits and virtues as at Monticello.

The career of Mr. Madison has a surprising conformity with that of Mr. Jefferson, with whom he was always connected by the warmest friendship. Like his illustrious friend, Mr. Madison, early devoted himself to the study of law, and while still young, was called upon by his fellow-citizens to defend their dearest interests in the legislative assembly; like him he was distinguished by his oratorical talent, and the boldness of his conceptions, in that congress which immortalized itself in declaring the country independent. Like him he was twice called by the people to the chief magistracy of the republic, and moreover, during a part of his administration, he had to sustain a foreign war, which terminated gloriously; like him, finally, in leaving the government-house of the United States, he retired to cultivate his fields, and devote himself to letters, which he had never wholly relinquished, amid the multifarious occupations of his active political life.

Mr. Madison at the time of our visit was seventy-four years of age, but his well preserved frame contained a youthful soul full of sensibility, which he did not hesitate to show, when he expressed to general Lafayette the pleasure he felt at having him in his house. Although the habit of reflection and application, give to his countenance an aspect of severity, all the impressions of his heart are rapidly depicted in his features, and his conversation is usually animated with a gentle gaiety. Mrs. Madison also contributes much by the graces of her mind, and the amenity of her character to exalt the excellence of that frank hospitality with which strangers are received at Montpelier.

The four days passed with Mr. Madison were agreeably employed in promenades over his beautiful estate, and still more agreeably by our evening conversations, particularly concerning all the great American interests, which are so dear to general Lafayette. The society which at this time habitually assembled at Montpelier, was almost entirely composed of the neighbouring planters, who for the most part appeared as well versed in all great political questions as in agriculture. Lafayette, who though perfectly understanding the disagreeable situation of American slaveholders, and respecting generally the motives which prevent them from more rapidly advancing in the definitive emancipation of the blacks, never missed an opportunity to defend the right which all men without exception have to liberty, broached among the friends of Mr. Madison the question of slavery. It was approached and discussed by them frankly, and in a manner to confirm me in the opinion I had previously formed concerning the noble sentiments of the majority of Virginians upon this deplorable circumstance. It appears to me, that slavery cannot exist a long time in Virginia, because all enlightened men condemn the principle of it, and when public opinion condemns a principle, its consequences cannot long continue to subsist.

After the question of personal slavery in the United States, the equally important question of the spiritual slavery, to which some of the people of Europe are condemned by the dominant or state religions, was discussed. The friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved country; they entered into some details which showed me that they were not men to be contented with what we incessantly invoke as a benefit in Europe, that is religious tolerance. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond doubt preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable in a free country, because it marks an insulting pride. To give one religion the right to tolerate, and subject others to the disgrace of being tolerated, it would be first necessary to prove that the tolerant is the only good one, and that all the tolerated were bad. This proof is unobtainable, since each believes his own religion to be the best. The word toleration is, therefore, an insult, and cannot reasonably be replaced except by the word liberty. This liberty we now enjoy in the fullest sense of the term, and we are sure that throughout our twenty-four states, not one is to be found in which it is not better understood than in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our times of tolerance, indeed I may say of intolerance; before our glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under laws, by which for certain degrees of heresy, a father could be deprived of the privilege of educating his own children. Every individual might lose the rights of citizen, and a part of the protection of the laws, and sometimes even be burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks to our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed them, no individual can be forced to observe any religious worship, nor to frequent any place, nor to support any minister, of whatever religion he may be, nor be constrained, retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own person, or his goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty to profess and sustain by reasoning their religious opinions, and these opinions can neither diminish nor increase any of their civil rights.”

To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention; one of the persons engaged in it, who had observed me, took me aside while tea was preparing, and said:—“Since you take so deep an interest in every thing relating to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending the modesty of our host.—Previous to the revolution, the episcopal religion was the prevailing form of worship in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at the equality established between different sects by the law of 1776, and still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of the appointments, which they had previously received from government, declared that they could not be contented with voluntary contributions, and caused a petition to be presented to the general assembly in 1784–5, praying for the support of the ministers of the gospel by the government. This petition supported by the most popular talents of the house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success, some members proposed and obtained a reference of the petition to the ensuing session, as well as to have it printed and submitted to public examination; during the interval, Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas besought Mr. Madison to draw up a refutation of the petition. This refutation was diffused extensively among the people, and was so successful, that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of persons of all sects, and at the following session the petition was altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to read this production, which in my opinion, contains all that can be most strongly and judiciously said in favour of religious liberty. On reading this refutation, I found it worthy of the commendations bestowed. The principles it contains, are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently established and defended.”

On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to Fredericksburg by the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous escort commanded by Captain Mason came in the morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house, we found all the inhabitants drawn up in two lines, between which the general advanced to Col. Barbour, the governor of the state of Virginia, deputed by his fellow citizens to make an address to the nation’s guest. In passing along these two lines, the general received the expression of the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had been prevented by age and the distance from joining their military companions at the Yorktown celebration; he consoled them by evidences of friendship and remembrance, for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her youthful companions with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied it by a tender and respectful address.—We did not remain longer than was necessary to be present at an entertainment, over which Col. Barbour presided, who according to custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the dessert; these official or regular toasts were followed by numerous volunteers, all expressive of patriotism and gratitude. After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison, who, notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse with activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful dwelling. We continued on our journey, accompanied by the escort with which we arrived, now considerably augmented by a large number of citizens, who wished to prolong the pleasure of being near Lafayette.

We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a great crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erected at the intersection of the road, and a narrow path scarcely to be distinguished from the thickness of the wood. We soon learned, that this path, over which young females were strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with such touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette, on the 15th June, 1781, in order to make a forced march from the banks of the Rapidan to Michunk Creek, where Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared for battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without resistance upon the magazines of the middle states established at Albemarle. This new proof of the honourable recollection in which the Americans held all his actions, deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears, when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies, when in descending from his carriage be found himself surrounded and tenderly embraced by the citizens, who awaited him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a long time with them, and related to the young people how strongly these places reminded him of the obligations he owed to their parents. “It was here,” said he, “at the moment when I effected by this path a movement which would have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole campaign, the separation from their families, fatigues of every description, the ruinous abandonment of agriculture, and the difficulty of procuring provisions, did not prevent them from remaining with the army far beyond the time we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not relate, because modesty prevented him, the address with which he raised the courage of the most dejected, and kept those nearest himself, who were most disposed to withdraw. A detachment of militia were retained beyond their time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them, and complaining daily more and more, the general agreed that their discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible he was of the considerable injury which must result to those who were so long detained from homeland especially by this unexpected delay, which he could not provide against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of it; apologized for having retained them beyond their time, and declared that he had not the courage to keep them longer, and therefore gave permission to all to withdraw, adding, that for his own part he could not abandon the post confided to him, and should remain with the small number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the character of the men he commanded, and by this method obtained the desired results, for after speaking thus he would have found it difficult to have induced one to go, without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who could ever dream of abandoning the marquis,” by which name the Americans distinguished Lafayette throughout the war. This mode of designating him had become so habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used when we arrived at New York. During several days the newspapers, in giving an account of his movements, and of the entertainments given to him, used no other appellation in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it when they learned that the general constantly refused to resume this title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly. His cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing an old habit which was not without its charms to them, since it reminded them of their youthful days. I recollect at Philadelphia an old lady, who had known him well during the revolution, and who probably thought of him as he appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the crowd, saying, “Let me pass, that I may again see that good young marquis.”

It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we arrived at Fredericksburgh, where the general was received by the little boys formed into a battalion under the name of Lafayette Cadets; the night was already dark, and the town glittered with illumination, when we arrived at the place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburg were present, terminated the day. Next day being Sunday, we went to the Episcopal church, escorted by the free masons in grand ceremony. The clergyman who officiated was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General Washington, and in the evening we set out for Washington, accompanied for several miles by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh. At the Strafford county line, the extremity of which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort him to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and conveyed us to Washington by a pleasant night voyage.

1. Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.

2. Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is emblematic of lasting affection.—D.

3. The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union, that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author, who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes, prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states, whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the whole American union.—D.

4. Those whom our author here calls magistrates, were probably no other than constables, who are the executive officers of our police. The service of Justices of the Peace, whom in this country we distinguish by the name of magistrates, is seldom required on such occasions.—D.

5. It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor the sound of a French name. It was probably Molan, or Molant, or perhaps Moulin. Molang is evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.

6. The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the world, and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded charge of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be ascribed to their natural disposition, but to the confusion and uncertainty of the laws which the Normans introduced into England, and the English into this country. The fathers of this complicated code, the Normans, were stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a litigious people, and this character was produced by the same cause. In England, the excess of litigation is prevented by measures which we do not wish to see introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon legal proceedings, effectually protect the rich against the litigation of the poor, and prevent the latter from entertaining suits against each other. The evil, however, has reached to such a height, that the government themselves are setting on foot a revision of the whole legal system. We have amended it here in a considerable degree; but much remains yet to be done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual steps, so that we may not be obliged, at a future day, like our brethren of England, to tear up the whole edifice from its foundation.

As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated. However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to criminal intercourse, and when it did, the mischief was speedily repaired by the legal union of the parties. At present the custom has entirely disappeared, or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very lowest class of society. There is not a people on earth more truly moral and religious, than the people of that state, and illegitimate children are not more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other parts of the union.—D.

7. Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States, by Warden.

8. Our author evidently means here the Phi Beta Kappa society, which is an association of students, who meet together at stated times, to promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed, consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the termination of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised to the first political honours of the country. The professors and the heads of the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious society by all the means in their power.—D.

9. The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the aborigines of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated statements of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of romance writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of nature,” have endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and bestowed upon them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown, as well as perfectly incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the character of our savages, formed from an examination of the miserable stragglers which still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would be quite as inadequate and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that the best of the known tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its extreme of degradation, from a more perfect condition of which but few, faint and almost obliterated traces, are occasionally to be discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction, they appear, like another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction of a tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national crime. Such a conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of this continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by which this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the United States also arrive?—T.

10. Warden, t. 2de.

11. See this letter in Franklin’s works.

12. The Bowery, and Lafayette theatres, the Mount Pitt Circus, and other places of public amusement, have been built since. Some of them have also been burnt down and rebuilt within a short time.

13. The writer was probably not acquainted with the Musical Fund Society of Philadelphia, which had been but lately established when General Lafayette arrived, and which is rapidly becoming an excellent school of music. It has already performed in public in a very creditable manner, several English and German oratorios, such as Handel’s Messiah, and Haydn’s Creation. Since Lafayette’s departure from this country, New York has had an Italian opera led by Garcia, Angrisani, Signorina Garcia, &c. &c. The New Orleans troop of Comedians has performed with great applause both at New York and Philadelphia. They have met with so much encouragement that a regular annual visit is expected from them.—D.

14. This venerable man is still living in Massachusetts; October, 1829.

15. These were his titles of recommendation! They now serve but to remind his country of the vast loss sustained by his death!—T.

16. By the existing laws of New York, interments can no longer be made in the city.—T.

17. American Biography.

18. See Brackenridge’s History of the late War.

19. This miserable pretext, of the profitableness of the traffic to the merchants [robbers] concerned, was resorted to till the last, in the British parliamentary discussions relative to abolition, and unfortunately was allowed to exert considerable influence. The last time we recollect to have seen this seriously urged as an argument in favour of the continuance of the slave-trade, was by that prig Boswell, in his life of Dr. Johnson.—T.

20. Eheu! vixit!

END OF VOLUME I.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.

2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed.

3. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last chapter.

4. The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

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Table of Contents

- LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825; OR, JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO THE UNITED STATES:

- THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

- TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.

- CONTENTS.

- CHAPTER I.

- CHAPTER II.

- CHAPTER III.

- CHAPTER IV.

- CHAPTER V.

- CHAPTER VI.

- CHAPTER VII.

- CHAPTER VIII.

- CHAPTER IX.

- CHAPTER X.

- CHAPTER XI.

- CHAPTER XII.

- CHAPTER XIII.

- CHAPTER XIV.

- CHAPTER XV.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE