General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York
Date: 2023-02-24T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: New York (N.Y.) -- History -- Revolution; 1775-1783; Washington; George; 1732-1799 -- Career in espionage; Spies -- New York (State) -- History -- 18th century; Espionage -- New York (State) -- History -- 18th century; United States -- History -- Revolution; 1775-1783 -- Secret service; New York (State) -- History -- Revolution; Long Island (N.Y.) -- History -- Revolution

The Project Gutenberg eBook of General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York

Author: Morton Pennypacker

Release date: February 24, 2023 [eBook #70129]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Long Island Historical Society

Credits: Tim Lindell, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GENERAL WASHINGTON'S SPIES ON LONG ISLAND AND IN NEW YORK ***

Transcriber’s Notes

This book contains both Footnotes and Endnotes. The Footnote numbers and their references are numbered 1-72 and are enclosed in [square brackets]; the Endnote numbers and their references are numbered 101-142 and are enclosed in (parentheses).

Larger versions of most illustrations may be seen by right-clicking them and selecting an option to view them separately, or by double-tapping and/or stretching them.

Cover image created by Transcriber by brightening the original cover and adding the title. The result remains in the Public Domain.

Other Notes will be found after the Index.

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES
On Long Island and
In New York

LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OFFICERS

President | B. Herbert Smith
First Vice-President | Guy Du Val
Second Vice-President | William H. Cary
Corresponding Secretary | Norman Taylor
Recording Secretary | Richards M. Cahoone
Treasurer | John D. Talmage
Assistant Treasurer | Guy Du Val
Librarian | Miss Edna Huntington

DIRECTORS

- Joseph Dana Allen, Litt.D.
- Hon. George E. Brower
- Richards M. Cahoone
- William H. Cary
- Francis D. Dodge, Ph.D.
- Guy Du Val
- Rev. Phillips Packer Elliott
- Lewis W. Francis
- George Hewlett
- David H. Lanman
- A. Augustus Low
- Evelyn Pierrepont Luquer
- D. Irving Mead
- Walter M. Meserole
- Hon. Howard Pervear Nash
- Frederic C. Paffard, M.D.
- William A. Robbins
- Arnold W. Sherman
- B. Herbert Smith
- John D. Talmage
- Norman Taylor
- Edwin H. Thatcher

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

B. Herbert Smith, Chairman

- Joseph Dana Allen
- Richards M. Cahoone
- William H. Cary
- Guy Du Val
- Lewis W. Francis
- William A. Robbins
- John D. Talmage
- Norman Taylor

COUNCILORS

Kings County

- Miss Jessie A. Addoms, J.D.
- Mrs. Samuel K. Frost
- Rev. John H. Lathrop, D.D.
- Lester D. Mapes
- Frank L. Van Cleef
- Wheeler N. Voorhees

Nassau County

- George D. A. Combes
- Courtney R. Hall, Ph.D.
- Henry Hicks
- Jesse Merritt
- Rt. Rev. Ernest M. Stires, D.D.

Suffolk County

- Mrs. J. D. Cockcroft
- Perry Duryea
- Ralph G. Duvall
- Morton Pennypacker
- Wallace Reid
- Mrs. Joseph H. Willets

Queens County

- William G. Clossen

- Arthur White

Painted by John Ward Dunsmore. (Used by permission of the Title Guarantee & Trust Co.)

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S COUNCIL OF WAR AFTER THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND

In the Philip Livingston house, later known as the Teunis Joralemon House, east side of Hicks St., Brooklyn.

In the picture are General Washington, Samuel Parsons, Joseph Spencer, Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott, Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam, Peleg Wadsworth and John Fellows.

GENERAL
WASHINGTON’S
SPIES
On Long Island and
In New York

BY MORTON PENNYPACKER

BROOKLYN, NEW YORK
Published by the Long Island Historical Society
PIERREPONT STREET CORNER CLINTON STREET
1939

COPYRIGHT, 1939, BY
MORTON PENNYPACKER
EAST HAMPTON, L. I.

PRINTED BY
COUNTRY LIFE PRESS CORPORATION
GARDEN CITY, N. Y.

PREFATORY NOTE TO “THE TWO SPIES, NATHAN HALE AND ROBERT TOWNSEND.”

It is nearly one hundred and ten years since America’s first great novel was written, it being James Fenimore Cooper’s second book. With “The Spy” for title, it was hailed with unprecedented enthusiasm. There can be no question but what Governor John Jay’s recital of the work of the spies made a deep impression upon Cooper, but years passed before he attempted to record it permanently. Meanwhile, he had many opportunities to converse with others who were more intimately connected with the Secret Service work than he ever realized. Elizabeth Floyd was his mother-in-law, and the visits to members of her family on Long Island were frequent. Two years preceding the publication of “The Spy,” he became temporarily a resident of Sag Harbor, although still retaining his home in Westchester County. It is not, therefore, surprising to discover that so much that he has placed in Westchester County actually happened on Long Island.

To Cooper “The Spy” must have been a disappointment, particularly after Enoch Crosby had been exploited. Crosby did not conform to his ideal, but the spies of Washington did. When Tallmadge wished to send Long Island assistance in October, 1780, Townsend’s reply, as will be found in these pages, was, “I do not choose that the person you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.” When Abraham Woodhull discovered our country’s need for ready money, he used his own for incidental expenses of the Secret Service, such as repairs to their four whaleboats and feed for the horses, and never complained, although more than seven years of peace passed before our government reimbursed him. It is inspiring to a greater patriotism to discover the type of men that these pages reveal.

The story of Nathan Hale will commend itself for brevity. No statements at the present day known to be incorrect are even quoted therein. The hitherto unpublished statement regarding his capture is on the authority of Robert Townsend, whom General Washington says he found always reliable. This might have been known seventy years ago had not Henry Onderdonk added confusing details that discredited it.

An elaborate chapter was in preparation detailing the scientifically planned investigation that made certain the identity of Robert Townsend as the “Culper Junior” of the American Revolution, when it was observed that the material collected and here published evinced that beyond comment. Therefore, no documents are here offered to prove what obviously is a fact.

Many startling revelations will be discovered by the careful reader of these pages. Some of them will be observed only after referring to the secret code printed among the Notes. The return of Major André after he had been started on his way to freedom is timely as well as interesting, for we are this fall celebrating the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of his execution. A strange hesitancy to-day, as during the life of Major Tallmadge, may necessitate patient waiting for more intimate details that will be merely stronger confirmation of this interesting fact.

Where letters from either of the Culpers have been condensed for the sake of brevity, a figure within parentheses has been used to indicate that the same letter will be found among the Notes beginning on page 232. A more perfect analysis is thus assured to the student of history.

Acknowledgment is due for assistance to so many, particularly among the heads of the larger public libraries and historical societies, that it becomes impracticable to name them individually. They have shown a uniform enthusiasm and untiring effort that makes the present publication possible.

Morton Pennypacker

Kew Gardens, L.I.
September, 1930.

CONTENTS

FOREWORD | 1
NATHAN HALE | 19
GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES | 30
SECRET SERVICE SECRETS | 60
TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY | 102
SPIES AND SPIES | 112
JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON | 120
ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET | 144
EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE | 160
AFTERMATH | 184
CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE | 209
A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED | 219
NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION | 232
INDEX | 289

ILLUSTRATIONS

COUNCIL OF WAR, BROOKLYN, AUGUST 29th, 1776 | Frontispiece
From a painting by John Ward Dunsmore

Showing Generals George Washington, Samuel Parsons, Joseph Spencer, Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott, Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam, Peleg Wadsworth and John Fellows.

FACING PAGE
MAJOR TALLMADGE AND GROUP OF AMERICAN GENERALS | 32

Philip Schuyler, Marquis de LaFayette, Nathaniel Green, George Clinton, Robert Howe, Israel Putnam, John Lamb and William Heath.

JOHN JAY’S LETTER TO WASHINGTON | 52
Introducing the mode of secret correspondence invented by his brother James.
WRAPPER ENCLOSING URGENT MESSAGES | 82
This is in the handwriting of Abraham Woodhull, made directly from the original without reduction.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S LETTER TO LAFAYETTE | 84
Showing how quickly messages from the Culpers were forwarded through Lafayette to the French fleet.
HOUSES ONCE OCCUPIED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES | 102

Raynham Hall, Oyster Bay, L. I. Home of Culper Junior and his sister Sarah Townsend. These contemporary silhouettes give their only known likenesses.

Lower left—Present-day home of the Colonial Dames of America. Built by one of Washington’s spies. (See p. 10 in this volume, and Iconography of Manhattan, vol. 6, p. 79.) Lower right—Culper Senior’s home at Setauket. His three great-great-grandchildren in the foreground.

J. L. GARDINER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY RECORD | 115

His record made near 150 years ago, of a whispered conversation with Clinton, Major André and Col. Simcoe that had been overheard by a servant.

A BENEDICT ARNOLD CODE LETTER | 126
Advising the British commander that he has accepted the command of West Point and will betray it.
COL. SIMCOE AND PROMINENT BRITISH OFFICERS | 136

Lord Cornwallis, Major John André, Sir Henry Clinton, Admiral Arbuthnot, General John Burgoyne, General Riedesel and Lord Rawdon.

THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ | 160
Engraved from a painting by J. Halpin
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S NOTE | 178
Informing General Washington that he was too late to have Arnold recalled.
WASHINGTON’S LETTER | 192
Thanking those who engaged in the capture of Fort St. George near Mastic, Long Island.
WASHINGTON IN NEW YORK, 1783 | 206
From a painting by J. R. Chapin

There is a story, perhaps true but lacking satisfactory proof, that one of the mounted figures at the right of the picture is there to represent Major Tallmadge and the other, one of his Dragoons; and that the man this way from him with hat in air is Robert Townsend, otherwise Culper Junior.

MASKED LETTER USED BY BRITISH | 208
Sir Henry Clinton thus informed Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany.
ROBERT MORRIS’ LETTER TO WASHINGTON | 216

His Quaker friends approved the work of the Culpers, and he could get money for them when it was refused for other purposes.

CODE USED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES | 218
This was prepared by Major Tallmadge and used by the Culpers, Senior and Junior.
HANDWRITING THAT DISCOVERED ROBERT TOWNSEND TO BE GENERAL WASHINGTON’S CULPER JUNIOR | 232
PORTRAITS ON JACKET. |

General Washington, Major Tallmadge, John Paulding, Nathan Hale, James Rivington, Sarah Townsend, Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior.
On backstrap of jacket, Washington in 1772.

FOREWORD

Certainly there are but few Americans to whom the name of Nathan Hale is not as familiar as a household word. Everybody has heard of that Martyr Spy and almost everybody knows his life story. A graduate of Yale College in 1773 he became a school teacher[1] and more, a patriot, in every sense the word implies. He enjoyed his work as a pedagogue but his country’s call was irresistible. Soon he was captain of a Company and on Long Island he received from the British his Baptism of fire. Then illness caused him to wonder if after all to him would come the privilege of rendering worth while service. Can it not be said he hoped, or better he prayed that he might be useful, and then, sooner than he expected, he was called to render an unusual service. There was no reckless haste in his decision. He considered well the hazard of the work he had been asked to do. It was more than to report the position of the British Army. It was to discover their intentions, and to report his findings to General Washington.—A week later he was dead—and not a line from him had reached the Commander in Chief. His work was a magnificent failure but the spirit that prompted him to undertake it entitled him to the everlasting glory which is his.

Hale’s was an unnecessary sacrifice that more careful planning might have prevented, but as yet there was no time for organized effort, and for some months no better method was devised than to entrust some officer to get what was needed, either by the capture of prisoners or by sending a trusted man into the enemy’s camp. Upon these latter occasions individuals were met with who seemed anxious to be of service. Among them were two men later to be known as Culper Junior and Senior. Certain officers, particularly General Chas. Scott, became popular with General Washington because of their ability to locate these men and to get from them intelligence that could be relied upon. It will be seen that they later formed the Secret Service Bureau that was so helpful to General Washington all through the Revolutionary War.

This organized service differed from that of Hale’s time in that it became a business with the men who conducted it, and enabled them usually to have some one who could get the information when they feared they were suspected or for any other reason they believed it too hazardous to undertake themselves. It is remarkable that although their lives were every moment in danger so carefully were their secrets guarded that not only to the end of the war but for a hundred and fifty years thereafter, in spite of frequent efforts to discover their identity the real men were never suspected. Primarily this was due to the caution of the men themselves, each declaring that if to any one other than those of their own selection they should learn that their names were known they would leave the service and never return; but it was also due to the care of General Washington in exacting from all who knew them the most solemn pledge that not to any one at any time or under any circumstances would they reveal their identity. It is interesting at this day to observe the fear they had that their handwriting might betray them, and to note that although they practiced several styles of writing with the intention of concealing their real hand nevertheless it was finally this that first enabled positive identification. It will also be discovered that although those in the Secret Service requested that the letters they were sending for General Washington should be destroyed the majority of them were preserved by him, and that on the contrary with one exception the letters from General Washington to the Culpers were promptly destroyed by them in order that they should not be betrayed thereby if searched. That the contents of so many of the letters to the members of the Secret Service from General Washington is known is due to his system of saving copies of them and these as a rule are in the handwriting of the General himself.

Long before the Culpers were requested to do their own writing both furnished intelligence, and it is not possible to say which was first so engaged. Culper Senior had made his fourteenth written report when Culper Junior’s first was sent, but most of Senior’s information was furnished by Junior, and probably Scott had it from him before Senior had attempted it. Their work did not end with the closing days of 1783 but General Washington’s temporary retirement occasioned them to look to others who may have been less careful in preserving the records. After the war Culper Senior was from 1799 to 1810 First Judge of Suffolk County but Junior never accepted any important political position, although Oliver Templeton, a leader among the business men of the day, wrote to Culper’s brother when in 1789 it was announced that his father had been made a member of the Council of Appointment, saying: “I am informed your father is one of the Council of Appointment. For God’s sake if that is the case, write your father immediately not to forget his sons. I am afraid for the opportunity he may have too much modesty.... Your Brother Robert is fitted for any office.” He wielded an influence however that was almost uncanny. No one knew the real patriots in the City of New York at the close of the war as he did and much that seemed mysterious at the time can be traced to him, for besides Washington and Tallmadge, Alexander Hamilton, Richard Varick and several others were familiar with his handwriting and gave weight to his suggestions and opinions.

Publication of “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend”[2] by Houghton Mifflin Company in 1930 revealed for the first time the names of those in the secret service employed by General Washington. It was discovered that Culper Senior was Abraham Woodhull[3] of Setauket, Long Island, and that Culper Junior was Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay. It was Robert Townsend who remained in New York City from the beginning of the war until and after its close. Culper Junior was the man whose identity every historian from Judge William Smith to those at the present day was trying to discover. Smith was a co-worker with him and at times they would both hand communications to James Rivington for his newspaper at the same moment, but Smith never guessed that Townsend was General Washington’s Culper Junior. Jared Sparks later went to the greatest pains to try to identify him, begging those who he knew could tell him if they would, but no one at any time was willing to break the pledge by revealing his identity. To prevent any misunderstanding as to Rivington’s part in the Secret Service a brief sketch of him here seems necessary.

James Rivington was the son of Charles and Eleanor Rivington. He was born in 1724. Was twice married, his second wife being Elizabeth Van Horne of New York, by whom he had two sons and a daughter. A brother was John, with whom he was in partnership in the publishing business in London until 1756, when he joined James Fletcher, son of the bookseller of Oxford. Their most successful venture was Smollett’s History of England, upon which they cleared ten thousand pounds, the largest profit then known to have been made on any single work. A growing love for horse-racing and gambling possessed him until most of his money was gone. He then came to America and settled as a bookseller in Philadelphia in 1760. The following year he opened a book store at the lower end of Wall Street in New York. Then in 1762 he commenced bookselling in Boston, where he failed. In 1764 he was in Bermuda, where he opened a printing office for a short time. He soon returned to New York where in April, 1773, he began “Rivington’s New York Gazetteer.” By 1775 the matter he permitted to appear in the Gazetteer was so offensive to the Sons of Liberty that on May 10th his office and home were mobbed and he with Miles Cooper was obliged to seek refuge on a British man-of-war in the harbor. Although his plant was damaged his assistants were able to continue the paper whilst he petitioned the Continental Congress, saying:

“It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society. Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he is desirous of devoting his life in the business of his profession, to the service of the Country he has adopted for his own. He lately employed no less than sixteen workmen, at near one thousand pounds annually: and his consumption of printing paper, the manufacture of Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay, has amounted nearly to that sum. His extensive foreign correspondence, his large acquaintance in Europe and America, and the manner of his education, are circumstances which, he conceives, have not improperly qualified him for the situation in which he wishes to continue, and in which he will exert every endeavour to be useful.”

However, before the close of the year, on November 23d, 1775, his plant was again mobbed. This time under Colonel Sears’s directions the presses were ruined and the type all carried away to later be melted into bullets. Rivington then went to England, but returned to New York in 1777, now as the king’s printer with a Royal commission and a grant of £100. per annum. He brought with him new machinery and type and began republishing his paper on October 4th of that year. He also had received commissions from several publishers to supply them with the news of British activities in this country. Several have stated that Rivington was permitted to remain in New York after the close of the Revolution; for example, in the news from Springfield, Mass., published in the Salem (Mass.) Gazette, December 25th, 1783, it was reported as “an undoubted fact Mr. Rivington, publisher, of New York was, as soon as our troops entered the city, protected in person, and property, by a guard and that he will be allowed to reside in the country, for reasons best known to the great men at helm.” But most have neglected to show that his treatment was worse than exile. A rival publisher in his issue of January 1st, 1784, says: “Yesterday Rivington, who has had the audacity to continue his obnoxious publications was waited on by General John Lamb, Colonel Willett and Colonel Sears, and forbid the prosecution of any further business in this city, in consequence of which, he has discharged his hands, and obeyed the order. To the joy of every one in the United States, Jemmy Rivington’s political existence terminated last Wednesday, the 31st ulto. [1783].”

Personal injury was soon to be added to insult, for on the 11th of the same month Nicholas Cruger gave him a violent beating, claiming he had suffered in prison during the war because of statements made by Rivington’s paper.

Rivington had a caller in 1794 in the person of Henry Wansey, who wrote in his Journal: “June 23d, I dined with James Rivington, the bookseller, formerly of St. Pauls Churchyard; he is still a cheerful old man, and enquired of me for Mr. Collins, and Mr. Baston, and many of his quandam acquaintances in England. During the time the British kept possession of New York, he printed a newspaper for them, and opened a kind of coffee-house for the officers; his house was a great place of resort; he made a great deal of money during that period, though many of the officers quitted it considerably in arrears to him.”

A record exists in a letter written on May 8th, 1797, showing that Rivington was then in jail for debts contracted by others but which he was held responsible for. On the fourth of July, 1802, he breathed his last, at the age of 78, and was buried in the cemetery of the New Dutch Church.

After discovering that the chiefs of General Washington’s spies were Robert Townsend and Abraham Woodhull the problem was still to be solved how these two men could so frequently meet without attracting suspicion. For many months it seemed beyond solution. Townsend’s books showed that he changed his boarding place usually after a year’s stay but this could be attributed to no more than a precautionary measure. However when the account books of Woodhull were compared with those of Townsend it was noticed that both men carried ledger accounts with these landlords. The first for example was Amos Underhill.[4] There seemed nothing significant in the name until the family genealogies were searched. Then it was discovered that on March 21, 1774, Amos Underhill had married Mary Woodhull. Mary Woodhull was the sister of Abraham Woodhull. The matter was solved! Townsend was an incidental roomer at the Underhills’ and Woodhull was a frequent caller on his sister and brother in law. Culper Senior and Junior could therefore be with each other whenever necessary without attracting the least suspicion.

Townsend next boarded with Jacob Seaman, who was married to Margaret Birdsall. This Margaret was the daughter of Col. Benjamin Birdsall who furnished our Gen. George Clinton with much valuable information.

Townsend and Woodhull found it necessary to personally scout for information at its source (see Woodhull’s letter dated Oct. 31, 1778). Their system also included a score of the most respectable citizens who were never seen anywhere in situations the least suspicious, but each employed trusted friends who regularly corresponded with them and the items they secured were promptly communicated to either Townsend or Woodhull. Much in these letters might be called camouflage. They usually began with some expression such as “We have no news” and then followed the style suggested by General Washington in several of his communications. Sometimes the information was promptly forwarded, the following letter being an example:

My dear Friend:

We all arrived here yesterday at three o’clock after a passage of 2 hours. The kindness of yourself and wife and the pleasure I found at your house are strongly fixed on my mind, and make me desirous of contributing any thing to the information, amusement &c. of yourself and friends. I enclose a paper which will give you all the news that is yet published about Charles Town. Tomorrow a hand bill will come out with the Capitulation. Yesterday most of the troops here, Staten Island &c. were embarked in Sloops &c. to the number, it is said, of 7 or 8 thousand, and proceeding up the Kills, landed about sunset near Elizabeth Town, and immediately began their march to attack Washington in his camp at Morris Town. At five o’clock this morning the troops had got to Springfield, 8 miles short of the place without much opposition, but since, much firing has been heard. Brigadier Genl. Sterling[5] was wounded in the thigh by a random shot at Elizabeth Town last evening and is brought back but the British met with no other loss there.

A vessel is just arrived from St. Kits but brings no news except that the fleets were within sight of each other and another action expected. The British had been reinforced with three sail.

My Respects to C. Wistar and family. I am sorry katy’s indisposition prevented her coming with us. I shall send the nickanees by Tommy. I am affectionately &c.

William T. Robinson.

7 June, 1780.

Culper Senior had the contents of the above letter on its way to Washington three days later; see his letter of June 10, 1780, on p. 79.

A shorter but no less important letter reads:

New York, 31st December, 1779.

My good Friend:

When I left you at D. Bowne’s, I galloped directly to the Ferry the nearest way without stopping, and arrived there in two hours and twenty five minutes, and had there been a boat ready I might, if I chose it, have gone to meeting here in the afternoon, but you will readily imagine that I was more intent on procuring a good dinner, which I did at Brooklyn and got over before sundown....

We have no news—besides what the enclosed papers contain. The Southern Fleet, consisting of 150 sail, went out of the Hook at two o’clock on Sunday and ’tis feared that they have suffered in the dreadful storm that followed soon after. The fleet for Europe sailed the thursday before.

This goes by Hick’s boat to Great Neck, to the care of Richard Thorne. I also send a small paper bundle containing a Book for Eliza and a pair of skates for my friend Harry—of which I beg their acceptance. My respects and best wishes attend Mrs. Lawrence and the family and our two friends over the ICE. I am affectionately yours,

Wm. T. Robinson.

Another Robinson letter will be found in the notes (125).

It may interest some to know that this Wm. T. Robinson once owned the property 421 E. 61st Street, New York, now owned and occupied by the Colonial Dames of America. His helpful intelligence reached the spies through Joseph Lawrence of Bayside, L. I. The original documents were preserved in a manner so similar to all the rest of the Culper Jr. material as to be remarkable. The wife of Joseph Lawrence was Phebe and there were not so many that knew her maiden name, but it was Townsend and she was the daughter of the Fourth Henry Townsend. They were married in 1764 when he was 23. Their son Effingham married Anne Townsend daughter of Solomon Townsend who was Robert Townsend’s brother. A daughter of Anne and Effingham twenty three years after her mother’s death had occasion to go through the homestead and there under the eaves in the garret at the stone house she found (in 1868) this interesting correspondence that had evidently been placed there by her grandparents and had remained unobserved for nearly a century. It reached the Long Island Collection in East Hampton a few months ago, having been carefully preserved but without critical examination during the past seventy years.

John Bolton was the assumed name of the man who stood between the Culpers and General Washington. With the occasional exception of a letter to General Washington all from the Culpers were addressed to Mr. John Bolton, the name assumed by Major Benjamin Tallmadge in the secret service work. Major Tallmadge did not try to conceal his identity after the war. Caleb Brewster always permitted his own name to be used. With his trusty gun and sword he defended it, although the British at one time offered a large reward for his capture. Austin Roe, also of Setauket, was the chief messenger. He was given no other name, but was known by a number, which was 724. Jonas Hawkins was another messenger, and there were several more that could be depended upon if required, but Austin Roe became so expert in the service as to eclipse the rest. One who can realize what he had to contend with must view with amazement the work of Austin Roe. Across the Sound General Washington had Dragoons posted, three every fifteen miles apart, to carry the messages to him, whilst on the Long Island side Austin Roe rode the fifty-five miles from Setauket to New York and the same distance back, through the enemy’s country, unattended. True, officers in British uniforms had permitted him to arrange for relays of horses which he could exchange along the way as required, but nevertheless it was a remarkable feat and should yet be recognised as such.

* * * * *

Had it been possible to follow a message from New York to Headquarters in 1781 one might have seen Austin Roe enter a coffee house in the vicinity of Wall Street. Visibly tired, and probably hungry as well, for he had just finished a long ride. Few were in the room at that hour but in the far corner we will observe two British officers in conversation with a gentleman dressed in the fashion of the day. This is Mr. Townsend, and the officers are persuading him to visit their encampment. They have been advised that he is diffident but they have discovered that preferment comes to those who receive favorable publicity in the English Magazines as well as in the Royal Gazette. Mr. Rivington, the king’s printer, had advised them to cultivate Mr. Townsend’s acquaintance; to keep him posted as to all their activities if they value publicity such as he may give them; and they exact from Townsend the promise of an early visit. They do not know that the Coffee Room was established for that very purpose: that Townsend and Rivington although silent partners were its financial backers; and that Rivington wished to establish it in order to provide a place close by his printing office where British officers would meet and furnish him with copy for the English Magazines and his own Royal Gazette. Townsend he found apt, and most willing to run down news that made good copy; and the fact that Townsend refused to be on his pay roll or to accept money for his work did not lessen Rivington’s regard for him. That James Rivington ever imagined Robert Townsend to be in the service of General Washington there is no evidence to show. In fact it is very unlikely. Rivington was not the type of man that Townsend would trust with that secret.

The sight of Roe was sufficient to apprise Townsend that the General was expecting a message. When he could excuse himself he left the Coffee Shop and returned to his own rooms, which were nearby. He was soon followed by Austin Roe, who handed him a letter from Mr. John Bolton. This read: “I wish you to send by bearer ½ ream letter paper, same as the last. Mr. Roe will pay for it.” Townsend paid little attention to this message, but opening a secret closet brought out a vial of liquid which he proceeded to brush over the letter. Soon another message appeared on the same sheet of paper. It was from General Washington requesting certain important information. Meanwhile Roe had started down the street for the printing office of James Rivington at the corner of Queen Street facing the North Front of the Coffee House. Here he purchased a half ream of paper—had it carefully wrapped and labeled and then started back with it to Townsend’s rooms. Very carefully it was unwrapped, in order that it could be sealed again without showing that it had been opened. Townsend then began counting the sheets until he arrived at a number previously agreed upon. That sheet was then extracted, and reaching for a vial of a different liquid he proceeded to write. But only momentarily could the words be seen. As soon as the stain was dry it disappeared, leaving no hint that it was there waiting to be developed by the other liquid.

The supper hour was now approaching when the Coffee Room would be a scene of great gaiety. There would be gathered new arrivals from abroad, anxious for an introduction, and those expecting soon to leave would be tendered an affectionate adieu. It was a huge success from the standpoint of a news gatherer, and would have been worth while even if it had not been returning the handsome revenue it did at that time. So thought Rivington. Doubtless Townsend from the standpoint of a Spy thought the same, but unlike Rivington he kept his own counsel. It should not be presumed that all could be gotten in this fashion. There were reports from at least a dozen to be checked over, and out of the way places to be visited. When all had been summed up Townsend finished his letter and returned it to its proper place in the package of letter paper. Austin Roe packed his saddle bags with a variety of articles needed by those at the east end of the Island, and carefully stowed among the things was this half ream of paper for Mr. John Bolton. In the late forenoon he set off, crossing the Brooklyn ferry and from there heading either for Jamaica or Flushing he soon was well on his way. There were times when he met with trouble along the road but upon this occasion we presume that he reached Setauket without incident, and just in time to give attention to his cattle, which were kept pastured in a field belonging to Abraham Woodhull. It might have been a matter of suspicion had he always left a package with Woodhull, therefore a box in the field was resorted to on this as upon many occasions, and straightway home Roe drove the cows. Later Woodhull, passing through the field, transferred the contents of the box to a bag he was carrying and soon the intelligence for General Washington was in his private room. Other messages to accompany those just arrived were now prepared by Woodhull, who we will not forget always signed himself Culper Senior in this correspondence.

Caleb Brewster was waiting with his boats to convey these messages across the Sound. Woodhull knew he was waiting but had not seen him. He had observed the black petticoat which was the signal of his arrival hanging on the line across the creek on Strong’s Neck. He knew where the boats were hid, too, although there were six landing places, but he had observed hanging with the clothes on the line near half a mile away four handkerchiefs. Just as one, two, three, five or six hanging there at one time indicated certain landing places Woodhull knew that four indicated the Neck, and there when the messages were ready he took them.[6] It was long a question as to who it was that used this clothes line signal to guide the delivery of the messages to Brewster who was to carry them across the sound on their way to Washington’s headquarters. Finally a clue was found among the papers of the Floyd family and when this was compared with the Woodhull account book it was discovered that the signals were arranged by no less a personage than the wife of Judge Selah Strong. Anna Smith was her maiden name. She was born on April 14th, 1740, and married Judge Strong on Nov. 9th, 1760.[7]

Brewster sometimes would capture an enemy crew on the way across, and sometimes when not well protected they would chase him. Occasionally he found it necessary to kill some of them. Major Tallmadge was not always to be found in the same place but kept Brewster sufficiently informed to be able to steer in the right direction. When to Major Tallmadge the messages were handed they were again examined, in fact frequently the stain letters were developed and then forwarded to the nearest Dragoons posted along the road, from whence they were relayed to Headquarters.

* * * * *

No one will challenge the emphasis put upon the importance of the Secret Service. Only lack of details has deterred its recognition. As early as April 1779, Major Tallmadge began by saying: “Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movements of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.” “Of very great importance” Washington considered it, and so wrote on July 11, 1780 “I rely upon this intelligence,” he wrote at another time. When G. W. P. Custis, adopted son of General Washington, was told by friends, who probably over-estimated, that the service had cost between one thousand and fifteen hundred pounds, he wrote: “It was a cheap, a dog cheap bargain; for, although gold was precious in the days of the Continental currency, yet the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value, when it is remembered how much it contributed to the safety and success of the army of Independence.”

Too much can not be said of the personnel of the service, due largely to Robert Townsend, whom all the others speak of in the highest terms. “Nothing could induce me to be here but the earnest desire of Culper Jur.,” said Woodhull in 1779. “He is the person in whom I have the greatest confidence,” General Washington wrote of Culper Junior in a letter to Congress. “This much I can assure you,” says Major Tallmadge, “he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor.” Of him on June 20th, 1779, Woodhull wrote: “He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family, I have reason to think his advantages for serving you, and abilities, are far superior to mine. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can.” Again on February 5th, 1780, General Washington wrote of Culper Junior: “His accounts are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory ... I rely upon his intelligence,” and Woodhull echoes “He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment, and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure, you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country.” Then in May, 1781, General Washington recorded: “Of the Culpers fidelity and ability I entertain the highest opinion.”

In this volume are now collected a majority of the letters still in existence from spies in the American service during the Revolutionary War. That General Washington was contented with an occasional report from other scenes of action evinces the importance he attached to the territory around New York. That the Spies of Washington are worthy of important recognition in the annals of the State becomes evident as their work is examined.

G. M. Pierce, Registrar General of the National Society, D. A. R. in 1918 summed up the Revolutionary Spy in these words: “The man or woman who enters upon such a career must possess strength of character and be endowed with all the qualifications of a good soldier and a commanding officer besides. A soldier must possess bravery and courage, but a spy must be not only brave and courageous, but must also have what is called ‘nerve,’ poise, self possession, absolute control of facial expression, fearlessness, tact and discretion unequalled. For his is the most hazardous of all undertakings. Discovery means death, the penalty inflicted alike by all nations.”

FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

[1] In October, 1773, Nathan Hale began teaching in East Haddam, Connecticut, but in May, 1774, he took charge of a school in New London, called the “Union School.” Here he remained until the summer of 1775, when he joined the third company of the 7th Connecticut Regiment, commanded by Colonel Charles Webb.

[2] “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend,” might almost be called a first edition of this volume, but there being more new material in this than the entire contents of the first issue, it is given a new title.

[3] Until this publication the identity of Culper Senior was not positive. Some said Nathaniel Ruggles was the man; others were correct in assuming that it was Abraham Woodhull, but others confused matters by declaring that it was Abraham C. Woodhull, an entirely different person, although he lived in the same town at the same time.

[4] The above Amos Underhill had brothers, one being Benjamin, whose wife was the daughter of Sylvanus Townsend. After his death she married in 1789, John Franklin, son of Thomas. Benjamin’s only son he called Townsend Underhill, born in 1765. His daughter was Elizabeth. This Elizabeth Underhill married John Butler Coles. In 1780 he was a clerk for Thos. Buchanan & Co., and later had his own business at 12 Dock Street, now Pearl. He was a director of the Bank of New York from 1806 to 1820 and died January 2, 1827, leaving a large estate. His father, Nathaniel Coles, happy over the return of peace, in 1783 roasted an entire ox and invited the neighborhood to partake of it. Both Amos and Benjamin Underhill had business dealings with Robert Townsend.

[5] Sir Thomas Sterling.

[6] A somewhat similar method was used on the New England side, at least in the vicinity of Newport. It is described on page 48 of a Discourse by Arthur A. Ross, who a hundred years ago was Pastor of the First Baptist Church there. Mr. Ross says: “During the whole time the British had possession of the Island, a correspondence was maintained between certain individuals of the Island and the main at Little-Compton, so that the American officers were constantly apprized of the general movements of the enemy, while in possession of Rhode-Island. This correspondence was maintained by signals given on the Island, indicating a clear coast, and that a messenger could pass over in safety, after dark. The first signal was the leaving down of a certain pair of bars, which, with a spy-glass, could be distinctly seen from the main. Afterward, for fear of exciting the suspicion of the enemy, the signal was changed, when an open window of Mr. Peleg Peckham’s barn, answered the same purpose. A small vault in the ground, near the shore, and at no great distance from Mr. Peckham’s, covered with a flat stone, served as a depository of communication.—Here, letters and papers were regularly deposited and removed, by the respective individuals engaged in the correspondence.”

[7] Judge Strong was born on Dec. 25th, 1737, and died July 4, 1815. His parents were Thomas Strong and Susannah Thompson, daughter of Samuel Thompson and Hannah Brewster. His wife died August 2, 1812. Anna Strong’s father was William Henry Smith, b. Mar. 13, 1689, Brookhaven and d. Jan. 27, 1743. Her mother was Margaret Lloyd, granddaughter of Grizzell Sylvester.

NATHAN HALE

Late in the evening of September 22, 1776, Captain John Montressor, of the British Engineers, who was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem Plains, New York. He bore a letter to General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners. General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton, and Captain William Hull were among those who met him. To them Montressor verbally gave the information that an American officer, one Captain Hale, had been executed that morning as a spy. It was startling news, and to Hull it came like a shock, for Nathan Hale had been his chum at college[8] and confided to him details of the dangerous mission he had undertaken. A week later, the sad news reached the home of Hale, and one of his brothers, Enoch, started for the encampment of Washington’s army. There Lieutenant-Colonel Webb was induced to visit the British headquarters under a flag, and he returned with information that enabled Enoch to record that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were immediately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he spoke and told that he was a captain in the Continental army, by name Nathan Hale.”

Enoch carried this news home, and later his brother John made entry in the town records of Coventry which reads as follows: “Capt. Nathan Hale, the son of Deacon Richard Hale, was taken in the City of New York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the month of September, A.D. 1776.”

Tench Tilghman, in a letter to William Duer, written ten days after the announcement of Hale’s execution, betrays the feeling in the American army. “The General is determined, if he can bring some in his hands under the denomination of spies, to execute them,” he writes: “General Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton’s Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries. I don’t see why we should not make retaliation.”

Another letter, written by an American officer in camp at Harlem, is dated September 26, 1776, and reads: “One Hale, in N.Y. on suspicion of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without ceremony to the Execution Post and hung up.” “Yesterday we hanged an officer of the Provincials who came as a spy,” writes a British officer to friends at home; and James Drewett, on board the British frigate Mercury at New York, writes: “On the 22d we hung a man who was sent as spy by Gen. Washington.”

It was almost five months later when the newspapers began publishing garbled accounts. The “Conquest of Canaan,” an epic poem, by Timothy Dwight, probably the first book to mention Hale, was not published until nearly nine years after his execution, although, strangely enough, its author had early in 1776 solicited Hale to get subscribers to it for him.

Hannah Adams was in fact the first historian to record a concise account of Hale, and her “History of New England,” in which it appears, was not published until 1799, nearly twenty-three years after the event. The story in her book reads as follows:

“The retreat from Long Island left the British in full possession. What would be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain information of their situation, their strength and future movements, was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied to Colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in his regiment.

“This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considering that an opportunity presented itself, by which he might be useful to his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part of the British army, and obtained the best possible information respecting their situation and future operations.

“In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he frankly acknowledged who he was, and what were his views.

“Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost marshal to execute him the next morning. This order was accordingly executed, in a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance was desired, was refused him; a bible for a few moments devotion was not procured, although he requested it. Letters, which, on the morning of his execution, he wrote to his mother[9] and other friends, were destroyed; and this very extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal, ‘that the rebels should not know they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness.’

“Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the least consolation, thus fell as amiable and as worthy a young man as America could boast, with this as his dying observation, ‘that he only lamented, that he had but one life to lose for his country.’... To see such a character, in the flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only emulous to do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must have been wounding to the feelings, even of his enemies. So far [1799] Hale has remained unnoticed, and, it is scarcely known such a character ever existed....”

Fifty years after Hale’s execution the “Long Island Star” published (April 2, 1827) extracts from a letter of Stephen Hempstead, Sen., aged sixty-nine, which Hempstead had published in the “Missouri Republican.” Another ten years went by before the first printed address appeared, and thereafter memoirs and biographies followed at frequent intervals to the present time. Attempts have been made to trace every step in his career, but there is much that still puzzles the historians. Nobody has been able to prove how he got to New York, and no one can say positively where he was captured. From all that has been gathered on the subject, we have arrived at the following conclusions:

The retreat of the American army from Long Island had been satisfactorily accomplished, but the officers found themselves in a most perilous condition when on September 7, 1776, Washington called a council of war to consider the important question: Should they defend or abandon New York? At another council on the 12th, it was decided to move to a position on Harlem Heights, leaving a guard of four thousand men under General Putnam in the city, with orders to follow if necessary. On the 14th, Washington made his headquarters at the house of Robert Murray, father of Lindley Murray the grammarian. From there he wrote to General Heath, then stationed at Kingsbridge:

“As everything, in a manner, depends upon obtaining intelligence of the enemy’s motions, I do most earnestly entreat you and General Clinton to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no stone unturned, nor do not stick at expense, to bring this to pass, as I was never more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this score....”

To quote a paragraph from Lossing: “The vital questions pressing for an answer were, Will they make a direct attack upon the city? Will they land upon the island, above the city, or at Morrisania beyond the Harlem River? Will they attempt to cut off our communications with the main, by seizing the region along the Harlem River or at Kingsbridge, by landing forces on the shores of the East and Hudson Rivers, at Turtle Bay, or at Bloomingdale, and, stretching a cordon of armed men from river to river, cut off the four thousand troops left in the city?”

Washington, in his perplexity, called another council of war at Murray’s. He told his officers that he could not procure the least information concerning the intentions of the enemy, and again asked, What shall be done? It was resolved to send a competent person, in disguise, into the British camps on Long Island to unveil the momentous secret. It needed one skilled in military and scientific knowledge; a man possessed of a quick eye, a cool head, unflinching courage; tact, caution, and sagacity—a man on whose judgment and fidelity implicit reliance might be placed.

Washington sent for Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton and asked him to find a man for the service. Knowlton summoned a number of officers to a conference at his quarters and after explaining the service required called for volunteers. Late in the conference, when it seemed he would not find a man competent and willing to undertake the perilous mission, “a young officer appeared, pale from the effects of recent severe sickness. Knowlton repeated the invitation, when, almost immediately, the voice of the young soldier was heard uttering the momentous words, ‘I will undertake it!’ It was the voice of Captain Nathan Hale.”

Everybody was astonished. The whole company knew Hale. They loved and admired him. After the meeting his friends tried to dissuade him from his decision, setting forth the risk of sacrificing all his good prospects in life and the fond hopes of his family and friends. Hull employed all the force of friendship and the arts of persuasion to bend him from his purpose, but in vain. With warmth and decision Hale said:

“I think I owe to my country the accomplishment of an object so important and so much desired by the commander of her armies, and I know no mode of obtaining the information but by assuming a disguise and passing into the enemy’s camp. I am fully sensible of the consequences of discovery and capture in such a situation. But for a year I have been attached to the army, and have not rendered any material service, while receiving a compensation for which I make no return. Yet I am not influenced by any expectation of promotion or pecuniary reward. I wish to be useful; and every kind of service necessary for the public good becomes honorable by being necessary. If the exigencies of my country demand a peculiar service, its claims to the performance of that service are imperious.”

Knowlton presently conducted Hale to Washington, who delivered instructions concerning his mission. The commander also furnished him with a general order to the owners of all American vessels in Long Island Sound to convey him to any point on Long Island which he might designate.

Asher Wright, his trusty servant, was told to have the horses ready at the earliest moment, and, in company with Stephen Hempstead, they set off that Saturday evening. No hint has been given as to how they reached Norwalk, except that because of the British cruisers in the vicinity they could find no available boat until they got there, which may indicate that they spent a part of Sunday, hunting perhaps at Stamford and other points between there and Rye. Captain Pond, whom Hale knew, happened to be at Norwalk, then in command of the armed sloop Schuyler and arrangements were made to take him across to Huntington on the Long Island shore that night. Hempstead, who accompanied him this far, writing fifty years later, says that he changed his uniform for a plain suit of citizens’ brown clothes, with a round broad-brimmed hat: He does not tell us whether he brought the extra suit with him, but we must presume that Captain Pond furnished it, although Hale charged Hempstead with the care of his army clothes, his commission and public and private papers, and also his silver shoe buckles, saying they would not comport with his character as a schoolmaster. He requested Hempstead to wait at Norwalk until he returned or was heard from.

It was near daylight Monday morning when Hale was landed on the beach at Huntington. No sound save the plash of the waves disturbed the quiet of the approaching day. No sign of human habitation was in sight: no guidepost to indicate the direction to the town; but there were hills not far away and from these a better view might be had. A path was discovered and he rightly surmised it led to the town. Who there entertained this martyr unawares we may never know. Nobody there wanted a teacher just at that time, but everybody was ready to tell him how the Whigs were crossing from Huntington every day in order to escape the British. Foraging parties had already been to Oyster Bay and other towns. Two hundred wagons had been demanded from the farmers of Suffolk County to remove the baggage of the British from New Utrecht to Hellgate, and already three hundred had been sent there. Only the troops were allowed to cross the ferries from Long Island to New York without passes;[10] but the market boats were still in service and doing a good business supplying the British troops with fresh country produce. Their difficulty was to get men to assist in loading and unloading.

We cannot think that Hale would fail to take advantage of this opportunity. Whilst the boats at Huntington were transporting passengers to Connecticut with their household effects, those from Oyster Bay were supplying the New York markets and now were making deliveries directly to the camp kitchens. Without loss of time, Hale must have followed the road from Huntington to Oyster Bay. There it was not necessary for him to diverge from the truth. He found Huntington was already well supplied with teachers, and being willing to work at anything was glad to assist on the market boats. They stopped at Whitestone Landing, at Flushing, and at Hellgate, and it was now his business to inquire how many troops were at each place, how many more were expected, and how long they would remain, and perhaps even where they expected to be the following week. Then, with what was left of the cargo, they crossed to New York and there found ready market.

We know that Nathan Hale upon arrival in the city found that many of the British had already crossed the river, had engaged the men of his own company among others, and were now fortifying their positions in various sections of the city. And undoubtedly he mingled among them until, early on the morning of the 21st of September, the lower portion of the city was discovered to be in flames. We may never know how his time was occupied that day,[11] but it is possible that in spite of his disguise he discovered he had been recognized as one of the officers attached to Washington’s army. It may have startled him when he realized that he was back at the place he started from almost a week before. Back, but now not among friends. Washington had withdrawn and the British were now in possession of the ground between him and the American army. A walk of less than three miles along the shore of Harlem Creek would bring him within the American lines. It may have seemed the easiest way to return, and in fact might have been safely accomplished but for the unusual events of that day. The great curtain of smoke that hung over the city attracted attention for many miles around. Among those who went out of their way to obtain details of its cause was Captain Quarme and the crew of the Halifax. They were off Whitestone Point at the time, but when they had neared Manhattan in the vicinity of Ward’s Island, Quarme, with a few men, went ashore near what is now One Hundred and Eleventh Street. Hale was just reaching the water-front at that point, and noticing the small boat, and the Halifax not being in sight as the trees on Ward’s Island hid the view, concluded it might be a friendly party from Long Island. He had betrayed his anxiety and attracted suspicion before he realized his mistake. By Captain Quarme’s order he was left with the sentinels at the British outposts, who later conducted him to headquarters, and when the men returned they rowed for the Halifax and sailed back to anchorage that night in the vicinity of City Island. Later in the war the Halifax was stationed at Huntington, which may account for the idea that Hale was captured there.

The documents previously quoted show his treatment after reaching the British lines.

FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”:

[8] In the class of 1773 at Yale College among others were Nathan Hale and his brother Enoch, Benjamin Tallmadge, and William Townsend. William Hull was in the class of 1772. Of all the college mates of Nathan Hale perhaps none had as deep an influence over his decisions as Benjamin Tallmadge, and as may be observed, perhaps none was more responsible for Tallmadge devoting the greater part of his military career to assisting the spies of Washington than Hale. A carefully preserved letter of advice to Hale, written at the time he was contemplating changing the garb of a teacher for that of a soldier reads: “Was I in your condition, notwithstanding the many, I had almost said insuperable, objections against such a resolution, I think the more extensive service would be my choice. Our holy Religion, the honour of our God, a glorious country, & a happy constitution is what we have to defend. Some indeed may say there are others who may supply your place. True there are men who would gladly accept such a proposal but are we certain that they would be likely to answer just as good an end? Could this be certainly known, though we all should be ready to step forth in the common cause, I could think it highly incumbent on you not to change your situation. These hints, thrown together in great haste, proceed from a heart ever devoted to your welfare, and from one who shall esteem it his happiness to promote yours. I hope to hear from you soon & to know your determination; in the mean time I remain your constant friend &c., &c.,

B. Tallmadge.

To Mr. Nathan Hale
New London.
Wethersfield, July 4, 1775.

[9] Hale knew his mother was not living. It was an incorrect guess that one of the letters was for her.

[10] In a letter from New York we hear that no person is suffered to go out of the town without giving proper notices of their departure to Gen. Howe; nor no person suffered to enter without their being first strictly examined by the general officers commanding the several gates for admittance.—Middlesex Journal, Sept 24, 1776.

[11] Although most of our large cities have had fires equalling that of New York, yet because New York’s happened just at the time Nathan Hale was there there are those who contend that he must have had a hand in it. So insistent were some that an exhaustive study of the subject seemed desirable. For this purpose contemporary charts of the tide and records of the wind on the date of the fire were studied and the route of the men from near Whitestone to 111th Street. The conclusion arrived at is that Hale could have had no part in the fire aside from the possibility of his being an interested eye witness. It must not be forgotten that he was sent over to Long Island—the British had not yet entered New York, and from the spot from which he started on his way to Long Island it was at that time possible to send any man to any part of the city of New York within an hour. It is not possible to believe that any sane man would start on a week’s journey to reach a destination he could arrive at in safety within an hour. Had Hale, discovering the opportunity favorable, turned aside from the work he was given to do, he being sent as a spy to discover and report the intentions of the enemy, he would have deserved the treatment of a deserter at the hands of General Washington and if he had given the British any proof that he had acted the part of an incendiary he would have met death accordingly, and not as alleged “because upon him they discovered notes and documents that proved him to be a spy.” True many favored destroying the city at that time, and it is also a fact that a large quantity of inflammable material was left in the city when the troops under General Washington moved north, and to these were added additional stores that the British brought with them. The area of the fire may have been increased thereby but the contemporary conclusion that its origin was accidental cannot be changed.

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES

The capture and execution of Nathan Hale made a failure of the attempt to get instant information from within the British lines; but it formed a determination in the General’s mind to establish a Secret Service Bureau that would be more carefully planned and consequently less liable to disappointing results. The man selected to manage the spy system within the city of New York was Robert Townsend, of Oyster Bay, Long Island. Without discovery he furnished General Washington with correct information throughout the war, and at its close, lest harm should come to him, the General determined that his identity should never be revealed. His books, which remained sealed for over a century, now permit positive identification.(101)

Before the war began, Robert Townsend acted as purchasing agent for his father, in importing flax and sugar and molasses, tea and coffee and iron and rum and similar commodities,(102) and there is a suggestion that he may have collected a secret fund for the “Sons of Liberty” in 1772, ’73, and ’74. His first war work commenced when the Provincial Convention resolved unanimously on August 24, 1776, “That Robert Townsend be a commissary to supply Brigadier-General Woodhull’s Brigade with provisions”; but it may have been abruptly ended with the capture of Woodhull and the scattering of his men.(103) Released from other employment he had opportunity and with the gift of a keen observation was able to assist General Scott and later Abraham Woodhull in collecting intelligence. Lack of confidence might have deterred him from making more than verbal reports had they been required but at the moment they were satisfactory, and either Woodhull or Scott embodied his information in the reports to headquarters. Every general was prepared to furnish spies, but the arrangement now being made was of a more permanent nature, General Washington proposing that they should establish headquarters right in the heart of the British camp. General Chas. Scott took particular interest in arranging for this but was called to other service before it was fully organized. Major Benjamin Tallmadge, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was then selected to carry on the work. Tallmadge was a native of Long Island, born at Brookhaven in Suffolk County on February 25, 1754; and it was, therefore, natural for him to expect to find there those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. In this he was not disappointed. Men there were already anxious to be serviceable to their country’s cause in any capacity. Abraham Woodhull, Caleb Brewster, and Austin Roe, were among the leaders. So important was their work that without them little from New York City could have reached the General.

The exact date when the service of systematically transmitting intelligence commenced cannot be ascertained. In his “Memoir,” Colonel Tallmadge merely records:

“This year [1778] I opened a private correspondence with some persons in New York [for Gen. Washington] which lasted through the war. How beneficial it was to the Commander-in-Chief is evidenced by his continuing the same to the close of the war. I kept one or more boats constantly employed in crossing the Sound on this business.... My station was in the county of Westchester, and occasionally along the shores of the Sound.”

A letter from Major Tallmadge addressed to General Scott, dated Bedford, October 29, 1778, reads:

“I have this moment received a letter from a gentleman direct from Long Island, by the very gentleman whom I made mention to you the other day to serve as a conveyance for Samuel Culper’s letters. I doubt not it is authentic.”

Samuel Culper was the name assumed by those who furnished the secret intelligence. At first without distinction, but later Abraham Woodhull signed “Samuel Culper, Sr.,” and Robert Townsend, “Samuel Culper, Jr.” Sometimes in error they would write “Culper Samuel,” and Townsend sometimes forgot to add the “Jr.”

Abraham Woodhull’s letter of October 31, 1778, indicates the hazard of the work in New York City, and mentions finding a faithful friend who will assist him. His letter reads:

“Since my last have explored Long Island, City of New York and island unto the ten mile stone to Tryons Quarters where I received his threats for comeing their that made me almost tremble knowing my situation and business but blessed be God have been prosperd and particularly successful in ingaging a faithful friend and one of the first characters in the City to make it his business and keep his eyes upon every movement and assist me in all respects and meet and consult weekly in or near the city. I have the most sanguine hopes of great advantage will acrue by his assistance.... If bad weather doth not prevent you will hear from me weekly. I have to request that you will destroy every letter instantly after reading for fear of some unforseen accident that may befall you and the letters get into the enemies hands and probably find me out and take me before I have any warning. I desire you will be particularly cairfull. Hopeing this may arrive safe and be able to serve you better in my next is the earnest desire of your most obedient Hbl. Servt.

“Samuel Culper.”

9. MAJOR BENJAMIN TALLMADGE ALIAS JOHN BOLTON

1. Generals Philip Schuyler, 2. Marquis de LaFayette, 3. Nathaniel Greene, 4. George Clinton, 5. Robert Howe, 6. Israel Putnam, 7. John Lamb, 8. William Heath.

Before the end of the next month Culper’s letters were delayed, which caused Major Tallmadge to address the General with the letter which follows:

Bedford, Novr. 19th, 1778.

Your Excellency’s favr. of yesterday has this moment arrived—The queries therein contained shall be immediately transmitted for solution.

I have been hourly waiting, for more than two days, for a letter from Culper, and I am confident the failure must be attributed to those employed in crossing the Sound for such despatches, as his punctuality heretofore in fulfilling all appointments with his Post, leaves no room to doubt in the present case. I am further induced to impute it to this cause inasmuch as I was lately informed that the men who had been employed with Lt. Brewster on this business, had not yet returned to their former duty. I could wish that no difficulties of this nature might prevent his letters coming in season, as it may be of the utmost importance that his letters should be immediately forwarded to Headquarters. To the end that your instructions may be duly transmitted and to make some little inquiries into the causes of the aforementioned delay, I determine to ride immediately to Fairfield, where Brewster has made his Post for some time.

When Genl. Scott was about leaving this Post he proposed a plan for the regular conveyance of Cr’s letters to your Excellency, which he intended to lay before your Excellency on his arrival at Head Quarters. I hope before the General removes from Fredericksburgh his pleasure may be known, that Cr. may not be at a loss how to convey his letters with certainty and expedition. His extreme cautiousness and even timidity, in his present undertaking, would not admit of having his business made known to any Persons who are not at present his confidants—so that, as Genl. Scott observed before he left us, if it was communicated to any other persons he would most probably leave his present employment immediately—I mention this, not fearing that his letters or business will be made public at camp, but lest some persons in this quarter should be made acquainted with his present situation, which, as I before observed, would make him extremely unhappy, and as he assured when he embarked in the business, he should leave the Island immediately. I am with all due Respect, &c.

Benj. Tallmadge.

To this General Washington replied:

Headquarters, 20th. Nov. 1778.

Sir. I was favored with your letter of Yesterday. You will be pleased to observe the strictest silence with respect to C—— As you are to be the only person entrusted with the knowledge or conveyance of his letters.

The 23d of November found another long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s on its way to Headquarters, the first page of which may be read among the Notes.(104) Continuing he says:

“I am firmly of opinion that a sudden attack of ten-thousand men would take the City and put an end to the war, and save the stores and Long Island from devastation. All the best of their troops are on Long Island. There is about 300, most of them Hessians, at Brooklyn Ferry. 350 New Town, British; 1500 British Jamaica; 800 Yeagers, Flushing; 200 Jerico, most of them Dragoons; 400 foot, 70 Dragoons Oyster Bay; 150 Lloyd’s Neck, N. Leveys; 400 Hempstead, Dragoons; Stripping Barns and out houses for boards to build huts for Winter. 40 wagons 100 troops this day at Smith Town collecting cattle, sheep, Boards, &c. They make no distinction between Whig and Tory, abuse all to a great degree, and no redress can be obtained. Count d’Estaing’s dispatches for France are taken and brought to town but are Cypher prepared so they cannot be found out. I will note to you that much provision is brought to town from the Jerseys privately; flour, beef, &c. I saw a gentleman of my acquaintance, lately from England, where he hath been three years; he saith Independence will certainly be granted this session of Parliament. My business is expensive; so dangerous traveling that I am obliged to give my assistants high wages, but am as sparing as possible. I have drawn on you for fifty Pounds in Specie, York Money, which please accept. I should be glad to have given you a better account but it cannot be obtained their movements are so strange that causes every one to admire. Hoping this may be of some service I remain Your most Obedt. Hbl. Servt,

“Samuel Culper.”

In a letter enclosing the preceding to Headquarters Major Tallmadge adds:

“It may not be amiss to observe, in addition to Culper’s letter, that the gentleman mentioned by him to have lately arrived from England, is one Doctr. Nicoll, a gentleman of my acquaintance, on the varacity of whose report I have been persuaded I might safely depend—Your Excellency will perceive by the enclosed that C—— has drawn for 26 or 27 Guineas. In addition to this he has forwarded an order for the payment of sd. money to his friend. If your Excellency should see fit to transmit any money, it may be safely entrusted to the Bearer, on whose integrity I could depend in matters of much greater importance.”

As will later be observed, General Washington was now in receipt of a secret formula for their correspondence, which he wished to put to use. Therefore he answered Major Tallmadge saying: “I should be glad to have an interview with Culper myself, in which I would put the mode of corresponding upon such a footing that even if his letters were to fall into the enemy’s hands, he would have nothing to fear, on that account.” However in his letter following the above he says: “When I desired an interview with him I did not know his peculiar situation. I now see the danger that so long an absence would incur and I must leave it entirely to you to manage the correspondence in such a manner as will most probably insure safety to him and answer the desired end.”

* * * * *

Major Tallmadge answered this on December 23d, saying: “Since your Excellency judges it improper to have an interview with C——, any private instructions which you may wish to transmit him, not so proper for me to transcribe, may be very safely conveyed to him, as from the regularity of his dispatches and the characters of the persons who I know are entrusted with their conveyance from N. Y. to Brook Haven, I dare venture to say there is not the least probability, and I had almost said hardly a possibility of a discovery.”

* * * * *

From Philadelphia on January 2d, 1779, came instructions for Major Tallmadge to forward his letters through General Putnam. “There are regular Expresses established between Danbury and the Head Quarters of the Army,” it reads. “And you therefore need not in future send a special messenger the whole way. Send your letters to General Putnam at or near Danbury, letting him know that they are to be forwarded with dispatch. I shall get them sooner than by a single express.”

* * * * *

Culper’s next letter, dated Feb. 26, is one of great length,(105) detailing the strength and position of all the troops of the enemy. In the closing paragraph he says: “Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole the 16. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget. I am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred pounds, by the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have received from you. Board is £3 per week in New York besides other necessary expenses postage and etcetra.”

“Samuel Culper.”

* * * * *

An enclosure from Brewster accompanied the above letter. His in full is as follows:

Fairfield, Feb. 26th, 1779.

Dear Sir. I have returned from the Island this day. Genl. Erskine remains yet at Southampton. He has been reinforced to the number of 2500. They have three redoubts at South and East Hampton and are heaving up works at Canoe Place at a narrow pass before you get into South Hampton. They are building a number of flat bottom boats. There went a number of carpenters down last week to South Hampton. It is thought by the inhabitants that they will cross over to New London after the Continental Frigates. Col. Hewlet remains yet on Lloyd’s Neck with 350, wood cutters included. Col. Simcoe remains at Oyster bay with 300 Foot and Light Horse. There is no troops from Oyster Bay till you come to Jamaica. There is one Regt. of Highlanders and some at Flushing and Newtown, the numbers I cannot tell, but not a regiment at both places. The most of the shipping of force has left New York. There is one 50, one old East India man, one 20 that is repairing at the ship yard, the Scorpion at N. City Island, one old India man at Huntington, 40 guns, the Halifax Brig at Oyster Bay, one sloop of ten guns they are repairing all their flat bottom boats in New York and building a number at the ship yard. This intelligence is as late out of New York as the 20th of the month. The inhabitants is fitting a number of Privateers out in the City. There was one French ship brought in with 500 hogsheads of Sugar last week. I am with respect, Yours, &c.

Caleb Brewster.

From General Washington at Middlebrook dated March 21st, 1779, came a long letter of instructions, most of which will be found in another chapter. To Tallmadge he says: “With this letter you will receive fifty guineas for S. C. which you will cause to be delivered as soon as possible, with an earnest exhortation to use them with all possible econemy, as I find it very difficult to obtain hard money.... As all great movements and the fountain of all intelligence must originate at, and proceed from the Head Quarters of the enemy’s army, C. had better reside at New York—mix with and put on the airs of a tory, to cover his real character and avoid suspicion.... The temper and expectation of the tories and refugees, is worthy of consideration; as much may be gathered from their expectations and prospects. For this end an intimacy with some well informed refugee may be political and advantageous—Highly so will it be to contract an acquaintance with a person in the Naval Department, who may either be engaged in the business of procuring transports for the embarkation of the troops, or in victualling them.”

* * * * *

An unusual line heads Samuel Culper’s next letter. It reads:

“Sir. No. 10 10 April 10 1779.

It is the forerunner of their use of a code. Without alteration his letter follows just as it was originally written.

“Whenever I sit down I always feel and know my Inability to write a good Letter. As my calling in life never required it—Nor led to consider how necessary a qualification it was for a man—and much less did I think it would ever fall to my lot to serve in such publick and important business as this, and my letters perused by one of the worthiest men on earth. But I trust he will overlook any imperfections he may discover in the dress of my words, and rest assured that I indevour to collect and convey the most accurate and explicit intelligence that I possibly can; and hope it may be of some service toward alleviating the misery of our distressed Country, nothing but that could have induced me to undertake it, for you must readily think it is a life of anxiety to be within (on such business) the lines of a cruel and mistrustful Enemy and that I most ardently wish and impatiently wait for their departure. I sincerely congratulate you on the miscarriage of the Enemies intended expedition up the Sound. I can discover no movement on foot at present. Their excursions are always very sudden and seldom begin to move before dark, and it will be ten to one if ever it will be in my power to give you early intelligence of their sudden excursions, as I can only write at times. All I can say you must be every where upon your guard, and be more assiduous than ever in order to defeat the designs of our Enemies. Within and without their lines I am confident that they are using every art to distract your army and to divide the Country. It is a matter of surprise to me to see such numbers of deserters come in since the General’s pardon, published in the News Paper. But it is some releaf to find that they are mostly those that deserted from them heretofore. On the 25 Last Month 7 Sail Transports with about one hundred and seventy Scotch Troops of the Duke of Athol’s Regiment arrived from Halifax under convoy of the Rainbow of 44 Guns, Sir George Collier, who is come to succeed Admiral Gambier. On the 26th, 23 Sail arrived from England (which place they left the 2th Jany.) under convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns. They were chiefly loaded with stores and provisions for the Army. Very few goods came in the fleet. They say they have a large supply of money come in the Romulus. I have conversed with several gentlemen of different sentiments that came in the fleet and those that have a desire in favor of the Crown cannot give me a sufficient reason to think that any troops will come out this Spring, or that Great Britain will certainly continue to act against America. And those on the contrary say they will withdraw their force and give us Peace. On the 4th April arrived 7 Sail of Transports from Cork with provisions. The enemy now have a very large supply of Provisions and Stores indeed I think enough for three months without any addition. On the 6th Admiral Gambir sailed for England in the Ardent of 64 guns together with a number of transports, how many I am not able to ascertain nor think it very material—and this day sails another small fleet under convoy of the Rose, of 20 guns. All transports laying in the East or North River are completely victualed and waterd for sixty five days for their compliment of troops that they were accustomed to transport. The number of Ships, Brigs and Snows in the Harbour differeth not much from two hundred, out of which thers two sloops of war, four Frigets and two forty four guns ships and an old Indiaman with their usual number of guns for their defense, and an old 74 Store Ship, with only her upper teer of guns in. It is currently reported that Admiral Gambier met an express soon after he sailed from the Hook, from the West Indies and turned him back and now lays at the Hook. We expect every day to hear important news from England. The Enemy seem to be in high spirits, and say now Great Britain is Roused and will support them and carry on the war at all events and appear to be more sanguine than ever. But I dont wonder at it for they are kept as ignorant as possible and believe every report that is in their favour. The Torys say they have not the least doubt but that they shall succeed and enjoy their possessions yet.

“N. B.—
No. 10 represents N. York
20 Setauket
30 and 40 2 Post Riders.”

Another letter also marked No. 10 and dated April 12, addressed to John Bolton is signed only with the initials S. C. It begins: “Your No. 6 came to hand, together with a Vial for a purpose that gives me great satisfaction, and twenty guineas. It is a great satisfaction to me to hear that his —— is well pleased with my letters.” The rest of the two sheets is a repetition of his letter of the 10th and may be a rough draft of it. It at least puzzled Major Tallmadge and he promptly started across the Sound for Setauket. There he found Abraham Woodhull suffering from the greatest fright of his life. It was only one of a series soon to follow, and was perhaps the least serious of them all. It would be hard to imagine that when Alexander Hamilton read this from Tallmadge to General Washington his usual calm countenance was not convulsed in smiles. The full letter will be found among the notes.(106) Here is the extract:

“I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I forwarded Culper. Much pleased with the curious ink or stain, and after making some experiments with the same, he was set down to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished the enclosed when very suddenly two persons broke into the room (his private apartment). The consideration of having several officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant fear of detection and its certain consequences made him rationally conclude that he was suspected and that those steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat, snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial. This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they were or even to which sex they belonged—for in fact they were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so wrought on poor Culper that he has hardly been in tolerable health since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much pleased with the Ink and wishes if any more can be spared to have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines. Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London; and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.”

In the same letter Major Tallmadge incidentally states: “Culper was the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was glad to escape with his life.”

Culper’s next letter was dated from New York, April 29th. It was a “Stain” letter and only a poor copy of it has survived. Letters of importance were already on their way to Headquarters when from Smith’s tavern in the Clove, on June 13th, 1779, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

“Your letter of yesterday with the enclosures from Culper came duly to hand. Should suspicions of him rise so high as to render it unsafe to continue in New York I should wish him by all means to employ some person of whose attachment and abilities he entertains the best opinion, to act in his place, with a request to be critical in his observations rather than a mere retailer of vulgar reports—To combine the best information he can get with attentive observation will prove the most likely means to obtain useful knowledge—a mode of conveying it quickly is of the utmost importance and claims much attention. When I can procure more of the liquid Culper writes for, it shall be sent, at present I can not say when this may happen—I thank you for the information respecting Long Island—The letter to Mr. Deane shall be sent.”

Two letters, both dated June 5th, and numbered 13, were the next received from Abraham Woodhull. In them he relates his narrowest escape from capture.(107)(108) Colonel Simcoe and his Rangers hastened to Setauket in April, 1779, upon information furnished by John Wolsey against him. Fortunately, he was with Robert Townsend in New York at the time; but they fell upon his father and plundered him in a most shocking manner.[12] Hardly was it thought possible that Woodhull would be able to pay the price of satisfaction, but through a friend he accomplished it.

Woodhull’s next letter is worthy of study. Two features of it are here emphasized. In full it will be found among the notes.

“No. 14. 20 June 20, 1779.

“Your No. 8, on the 16th, found me at 20, anxiously concerned for our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out of my power to performe what I proposed in my No. 13, which I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I returned on the 19, and my success hath exceeded my most sanguine expectations.(109) I have communicated my business to an intimate friend, and disclosed every secret, and laid before him every instruction that hath been handed to me. It was with great difficulty I gained his complyance, checked by fear. He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family as any of my acquaintance. I am under the most solomn obligations never to disclose his name to any but the Post, who unavoidably must know it. I have reason to think his advantages for serving you and abilities are far superior to mine. I must call on you for ten guineas which will about defray my charges with what I have received. If what I have done is disapproved of it can be dropped, but if mine was worth attention this will not certainly be of less value. You will receive a letter from him in a short time beginning at No. 1. He will expect an ample support at the same time he will be frugal; as long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can. In the Interim I remain

“Your most Obt. Huml. Servt.,
“Samuel Culper.”

General Washington received through Major Tallmadge on June 26th, the news of Simcoe’s raid, and the next day answered in a long letter with which he sent ten guineas for Culper and mentioned one George Higday, who had attempted to get him information from New York.(110)

Entire direction of the Secret Service within the City of New York having now been placed in the care of Robert Townsend, his first letter(111) must have been looked forward to with anxiety by Abraham Woodhull, who announced its receipt in his No. 15, which is incorrectly dated June 31, 1779:

“Enclosed you have Mr. Saml. Culper Junr’s letter, which is but short but hope it may be of some service. He hath wrote in the stile of Loyalty, I think through fear like me at first unaccustomed to the business and filled with fear but the longer one continues in the business if unsuspected of more real service can he be. I have appointed to see him on the 8th inst. and shall repeat again to him those instructions that I have received from time to time from you, and use my utmost endeavor to acquaint him with the steps I used to take and circumstances necessary to judge from, that a person unaccustomed would not readily conceive of. My greatest desire is that he may be useful and answer your most sanguine expectations. He wishes that the ink or stain might be forwarded. He hath hinted to you the prospect of their making excursions in to Connecticut very soon. Very probably the war will be carried on in that manner, as free liberty is granted to the Refugees to plunder as much as they can. You must keep a very good look out or your shores will be destroyed. It is a pity that company could not be destroyed at Lloyd’s Neck. Their refugee boats are continually coasting along and much endanger 40. They entirely disown the defeat of their troops in Carolina, and I confess I am not fully satisfied about it. Have not yet seen nor heard of its being published by authority. Just received the enclosed and the boat awaiting have not had time to write as I would. Please excuse hast and any imperfections you may discover, and am your humble servant,

“Samuel Culper.”

These letters, with those significant words, “You must keep a very good look out,” were on their way, but had not had time to reach Major Tallmadge when he was surprised by a night attack. Lord Rawdon, with nearly all of the British light horse, accompanied by a body of light infantry, had come upon them under cover of the darkness and compelled them to fight, principally with the broadsword, until Colonel Sheldon found it necessary to order their retreat. Tallmadge lost in the affray a fine horse, most of his field baggage, and the money and letters that General Washington had sent him for the Culpers. Upon receipt of this information at Headquarters, General Washington replied to Major Tallmadge on July 5th, as follows:

“Sir: I have just received your letter of the 3d. The loss of your papers was certainly a most unlucky accident and shows how dangerous it is to keep papers of any consequence at an advanced post. I beg you will take care to guard against the like in future. If you will send me a trusty person I will replace the guineas.

“I observe yourself and other officers have lost some cloathing. Though I have not given an order of the kind before, yet in this particular exigence I am ready to give one on the Clothier to those officers who have been the sufferers for such articles as are absolutely necessary. You will be pleased to communicate this to Col. Sheldon and request him to send the Pay Master with a proper return to Head Quarters.

“The person who is most indangered by the acquisition of your letter is one Higday, who lives not far from the Bowery, on the Island of New York. I wish you could endeavour to give him the speediest notice of what has happened. My anxiety on his account is great. If he is really the man he has been represented to be, he will in all probability fall a sacrifice. I am, etc.”

Nine days later, Samuel Culper’s seventeenth letter, dated July 9th, was forwarded to Major Tallmadge. He begins by saying it is a long time since he has heard from him and cannot tell if he wants him to continue the correspondence, and continues, saying: “I yesterday had an opportunity of seeing Mr. Culper, Junr. and repeated again all my instructions ever received from you. I have kept no secret from him and have consulted every thing and he’s determined to pursue every step that he may judge for advantage and is determined as soon as I can communicate to him your authority for my engaging him he will disengage himself from every other business which at present affords him a handsome living—He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and will be frugal of all moneys he may receive, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country, and have determined to forward you for the future weekly intelligence if possible, as I have concluded to remain here as long as I possibly can (although I look upon myself all the time in danger) for the sole purpose of advantage to our correspondence.

“Below is what intelligence I could gain from C. Junr. It is but trifling but he assured theres nothing more worthy of notice. On the 4th, 10 sail arrived from Halifax under Convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns with about one hundred of the new raised Scotch, believe the Duke of Athol’s. Same day 10 Sail sailed for Cork. On the 6th, 10 sail of Merchantmen from the West Indies, but brought nothing new, only that Admiral Byron was cruising for a reinforcement that was expected to join Count d’Estaing. On the 4th, a Packet from Georgia with an account of Genl. Provost being with his army 16 miles south of C. Town, on St. John’s Island. Hardly any thing is said about the enemy in that quarter. He tells me the spirits of the enemy in general are much lower than heretofore and that he heard a very noted refugee say there would certainly be a peace or a Spanish war in four weeks. The times grows worse within the Enemy’s lines and Protection for those called rebels is almost banished, in fact Refugees are let loose to plunder within and without their lines. Parties of them are hiding in the woods and laying wait for the unwary and ignorant to deceive them, putting on the character of people from your shore, and have succeeded in their design too well. Carried off 10 or 12 men and stripped their houses lately from about 20. The roads from here to 10 is infested by them, and likewise the shores. It makes our correspondence very dangerous and requires great care and a strict observance of the before mentioned characters and circumstances. Sincerely,

“Samuel Culper.

“N.B.: Culper Junr. should now be furnished with some money. I gave him 4 half Joes on the 8th. instant.”

Meanwhile, General Washington had prepared instructions for the Culpers, a copy of which is still preserved among the papers of Colonel Tallmadge, as follows:

“INSTRUCTIONS

“C—— Junr, to remain in the City, to collect all the useful information he can—to do this he should mix as much as possible among the officers and Refugees, visit the Coffee Houses, and all public places. He is to pay particular attention to the movements by land and water in and about the city especially.

“How their transports are secured against attempt to destroy them—whether by armed vessels upon the flanks, or by chains, Booms, or any contrivances to keep off fire Rafts.

“The number of men destined for the defence of the City and Environs, endeavoring to designate the particular corps, and where each is posted.

“To be particular in describing the place where the works cross the Island in the Rear of the City—how many Redoubts are upon the line from River to River, how many Cannon in each, and of what weight and whether the Redoubts are closed or open next the city.

“Whether there are any Works upon the Island of New York between those near the City and the works at Fort Knyphausen or Washington, and if any, whereabouts and of what kind.

“To be very particular to find out whether any works are thrown up on Harlem River, near Harlem Town, and whether Horn’s Hook is fortifyed. If so, how many men are kept at each place, and what number and what sized Cannon are in those works.

“To enquire whether they have dug Pits within and in front of the lines and Works in general, three or four feet deep, in which sharp pointed stakes are fixed. These are intended to receive and wound men who attempt a surprise at night.

“The state of the provisions, Forage and Fuel to be attended to, as also the Health and Spirits of the Army, Navy and City.

“These are the principal matters to be observed within the Island and about the City of New York. Many more may occur to a person of C. Junr’s penetration which he will note and communicate.

“C—— Senior’s station to be upon Long Island to receive and transmit the intelligence of C—— Junior.

“As it is imagined that the only post of consequence which the enemy will attempt to hold upon Long Island in case of attack will be at Brooklyn, I would recommend that some inhabitant in the neighborhood of that place, and seemingly in the interest of the enemy, should be procured, who might probably gain daily admission into the Garrison by carrying on marketing, and from him intelligence might be gained every day or two of what was passing within, as the strength of the Garrison, the number and size of the Cannon, &c.

“Proper persons to be procured at convenient distances along the Sound from Brooklyn to Newton whose business it shall be to observe and report what is passing upon the water, as whether any Vessels or Boats with troops are moving, their number and which way they seem bound.

“There can be scarcely any need of recommending the greatest Caution and secrecy in a Business so critical and dangerous. The following seem to be the best general rules:

“To intrust none but the persons fixed upon to transmit the Business.

“To deliver the dispatches to none upon our side but those who shall be pitched upon for the purpose of receiving them and to transmit them and any intelligence that may be obtained to no one but the Commander-in-Chief.”

Robert Townsend acknowledges receipt of the above instructions in his second letter, dated July 15th,(112) and in transmitting it Samuel Culper added the following:

“Mr. C. Junr. informed me at our interview that Christopher Duychenik, Sail Maker of 10, formerly Chairman of the Committee of Mechanics, is amongst you and is positively an agent for David Mathews, Mayor of 10, under the direction of Tryon he assisted Mathews, John Rome and others in affecting their escape. Mr. C. Jr. wishes for some of that Ink or Stain that he may paint out his character to you. Don’t fail to forward it immediately, and when you receive the History of his conduct be very caucious how you handle it for if it should get to the above mentioned persons ears C. Jr. tells me they would immediately suspect him. In the mean time I would advise and is approved on by Culper, Junr. Obtain the Mayor’s signature and let a letter be wrote suitable for deception, and let it be handed him by some person of good address, praying his assistance to escape from the tyranny of Congress, which is the term used by the Mayor—or something like this plan I do not doubt will have the desired effect. John Rome is Secretary to M. Genl. Jones. It is not in my power to favour you with the Mayor’s signature at present. I am your &c.

“Samuel Culper.”

General Washington forwarded the ink as requested, together with the following letter, dated West Point, July 25, 1779.

“Sir: All the white Ink I now have (indeed all that there is any prospect of getting soon)[13] is sent in phial No. 1 by Col. Webb. The liquid in No. 2 is the counterpart which renders the other visible by wetting the paper with a fine brush after the first has been used and is dry. You will send these to C——r, Junr., as soon as possible, and I beg that no mention may ever be made of your having received such liquids from me or any one else. In all cases and at all times this procedure and circumspection is necessary, but it is indispensably so now as I am informed that Govr. Tryon has a preparation of the same acid or something similar to it, which may lead to a detection if it is ever known that a matter of this sort has passed from me.”

John Jay’s letter to General Washington introducing through his brother James Jay, the invisible ink that was used so successfully by the Culpers. The secret of its manufacture still remains a mystery.

See page 51.

It is not surprising that General Washington so frequently expressed satisfaction with the intelligence that Robert Townsend was now furnishing. His third letter as well as those that follow is a good example. No. 3 is dated 10 July 29, 1779:

“Sir, Since my last the number of the Enemy within these lines have not been augmented by any arrivals. The Romelus, Daphne and Delaware did not sail as I advised you, owing, I believe, to the unexpected account of your taking the Garrison at Stony Point. The account was truly alarming to the Torys—However, like true Philosophers, they soon reconciled themselves to it by saying that it would tend to their advantage in the end, as it would tend to rouse the British Troops, which in their opinion is all thats wanted to put a final end to the war. General Clinton, I am told, was much alarmed. He left New York the next evening attended with all the Horse (himself mounted on the lowest and meanest amongst them) which was then in Town, and it is said, declared that he wou’d make W. pay for it.—

“The Greyhound Frigate, with Lord Cornwallis, General Patterson, late Adjt. of the Army, & Col. Stewart, son of Lord Bute, arrived the 21st Inst. Nothing can be collected more than from news papers, as no private letters came by her. It is generally believed by the Torys that the Fleet said to have on board 5000 Troops for N. Y. and 2000 for Carolina, sailed before the Greyhound. The most intelligent of the Torys expect a Spanish War, and affect to wish it, as they suppose that England has at this time a Fleet much superior to the united Fleets of France and Spain.

“The LeBlond Frigate arrived on Monday last from Penobscot with Dispatches, in consequence of which (it is said) Sir Geo. Collier with the Raisonable sails tomorrow. I cannot learn whether any other Ships goes with him. The movement of the Troops in consequence of the taking of Stony point, has prevented my obtaining an account of their situation. The 54th Regiment marched in town from the Bridge on Monday last. A number of Transports are ordered to be ready to take on Troops, said to be the 54th Regt., Queens Rangers and Lord Rawdon’s Corps, and to be commanded by Lord Cornwallis—it is said by some of the officers that they are intended for Carolina. This is also the general opinion. I believe they are bound to the Southward, as I heard a Pilot belonging to Cape Fear, North Carolina, say that he expected to go with them. General Vaughan is positively going home, and some say General Clinton. It is positively said that preperations are making to Fortify Governor’s Island, the Narrows at Staten Island, the Gorge at Fort Knyphausen, repair the Fortifications at Paulus Hook & the Battery at New York; all of which places are to be put in the best state of defense.

“The times now are extreamly difficult—guard boats are kept out every night in the North and East Rivers to prevent any boats from passing, & I am informed that some persons have been searched on Long Island; therefore whenever you think that my intelligence is of no service, beg you will notify me, ’till which time I will continue as usual. Privateering flags very much. I have recd. your Dictionary,[14] and will be glad to have the Stain as soon as possible, when shall endeavour to find some shorter route to forward my letters. I am, Sir, Your Hbl. Servant,

“Samuel Culper, Junr.”

August 6th is the date of Townsend’s 4th letter. It was written altogether in the stain and required the services of two of the General’s secretaries to copy it. The first half of the first page is in the handwriting of Alexander Hamilton but the rest of the three pages was written by McHenry.(113)

Meanwhile, Samuel Culper continued to advise Robert Townsend that he should give up his business in New York.[15] In a letter to Tallmadge, dated August 12th, he writes:(114)

“I do assure you he is a sincere friend and capable of rendering service to our country. And as such a one I have again most earnestly endeavoured, and begged him to disengage himself from all concerns that may interfere with the Public business he hath undertaken.”

Jonas Hawkins called for Townsend’s fifth letter, but fearing capture destroyed it before reaching Woodhull. He advised Tallmadge of this in a letter, mostly in cipher, dated August 15th.(115) The sixth shared the same fate. Woodhull called for the next, which follows:

No. 7.

Long Island, Sept. 11th, 1779.

“Sir, Your No. 11 & 12 have come to hand, the contents I duly note. I am very sorry that No. 5 was destroyed, tho’ I can’t say that it contained any intelligence that wou’d have been of material consequence—The bearer thought himself in danger. I believe it was merely imaginary. From timidity and the situation of affairs at that time, he did not choose to come to N.Yk; I therefore met him at a place quite out of danger on Long-Island. I then made an appointment for No. 6, at wch. time he came, I wrote it, and took it over the Ferry that he might run no hazard from the Inspector of Letters there. However he was so much intimidated that it shared the same fate as No. 5.

“I have now the pleasure of seeing our mutual friend Saml. Culper, Sen. who will run every hazard to forward this.

“I had informed you in No. 6, of the arrival of the British Fleet consisting of about 70 sail, under convoy of Adml. Arbuthnot in the Europa of 64 Guns & Russel of 74 Guns—The number of the Troops from the best information I can collect does not exceed 3000. They are all new troops, and in bad health, and are now encamped in and about Bedford; three miles from Brooklyn Ferry. The 44th. and 3 Hessian Regts. embarked a few days ago, and are to sail this day—Their destination said to be for Quebec—This is generally believed—Sir James Wallace in the Experiment sails sometime for Georgia, with one Store Ship and two or three other vessels, but no Troops. No prospect of any other movement further than some vessels are fitting for Horses. The general opinion is that there will be no Campaign opened from N.York. The most knowing and judicious of the Torys think that some troops must be sent to the West Indies. They have now given up all hope of the second division so much talked of, as they think they will be wanted at home. Their spirits in general was much dejected with the accounts of a Spanish war, and Lord North’s declaration that he had formed no alliances nor had any prospect of forming any. Their spirits are now in some measure elevated with the accounts of the destruction of the American Fleet at Penobscot.—I hope it will be but a temporary elevation. It certainly is a bad stroke, and I think it cou’d not be owing to want of inteligence of Sir Geo. Collier’s sailing. A vessel arrived a few days ago from St. Kitts, but nothing transpires further than that the French had embarked 6000 Troops, with an intent, as is supposed, to take Antegua. The most judicious of the Tory’s think that the Spaniards have by this invaded Jamaica, and make no doubt but that they will succeed. A fleet of 12 sail of victualers arrived yesterday from Cork—Another fleet was to sail in about four weeks after them, but they are not expected soon as its thought that the Spanish War will occasion a general embargo for some time, for the purpose of manning their fleet. The Guards, 54th, and two Hessian Regts. do duty in and about N.York. The guards are in the City, 54th encamped at Greenwich, one Hessian Regt. Near Jones’s on DeLancey’s land, and the other near the water works. The number on Staten Island I do not know—On Long Island the new troops as mentioned, a Regt. of Horse about Flushing, a guard of about 30 men of the 3d. Battalian of DeLancey’s Brigade, with a party of the Militia Horse are at Jamaica, as a guard for the General. He might have been taken off with much ease sometime ago, but it would now be very difficult, and the Queens Rangers are at Oyster Bay. Their number is about 450, near 100 of which are mounted. The 3d. Batallian of DeLancey’s brigade are at Lloyd’s Neck. From the vicinity of the Queens Rangers, who can be there by means of an alarm gun in two hours, I think it would by no means be advisable to attack them. They were alarmed on Thursday night last, and was there in one and a half hours after the alarm.

“My being unwell for a week past, and my engagement in business has prevented my obtaining a more particular account of the situation of the enemy. I intended to have disingaged myself from business agreeable to the solicitations of my friend Samuel Culper, Sen; but find it will be attended with more difficulty than I expected, owing to my having a partner, as I can make no excuse to do it. Untill I can, will continue to write as usual, and shall be less expensive.

“The Europa, Russel, Renown and four or five Frigates are now in port. It is thought by many that all the large ships on this station will be ordered to the West Indies to re-inforce Byron.

“The works at the Battery goes on very slow. The Hessians are repairing the Fort on Bunker hill, with some alterations. A very large Fort is building at Brooklyn on the west side of the road, and abt 80 rods due north from Cobble Hill. A large number of the Militia of Kings and Queens County are at work on it. The Militia of Suffolk have not as yet complyed. The orders, a copy of which you will have forwarded. I fear if they do not comply that devastation will attend that Loyal County. No late accounts from Georgia, the last were that their lines was more contracted. It is the general opinion that nothing more can be done there till they have re-inforcement which it is thought will be sent about the beginning of October. You may rest assured that I will use every endeavour to comply with your requests. I have made some overtures to a person to convey letters by a shorter route, and flatter myself that I shall succeed.

“I am, Sir, Your most obedt. Servt,

“Culper Jun.”

The General thought it was not necessary for Townsend to give up his business, and so replied from Headquarters at West Point, September 24, 1779:

“Sir, It is not my opinion that Culper Junior should be advised to give up his present employment. I would imagine that with a little industry he will be able to carry on his intelligence with greater security to himself and greater advantages to us, under cover of his usual business, than if he were to dedicate himself wholly to the giving of information. It may afford him opportunities of collecting intelligence that he could not obtain so well in any other manner. It prevents also those suspicions which would become natural should he throw himself out of the line of his present employment. He may rest assured of every proper attention being paid to his services. One thing appears to me deserving of his particular consideration, as it will not only render his communications less exposed to detection, but relieve the fears of such persons as may be entrusted with its conveyance to the second link in the chain, and of course very much facilitate the object we have in view; I mean, that he should occasionally write his information on the blank leaves of a pamphlet, on the first, second, and other pages of a common pocket book, or on the blank leaves at each end of registers, almanacks, or any new publication or book of small value. He should be determined in the choice of these books principally by the goodness of the blank paper, as the ink is not easily legible unless it is on paper of a good quality. Having settled a plan of this kind with his friend, he may forward them without risk of search or the scrutiny of the enemy, as this is chiefly directed against paper made up in the form of letters.

“I would add a further hint on this subject. Even letters may be made more subservient to this communication, than they have yet been. He may write a familiar letter on domestic affairs, or on some little matters of business, to his friend at Setauket or elsewhere, interlining with the stain his secret intelligence, or writing it on the opposite blank side of the letter. But that his friend may know how to distinguish these from letters addressed solely to himself, he may always leave such as contain secret information without date or place (dating it with the stain), or fold them up in a particular manner, which may be concerted between the parties. This last appears to be the best mark of the two, and may be the signal of their being designated for me. The first mentioned mode, however, or that of the books, appears to me the one least liable to detection. I am, &c.

“Go. Washington.”

FOOTNOTES to “GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES”:

[12] This, as related by John Jay and Robert Townsend to James Fenimore Cooper, has been woven into fiction as the basis of the tenth chapter of The Spy.

[13] James Jay, brother of John Jay, claims the credit of this invention. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson he says: “The curious experiments in Sympathetic Inks, fluids with which if one writes on the whitest paper the letters immediately become invisible, are generally known; and so is likewise the facility with which the writing with any one of them may be rendered visible. For this reason I presume the subject has been considered as a matter of mere curiosity and entertainment, and has never been applied to any use in Politics or War. When the affairs of America, previous to the commencement of hostilities, began to wear a serious aspect, and threatened to issue in civil war, it occurred to me that a fluid might possibly be discovered for invisible writing, which would elude the generally known means of detection, and yet could be rendered visible by a suitable counterpart. Sensible of the great advantages, both in a political and military line, which we might derive from such a mode of procuring and transmitting intelligence, I set about the work. After innumerable experiments, I succeeded to my wish. From England I sent to my brother John in New York, considerable quantities of these preparations. He furnished Silas Deane with them when that gentleman first went to France. When Mr. Deane was in Paris, he writ to me in London, requesting further supplies of them, which I accordingly sent him. In the course of the war, General Washington was also furnished with them, and I have letters from him acknowledging their great utility, and requesting further supplies. Gordon in his history of the Revolution relates the fact, but without mentioning the author of the contrivance.

“By means of this mode of conveying intelligence, I transmitted to America the first authentic account which Congress received, of the determination of the British Ministry to reduce the Colonies to unconditional submission; the ministry at the time concealing this design, and holding out conciliatory measures. My method of communication was this: To prevent the suspicion which might arise were I to write to my brother John only, who was a member of Congress, I writ with black ink a short letter to him, and likewise to 1 or 2 other persons of the family, none exceeding 3 or 4 lines in black ink. The residue of the blank paper I filled up, invisibly, with such intelligence and matters as I thought would be useful to the American Cause. All these letters were left open, and sent in that condition to the Director or Secretary of the General Post Office, with a letter insinuating that I thought it could not be the intentions of Government, in their restraining laws, to put a stop to family intercourse; and therefore requesting the party to read over the letters, and if nothing improper appeared in them, that he would permit them to pass in the mail to New York. They passed accordingly, and on their arrival in New York were sent into the American Lines. In this invisible writing I sent to Franklin and Deane, by the mail from London to Paris, a plan of the intended Expedition under Burgoyne from Canada.”

[14] See it on page 218.

[15] Oakman & Townsend was the firm name, Henry Oakman being the partner at this time, supplying ships and the public with dry-goods and groceries.

SECRET SERVICE SECRETS

The hazard of transmitting letters in the ordinary way between Headquarters and the Culpers continued to increase. It taxed the ingenuity of General Washington, as his preceding letter indicates; and Major Tallmadge carefully studied the subject. The first crude use of a few ciphers (ten for New York and twenty for Setauket) was no longer deemed sufficient. Early in July, 1779, Major Tallmadge prepared a “pocket dictionary” in which a new code was arranged. Copies were furnished the Culpers as well as Headquarters. Reference to it is in a letter from Washington dated July 27, 1779,[16] and a copy of the code is now among the letters of General Washington in the Library of Congress.

In letters Major Tallmadge’s name was never used on Long Island. He was always addressed as John Bolton. He had also a number, which was 721. Abraham Woodhull was always addressed as Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, and was known by the number 722. Robert Townsend was Culper Junior, and his number was 723. Austin Roe[17] 724, Caleb Brewster 725, George Washington 711, New York 727, Long Island 728, Setauket 729, etc.

The stain letters were doubtless the most clever, but only fragments of them have survived. However, copies of those that reached Headquarters were made by Alexander Hamilton and other trusted members of the General’s official family, and these are still preserved among the Washington Papers. Sometimes they reached the General in a manner that alarmed him, as the following extract shows:

“C——r, Jr. should avoid making use of the Stain upon a Blank sheet of paper (which is the usual way of its coming to me). This circumstance alone is sufficient to raise suspicions. A much better way is to write a letter in the Tory stile with some mixture of family matters and between the lines and on the remaining part of the sheet communicate with the stain the intended intelligence. Such a letter would pass through the hands of the enemy unsuspected and even if the agents should be unfaithful or negligent, no discovery would be made to his prejudice, as these people are not to know that there is concealed writing in the letter and the intelligent part of it would be an evidence in its favor.”

Probably Major Tallmadge had not explained that Townsend’s method was to conceal the sheet by forwarding with it to him an entire package of the same folded letter-paper, in which there was no way of discovering this particular sheet except by knowing its position.

It was such a letter from Townsend that Culper Senior mentions in his of September 19th.(116) He also relates how it became necessary for him to expose himself in order to protect Brewster, who with his boat was waiting for it. Culper Junior’s tenth letter is dated October 9th.(117) In it he says:

“A considerable number of Troops are on the West end of Long Island. The 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, the mounted Legion and Queens Rangers at Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion are at Oyster Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except those mentioned. The spirits of the troops flag much, but still some flatter themselves that there is yet a probability of England rising superior to all her enemies. There does not appear the least prospect of this place being vacated this fall, tho I believe they would be glad to have them at home.”

With this Samuel Culper encloses his twenty-fifth letter, in which he relates how he was captured and escaped, as follows:

“Inclosed you have S. C. Junrs. letter, which wish safe to hand. He desired me to send for some more of that Stain. It is too great a risque to write with ink in this country of robbers. I this day just saved my life. Soon after I left Hempstead Plains and got into the woods I was attacked by four armed men, one of them I had frequently seen in N.York. They searched every pocket and lining of my clothes, shoes, and also my saddle, which the enclosed was in, but thank kind Providence they did not find it. I had but one dollar in money about me. It was so little they did not take it, and so came off clear. Don’t mention this for I keep it a secret for fear it should intimidate all concerned here—and am Yours Sincerely,

“Saml. Culper.”

Meanwhile General Washington was dictating a letter to Major Tallmadge, which reads:

“Head Quarters West Point, 9th October, 1779.

Dear Sir, I have your favr of the 8th inclosing a letter for Major Jameson who is in South Carolina. It shall be forwarded by the first opportunity. Should a certain operation take place, it will be necessary to establish a very regular communication with Long Island. These things are better settled personally than by letter, I shall therefore be glad to see you at Head Quarters. After leaving some person who can be intrusted with the receipt of C— letters, and who can forward them and any observations upon the Sound, be pleased to ride over.”

Townsend’s next letter, dated October 21, and written entirely with the stain, was copied at Headquarters, and reads:

“I am this day favord with yours of the 12th Inst. and note the contents. The fleet from Newport, contrary to my information, sailed the day I wrote to you. I was led into this error by persons whom I thought could give me the best information, as they belonged to Newport and intended going in the fleet. They have been deceived for from that belief they were left behind. I informed you that a number of vessels had been prepared to sink at Sandy Hook, four of which were sunk two days after I wrote you. The Russel, Europa, Raisonable, Defiance, Roebuck and several Frigates and a number of armed transports still continue at the Hook. The Renown (dismasted) Solebay and Towey Frigates are still in the Harbour.

“The Captain of a Privateer which arrived on Friday last, says that he saw 12 sail of the French fleet the 25th Septr. off Georgia, not dismasted as the paper mentions but all well; and that the noted Sir James Wallace was taken.

“The 7th, 23d, and Lord Rowdon’s Corps embarked some days ago. The 7th and 23d. have disembarked and the 57th with some of the artillery have embarked in their place, and it’s said will sail in a few days. Some of the officers say they are going to Halifax, and it’s generally believed they are.

“The enemy have large magazines of wood and forage and are daily collecting more, particularly Hay. Some of the Comrs. of provision say they have enough of all kinds to last 9 months. I believe they have plenty for six months. There is considerable on board victuallers of this, and the quantity, I will inform you more particularly in my next. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except the Robuste from Halifax which arrived yesterday. A number of transports have been taking water and ballast some days past and from which and some other circumstances it is concluded that another embarkation will take place. Some transports with some private vessels sailed yesterday for Newport under convey of the Hunter Sloop of War. No new forts erecting. That on Bayards Hill is completed, and also the one back of Jones’ house. The Battery and the fort on Governors Island is nearly completed. I entirely approve of your conveying letters, and shall in future follow it. But shall want some more stain immediately, as I have scarcely enough for another letter. S. Culper Senior will forward you a Receipt for the Guineas.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

Culper Senior’s next letter,(118) dated October 26th, he also, incorrectly numbers 25. Townsend’s next letter,(119) written with the stain, is dated October 29th, as is also the following from Culper Senior:

“Your No. 19 with the inclosed came to hand on the 26th, and have noted the contents and shall follow your directions as far as in me lay, and to compleat the same have desired an interview with Culper Jnr. which if by the movement of your army it should become necessary that the present rout of dispatches should be shortened must principally depend on his acquaintance. If any secrets are with you, and may tend to the common good by communicating them to us, and enable us to better judge and assist your measures, don’t fail to do it. I sincerely declare to you by all that is valuable and sacred that no person but him and me shall know it—depend nothing shall be wanting on my part to forward intelligence to you as frequent as possible. And forget not to urge 725 to his duty, which I must say he hath lately neglected. Mr. Jackson perfectly knows it. And he frequently objects to coming so often.

“I most impatiently wait the arrival of the Count De-Estaing, and your operations, and as the season is so far advanced, I greatly fear nothing will be done, but am not altogether without hopes.

“Since my last the sum of about £400. was subscribed in this town to be presented to General Clinton in order to obtain his favour and evade the threatening storme—but before it could be possibly forwarded, a general demand for all our Oxen, or cattle of equal value, was sent. None escaped except some of our Tory gentry, and we have concluded since to keep our money and let them take and be damned. It is truely cutting to see the most notorious escape this demand, and the virtuous distressed. I conceive in my own mind, that their views in taking the oxen and breaking up teams in general is through fear they may fall into your hands and be of service to your army. The enemy still continue to collect hay to the westward, without estimating it or giving receipts as heretofore, and are carrying it to Brooklyn Ferry and to Lloyd’s Neck. Unless prevented they will soon be at this place.

“Night before last a most horrid robbery was committed on the houses of Coll. Benj. Floyd and Mr. Seton, by three whale boats from your shore, commanded by Joseph Hulce and Fade Danolson, and one other master of boat, name unknown to me. 725 can well inform you of their names. From the best judgment I can form they took to the value in money, household goods, Bonds and Notes, of Three Thousand Pounds. They left nothing in the houses that was portable. They even took their clock and all their looking glasses, and all Seal Gold Cloths, perhaps none before theirs in America.

“I cannot put up with such a wanton waste of property, I know they are enemy’s to our cause, but yet their property should not go amongst such villians. I beg you would exert yourself and bring them to justice.”

Major Tallmadge supplements the above in a letter to the General dated Bedford, Novr. 1, 1779, in which he says:

“I have just recd. the enclosed despatches from the C——rs. I was obliged to touch the Counterpart on the enclosed letter written with the Stain to discover whether it was the right sheet or not as it was in a Quire.

“With respect to the robbery lately committed at Setauket, as related by C. Senior, I have additional accounts of the same from others. In addition to the crime of plundering the distressed inhabitants of Long Island the perpetrators of such villany never bring their goods before any court for tryal and condemnation, but proceed to vend them at option. This species of Privateering (for it goes by this name) is attended with such numberless bad consequences, that to a gentleman of your Excellency’s feelings, I am confident I need not state them. If being so plundered by the enemy that the inhabitants have hardly a subsistance left, be not sufficient (for the marauders from our shore make no distinction between Whig and Tory further than what interest may point out) it surely cannot be reputable to leave it in the power of individuals to punish at pleasure, and enrich themselves by the plunder they take. Perhaps your Excellency may have seen the Proclamation lately issued by Governor Clinton prohibiting such practices. I would further observe that the boat that crosses for dispatches from C—— has been chased quite across the Sound by those plunderers, perhaps for the sake of being the more secret in their Villany, while our crew has suspected them to be the Enemy. Indeed if some stop cannot be put to such nefarious practices C—— will not risque, nor 725 go over for dispatches. I should be happy to have permission to take the men who have been concerned in this Robbery, and have them delivered over to the authority appointed by Governor Clinton (as mentioned in his proclamation) to take notice of such offenders, or other ways punish them. What would give a peculiar sanction to such a proceeding is that some of the Perpetrators of this villany belonged to Long island and of course to the State of New York.

“One of the gentlemen who was plundered was Col. Floyd, who not long since was brot. over a Prisoner, and is now on Parole. From a long and intimate acquaintance with this gentleman I believe him to be of more service to the Whig interest in Setauket than every other man in it, tho from his family connection I believe he has been in favor of Royal Government. The other gentleman, Mr. Seaton, is from England, and purchased a plantation at Setauket before the War began. This family is of the first fashion of any on the Island. The whole of their furniture, Jewels, Clothing, Money, Bonds, and papers of all kinds were brought off. I hope some steps may be taken to prevent such conduct in future ...

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

Townsend’s next letter, November 3d, announces that General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday, observing the Harbour. In detail it reads:

“Being more hurried than usual these three days past and the Bearer coming unexpectedly, prevents my writing so particularly as I would wish. I have this day received yours of the 19th ulto. and I will endeavour to follow your instructions. No arrivals of any consequence since my last. The information I gave you, concerning the sailing of the fleet for Halifax, I thought so good that I might have given it for certain. I could not have wished for better unless from the Admiral or General. They did not sail, and I am since informed have disembarked. Eight or nine private vessels were to sail from the Hook for New Foundland a few days ago. They are in Ballast and are to take in Fish for the West Indies. I have not heard from the Hook these three days past, I therefore cannot say whether they have sailed. It was positively said the latter end of last week that several Regiments were to go into Suffolk County. But I believe it is now given over at least for the present. A considerable number of transports, (say 10000 tons) are under orders to take in troops but it is not said where they are going. Lord Cornwallis is said to be going with them. No forts or redoubts near this City but those I have mentioned. The people in general now think that the French Fleet will not be here this fall. We have no certain accounts from Georgia. General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday observing the Harbour. It is positively said a number of Transports are to be sent there to winter. I believe it is to be depended upon that the heavy ships of war are to winter at Halifax. I will write you more particularly in my next. I am Yrs. &c.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

Woodhull’s No. 27, dated Nov. 5th, is only short, but written under excitement. He says: “I have just received the Dispatches, and verbal accounts, that Coll. Fanning’s Regt. is at Lloyd’s Neck, and the Prince of Wales American Regt. formerly commanded by Monfort Brown tarried last night at Jamaica on their way to Huntington. One regiment is ordered to Jerusalem South side Hempstead Planes. Much talk about their coming to this place soon, and we are greatly alarmed about it. Should they come here I shall most certainly retreat to your side as I think it will be impossible for me to be safe. Shall see Culper, Junr. on the 10th, inst. at which time shall hope to compleat your directions, and order affairs so that the damage I hope will not be great if it should become necessary to quit the Island. Depend I shall not do it without absolute necessity. If you have anything material to communicate to Culper Junr. let 725 come one night before (say on the 9th.) I give over entirely the arrival of the French fleet. Nothing is said about them in New York, and the movement of the enemy looks like their going into winter quarters. Friends are all well. I am, &c. Your most Obedt.

“Saml. Culper.”

Abraham Woodhull’s next letter on November 13th covers six sheets(120) in which he says:

“On the 10th I was to see Culper Junior, at a house he appointed twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my letters to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed place I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 horse and 200 foot and about 100 wagons. Was much surprised but after answering a few questions passed them unmolested.

“But to my great mortification Culper Junior did not come that day. I waited all the next, and sent a person westward to several houses where I thought likely to find him, but could hear nothing of him. I am much concerned. Fear some accident hath befallen him, but yet wish to entertain a favorable thought that he may be sick. The wagons went from Smith Town yesterday loaded but am informed the troops all stayed behind waiting their return. We have 20 horse and 4 foot bilited about in houses, but no wagons have loaded here yet. They are exceedingly afraid and keep a very strict guard at the foot of Seaton’s Neck. Coll. Floyd, E. Jones above the Mill. J. Thompson, P. Lions. John Bayles is Head Quarters. Main guard in Kelly’s House. They are not expected to stay here more than 10 days, some say not longer than a week. The inhabitants of this Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily judge when having the refuge of three kingdoms and thirteen States amongst them, plundering and repine increaseth at no small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal of trouble, expecially when disappointment happens. Could not consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an enthusiast for our success. I am perfectly acquainted with a full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea of, but those that experience. Not long since, there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death. But so long as I reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be wanting.”

In his next letter,(121) written with the stain and dated November 27, 1779, Townsend mentions that the British have procured from Philadelphia “several Reams of the paper made for the last emission struck by Congress.” “I have taken much pains to find out some of those concerned, but could not accomplish it,” he adds.

* * * * *

Woodhull, his hand still trembling from fear, sends off his 29th letter, dated November 29th. It reads:

“Your No. 22 with the enclosed for C. Junr. came to hand and observed the contents. Your No. 23, with the Blank I received this morning. It is now late in the evening and just received the dispaches have hardly time to write any thing as I would, as I greatly desire to send 725 off from this place of danger. I cannot tell the sheets that are written with the stain and agreeable to your desire have requested the same from C. Junr. This place is very distressed.... Their coming was like death to me at first but have no fears about me at present and soon intend to visit N. Y. There’s about 400 in the town and following the wagons. They take all the forage and oats. I forbear to write any particulars for want of time and to avoid danger. I expect the enemy will leave us about next Monday and have the pleasing hope they will not visit us any more this winter. I have directed 725 to come on the 12th December, say the 11th. Hope the way will then be clear and safe. I expected the express on Saturday last. Excuse me at this time I cannot serve you better. I am, &c.

“Samuel Culper.”

In his letter of December 12th,(122) Woodhull encloses a blank from Culper Junior. They are to be together on the 25th (Christmas Day):

“Hope if the weather is favorable you will incline to come over, as we greatly desire to see you. We would gladly if possible meet you half way. I have the pleasure to inform you my fears are much abated since the troops have been with us. Their approach was like death to me. Did not know wheather to stand or fall. Had they been the Queens Rangers or Legion should have been with you before now. Were I now in the State of New Jersey[18] without fear of Law or Gospel, would certainly kill Col. Simcoe, for his usage to me.

“Saml. Culper.”

From Setauket, before he returned from his Christmas meeting, Townsend wrote a long letter(123) to “Mr. John Bolton” entirely undisguised. And soon one came from General Washington, in which he says:

Morristown, 5th Feby. 1780.

“Dr. Sir, I have received two letters of yours from Wethersfield—one dated the 15th of Jan., the other without a date—By Colo. Blaine, who I expect will be the bearer of this, I send twenty guineas and a phial containing the stain and counterpart of the stain for C, Junr., which I wish may be got to him with as much safety and dispatch as the case will conveniently admit of. It is my further most earnest wish, that you would press him to open, if possible, a communication with me by a more direct route than the present.—His accounts are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory, consequently would be valuable, but owing to the circuitous route through which they are transmitted I can derive no immediate or important advantage from them, and (as I rely upon his intelligence) the only satisfaction I derive from it, is, that other accts. are either confirmed or corrected by his, after they have been some time received.

“I am sensible of the delicacy of his situation, and the necessity of caution—for these reasons it is I have hitherto forborn and am yet unwilling to mention, persons to him as the vehicles of conveyance lest they should not prove so trustworthy and prudent as we could wish, but if he cannot form the first link of the chain of communication himself and will let me know it, I think I can name one or two men to him who will receive and convey to me through others such intelligence as he may think important.”

Woodhull visited Townsend in New York toward the end of February. He was then probably trying to send his intelligence by the shorter route, as the next letter would indicate:

“32 729-215-fn-1780

“Sir, Late last night I returned from 727, where I had the pleasure of seeing C. Junr. and many other good friends—I have nothing to enclose you from C. Junr. He assuring me that Coll. Ramsay and some other gentlemen that left 727 on Wednesday last on their way to Head Quarters, was furnished with all the intelligence that he could informe. Yet requested I would write to accompany the newspapers. On Saturday last a packet arrived with the Decr. Mail, and by private letters and all that we can understand, indicates a continuance of the war. The spirits of the enemy on the same account are very high. The Loyalist, formerly the Oliver Cromwell, is about to sail in search of Genl. Clinton. Hope they are all safely landed in the Eternal Regions. A few days agone, a ship arrived from Jamaica, but nothing can be learnt more than what is published. There’s a large fleet with dry goods &c. daily expected from Europe, and a great number of Merchantmen from other quarters. Our prisoners on board of ships hath suffered much this winter, and to complete the total destruction of the sick, the hospital ship on Thursday last about 4 o’clock took fire in the Stern, said by means of a stove, and was immediately consumed. How many perished I cannot say. Reports are from 3 to 50. There’s a very great mortality amongst the enemies horses. There was no appearance of any movement that I could learn. I shall now mention the situation of several corps on Long Island and conclude. At Lloyd’s Neck Coll. Ludlow’s Regt. At Oyster Bay about 40 of German Huzzars. At Jericho the second Battallion of Skinner’s Brigade. The 17th Dragoons at Hempstead. Coll. Fannings Regt. at Jamaica. Gover Browns at the head of the Fly near Flushing. 54th Regt, at Newtown. One Regt of Hessians at Bushwick. 725 handed me two phials and 20 guineas which shall be immediately transmitted to C. Junr. I could wish to serve you better but it not being in my power at this time. Am in great haste, Yours Sincerely,

“Saml. Culper.”

Another letter from Samuel Culper is dated March 13.(124) In a postscript to it he adds:

“I have just heard that the enemy hath made a demand from Smith Town of a thousand cords of wood and that all the wood lying near our harbor is to be cut for them—and two regts. is to be stationed in this Town. If it should take place it will I fear entirely ruin our correspondence. To prevent which I shall give you early intelligence of their motions from time to time, that you may be prepared to give them a fatal blow at the beginning, or we shall be totally ruined. 725 must come on the 25th instant. I am yours Sincerely,

“S. Culper.”

The difficulty in finding the stain letter hid among many similar looking blank sheets of the same paper is mentioned in the next, which reads:

No. 3. 729-22-eo-1780.

Sir. Inclosed you have a blank—Something fearful not sending the right and have inclosed three—We seem to be very unfortunate in forwarding dispaches. Almost every appointment the weather is rough. I have no verbal accounts worthy of notice. I am a going to 727 tomorrow and shall return on fg, when shall hope to 691 you fully. In the Interum I am yours Sincerely to Serve,

Saml. Culper.

A missing letter evidently unjustly complained of Townsend, for one, dated from Setauket April 23d, reads:

“In my No. 2, informed you of the neglect of 723. (Then entirely ignorant of his informing of you previous to that he should continue no longer) and resolved to visit him on the 19th past, and returned this day after making every effort possible with his utter denial—and found yours of the 10th instant waiting, mentioning an interview of us three on the 1st of May, which if possible shall be compleat. As I shall see you soon I forbear stating his reasons and the probability of its being no great damage, and the hope that I have you shall not be neglected. I shall now give you what intelligence can be obtained at this time. A person formerly an inhabitant of Cavarick, came through you about 20 days ago from Canada, since which an embarcation of four thousand men reports say will most certainly take place for that quarter unless your movements prevent. The Troops that sailed from 727 some time gone and destined for the southward, have left all their heavy baggage behind and are directed to return as soon as the subjection of South Carolina is completed. A vessel arrived a few days ago from Jamaica, the captain is an acquaintance of Culper, Jr. and told him that upwards of twenty sail of ships had been drove up on that Island and lost—that a Packet had arrived there left London the 12th of February, declaring that 25 sail of the Line, 150 Transports with 20 thousand on board had left Brest, their destination unknown. It is said with us that Washington hath pledged his honor to the army that a Naval force will be to their assistance by the 10th of June. Best judges say that their regular troops amount to no more than six thousand, and Militia and other vagabonds about 4 thousand, and only two or three small frigates. I am in past and at present much indisposed. Nothing more material to say. Hope to see you soon. I am &c.

“Saml. Culper.”

It was necessary to search other letters to discover Townsend’s reason for withdrawing at this particular time. It will be recalled he had promised General Washington that he would endeavor to shorten the line of communication and for this purpose he had selected his cousin, James Townsend. When the messages were ready Townsend set off, and managed to get safely across the river. However, he did not return at the appointed time and for some days Culper’s iron nerves were shattered, fearing that the British had their secret and that his fate was sealed. But what had actually happened had a less serious termination. James Townsend, realizing the importance of the messages he was carrying and perhaps because it was a new experience for him, became bewildered and although uncertain of the house at which he was to stop called at one Deansonbury, where were two young people fond of questioning strangers. They at once permitted him to believe that they were Tories. His first idea was to assume intoxication but when he found them determined to make him talk he recalled Washington’s instructions to put on the airs of a Tory and before long he was able to convince them that he was one of the king’s most loyal subjects. John, the elder brother of the household in his affidavit declares he was hiding where he could hear without being seen, but that “he heard no more, his spirits rose, he flew into the room and took him prisoner.”[19] He was of course detained, but was fortunately a prisoner in the American Army. His pockets were searched and their contents forwarded to headquarters. There seemed to be nothing very remarkable among them. A poem of 20 lines spread over two sheets of paper and folded into sixteen must have seemed insignificant. The title “The Lady’s Dress” and the initials S. T. which had been altered to appear like S. B. were alike uninteresting. But to Washington it was different. These were the stain letters and upon applying the counterpart the message showed up between the widely spaced lines. Washington kept the original and it is now among the treasures in Washington. The release of James Townsend was difficult, even after the papers in the case had reached Headquarters, lest knowledge of his errand might betray the Culpers to the British spies in the American camp.

* * * * *

Woodhull’s No. 4, dated Setauket May 4, 1780, would indicate that they did not get together on May 1st. He says:

“I have had an interview with C. Junr. and am sorry to find he declines serving any longer, as hinted in my last. If any person can be pointed out by 711 at N. Y. who can be safely relyed on to supply C. Junr’s place, I will make myself known to him, and settle a plan for the purpose. C. Junr. will nevertheless afford every assistance in his power, and give verbal information as he can collect. I have recd 20 guines sometime ago, which you sent me and with them have been paying off the expenses already accrued, and find a ballance still due me. As soon as convenient could wish you to forward me an additional sum. I have for some time suspected that Daniel Diehel living with Hugh Wallace has been employed by 711—If this be the case would wish to be informed of it. I shall probably see Jno. Bolton this evening and therefore forbear, and shall refer you to him, and am yours, &c.

“Saml. Culper.”

Following this came an order from Headquarters practically discharging the Culpers. It reads:

“Head Quarters, Morris Town, 19th May, 1780.

“Dear Sir: Your favr. of the 8th reached me a few days ago. As C. junior has totally declined and C. Senior seems to wish to do it, I think the intercourse may be dropped, more especially as from our present position the intelligence is so long getting to hand that it is of no use by the time it reaches me. I would however have you take an opportunity of informing the elder C. that we may have occasion for his services again in the course of the Summer, and that I shall be glad to employ him if it should become necessary and he is willing.

“I am endeavoring to open a communication with New York across Staten Island, but who are the agents in the City, I do not know. I am &c.

“Go. Washington.”

Woodhull was not pleased with General Washington’s letter, as his next to Major Tallmadge indicates:

“June 10, 1780.

“Sir. Yours of the 5th inst, together with 711, was handed me yesterday, and have observed the contents.—The letter, agreeable to your directions, returned to the bearer. I am happy to find that 711 is about to establish a more advantageous channel of intelligence than heretofore. I perceive that the former he intimates hath been but of little service. Sorry we have been at so much cost and trouble for little or no purpose. He also mentions of my backwardness to serve. He certainly hath been misinformed. You are sensible I have been indefaticable, and have done it from a principal of duty rather than from any mercenary end—and as hinted heretofore, if at any time theres need you may rely on my faithful endeavours. I perceive there’s no mention made of any money to discharge the remaining debts, which hath increased since I saw you, owing to your direction to continue the correspondence regular until I received your answer from 711. You speak with some assurance that the French is hourly expected to our assistance—hope they may not fail us—and that we may soon retrieve the sad misfortune of our Southern Garrison, which doleful fate the papers enclosed doth too fully relate, to which I must you refer. The enemy last Tuesday night, with all the force they could muster, landed in the Jerseys, in order to surprise G. W. and had not returned on Friday night. It is thought much blood hath been spilt. A great number of wounded men hath been sent in together with General Sterling who had his thigh broke. No particulars had transpired on Friday night, but our friends are in hopes they will be defeated. Ther’s a grand movement on foot in N.York. The troops are called from Lloyd’s Neck and is said from every other distant post, and an embargo laid on all ships and small Sloops. It is suspected they are a going to quit N.York, or are going to make some diversion up the river, or are afraid of the French. But I cannot but think the former is likely to take place. For I believe their whole design is to the Southward. Thus sir, what I have written is from such authority as you have heretofore depended on, and from such as I call the best—and is all worthy of notice at this time. Hoping it may duly come to hand, and find you in health and prosperity is the earnest desire of your ever affectionate Friend and Huml. Servt.

“Samuel Culper.”

A few weeks’ suspension was sufficient to convince Headquarters that the services of the Culpers were indispensable. Messengers were rushed to Major Tallmadge to re-engage them, as the next communication shows:

“Head Quarters, Bergen County, 11th July, 1780.

“Dear Sir. As we may every moment expect the arrival of the French Fleet a revival of the correspondence with the Culpers will be of very great importance. If the younger cannot be engaged again, you will endeavor to prevail upon the older to give you information of the movements and position of the enemy upon Long Island—as whether they are all confined to the port at Brooklyn or whether they have any detached posts and where, and what is their strength at those posts—in short desire him to inform you of whatever comes under his notice and what seems worthy of communication. You will transmit your letters to Genl. Howe, who will forward them to me. I am, &c.

“Go. Washington.

“P.S. Desire him to attend particularly to the provision which they are making of wood and forage—and whether they drive in any stock.”

It is regrettable that at this critical period several of the most important letters were not preserved or have been lost. But it is fortunate that enough remains to clearly indicate the purport of the missing documents. It was three days before the above letter from Headquarters in Bergen County reached Major Tallmadge at Cortlandt’s Manor. Then promptly on July 14th, 1780, he addressed General Washington, saying:

“Your Excellency’s favour of the 11th inst. has just come to hand; That the instructions therein contained may be faithfully executed, I shall set out tomorrow morning for Fairfield, where I will endeavour to put matters on such a footing, (which by omission have in some measure got deranged) as may answer your Excellency’s expectations. I would at the same time hint that by Cr’s last letter, we are something in arrears to him, and in order to enable him to prosecute the business, it may be necessary to afford him a small supply of money.”

Tallmadge succeeded in finding Caleb Brewster, who promptly started across the Sound with messages for Abraham Woodhull and Robert Townsend. None of them yet knew that the British reinforcements under Admiral Graves were at that moment arriving in New York. Brewster found Woodhull ill, but Austin Roe was located and hastened off on the best obtainable steed to New York City. Had he gone slower he might have been overtaken by a British spy who on that day traveled the same road, carrying from East Hampton the news that a French fleet was off Rhode Island. In New York Roe was kept waiting whilst Townsend collected the news. To him it seemed the most important yet transmitted. He was never more fearful of discovery. Efforts were being made to detain everyone who might carry any information. Fortunately he still had a limited supply of the stain but to conceal these apparently blank sheets in a package of heavy goods as was the usual method would delay by perhaps a day the delivery of the message to headquarters. A happy thought suggested itself to Townsend. Colonel Benjamin Floyd, a British subject, had recently been robbed of many articles and was now obliged to make new purchases. A letter directed to him would attract no suspicion and its contents would account for the messenger returning apparently empty handed. Here is his note, which of course was to be delivered to Woodhull and not to Floyd:

“New York, July 20th, 1780.

Sir, I recd your favor by [Mr. Roe, crossed out but still readable] and note the contents. The articles you want cannot be procured, as soon as they can will send them. I am, Your humble Servant,

Samuel Culper.

Col. Floyd.”

CULPER SENIOR’S MOST URGENT MESSAGE.

See page 83.

As soon as the letters were ready Roe started back[20] and reached Woodhull in time to get the messages across the Sound that same evening. With them Woodhull sent what is probably the shortest and most exciting message he ever wrote. It reads:

“Sir. The enclosed requires your immediate departure this day by all means let not an hour pass: for this day must not be lost. You have news of the greatest consequence perhaps that ever happened to your country. John Bolton must order your returne when he thinks proper.

“S. C.”

Besides the stain letter Woodhull enclosed with the above one of his own, from information that Roe was able to communicate. It reads:

“Your letter came to hand and found me very ill with a fever, and still continues. All that I could do was to send Austin Roe with directions, who returned this day in great haste with the enclosed dispatches from Culper Junior. Also assures of the arrival of Admiral Graves with six ships of the line and is joined by three more out of New York, also one of 50 and two of 40 guns and has sailed for Rhode Island and is supposed they will be there before this can possibly reach you. Also 8000 Troops are this day embarking at Whitestone for the before mentioned port. I am told for certain that the French have only seven sail of the line. I greatly fear their destination. We hourly expect a number of the enemy in this quarter, for what end I know not. You must excuse all imperfections at this time on the account of my before mentioned fever. Nevertheless you have perhaps all the needful—and pray for your success and exercions. And am yours sincerely,

“Saml. Culper.”

Alexander Hamilton, without waiting for the return of Washington, forwards Culper’s message to Lafayette.

See page 84.

There being some question about finding Tallmadge at that moment Woodhull crossed John Bolton’s name from one of the letters and probably Brewster found a man to carry it directly to Headquarters, where it was received by Alexander Hamilton before 4 p. m. July 21st. As General Washington was not there Hamilton sent the news by a special messenger to General Lafayette, then on his way to Newport.[21] Likewise Major Tallmadge, as soon as the news reached him sent the information to General Washington and also to Generals Robert Howe and William Heath. General Washington later, upon studying the details, figuratively sharpened his quill pens and with them accomplished more than might have been possible at that moment with the sword. Hours went by, in fact several days, for the British transports were slow in arriving at Frog’s Neck, but they were fairly on their way to Newport when a man whom none could suspect, left at the British outpost a package that he claimed he had picked up along the road. It was found to be the details of General Washington’s plan of attack on New York. Already it was time for the American forces to strike the blow—they might be expected at any moment. The British signal fires were lighted,[22] and promptly came sailing back the fleet. A few days later as an excuse for the affair, in a letter to Lord George Germain Sir Henry Clinton said: “Washington must have learned that my armament had not proceeded to Rhode Island. He (I apprehend in consequence of this) re-crossed the river, and is now near Orange-town”. But in fact General Washington was not prepared to attack New York at that time and had no intention of doing so. In Sir Henry Clinton’s letter he says:

“On the 18th, by a courier from the east end of Long Island, the first intelligence was received of the arrival, on the 10th, of the French off Rhode-Island, which I transmitted immediately to Admiral Arbuthnot.

“In the hope that I might yet be in time to undertake something offensive against the enemy, either by a land attack solely, or, if the Admiral should have found it advisable, a joint attempt with the fleet, I determined as speedily as possible to put a body of troops afloat in the Sound, ready for operation to the eastward, if further information should warrant it, and not too distant to return rapidly, and act against the rebel army, should they, in my absence, form an enterprize against these posts.

“Many causes conspired to retard the arrival of transports at Frog’s-neck, from which place my embarkation was only effected the 27th. During this time all hopes of success from a coup de main were of course wafted away.

“The Camilla and Amphitrite, which were appointed to convey us, joining the same day, I proceeded with the transports to Huntington-bay, where I was honoured with such accounts from the Admiral of the attention the enemy had given to fortify themselves, that I no longer entertained an idea of making any attempt solely with the troops. I cannot judge what might have been expected from a joint operation; but I presume that, in the aspect affairs bore at that time, it was not to be undertaken with propriety.

“On the 31st therefore I returned to White-stone, where I disembarked the troops, keeping the transports in readiness to receive them again, if necessary; and the army encamped near the shore.

“During this time, Washington, by a rapid movement, had, with an army increased to 12,000 men, passed the North-river, and was moving towards King’s-bridge, when he must have learned that my armament had not proceeded to Rhode-Island. He (I apprehend in consequence of this) re-crossed the river, and is now near Orange Town.

“The Admiral is near Gardiner’s-Island, to which place I shall, if possible, proceed to confer with him and his Officers.”[23]

General Washington now ordered a chain of Dragoons to be posted between New London and Headquarters. There were to be 3 every 15 miles apart, to convey messages from the Culpers and the French Fleet. Colonel Sheldon complied under protest, as his letter following shows:

... “I have this morning early sent off an officer with a sufficient number of my most trusty Dragoons to post them at every fifteen miles distance, or as near that as the necessity of forage would admit. The officer is instructed to move on the Dragoons to Tower Hill, if Mr. Shaw cannot furnish the expresses beyond New London. The stages at which the officer is ordered to post the Dragoons, are as follows: Beginning at the Eastward, namely New London, Lyme, Guilford, New Haven, Stratford, Green Farms, and Stamford. I do not post another party between Stamford and Head Quarters lest the plunderers from below, which infest the intermediate country should take off the men or seize on the Dispatches when they should arrive.

“While I with the utmost cheerfulness and alacrity obey your Excellency’s orders I cannot but regret the necessity of detaching so many of my Dragoons from the field. I do not mention this as if your Excellency had not considered the expense of furniture and equipment of Dragoons, but to beg for the Honour of the Regiment and the good of the service, your Excellency would be pleased to excuse them from this duty as soon as possible.

“Elisha Sheldon.”

Samuel Culper’s next letter is dated the 6th of August, and reads:

“Sir, Your several dates of the 23d and 26th of July came to hand on the 4th inst, and observe the contents. Being still in a feble state (but mending) was obliged again to have recourse to Austin Roe, and dispatched him the same evening with such directions as thought proper. He this instant returned with the enclosed from Culper, Junior. I hope it contains all the needful. Roe hath no verbal account worthy of notice. Also you have enclosed the state of the Garrison at Lloyd’s Neck, but it is not satisfactory to me, but is the best that could be procured this time. Coll. Simcoe with his regiment of Rangers, and three companies of Queens County Militia Foot, and about thirty of Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment, have been for some time past in the County, the main body at Southampton, some at the River Head, some at South Mills, about 30 at Coram. What they have come down here for is unknown.

“I purpose to go to 727 for the benefit of our 115, and have 130 ready for you, em. Also have the promise of the exact state of Lloyd’s Neck, which shall then transmit. Am in great haste and in the interium am Your Sincerely,

“Saml. Culper.”

General Washington answered from Headquarters August 11, saying:

Dear Sir: I have received your letter from North Castle with its enclosures. I am very much pleased that the Correspondence with C—— is again opened. I have the greatest dependence in his good intentions and I am persuaded when he pleases to exert himself he can give the most useful intelligence. The shorter the line of communication so much the better. With respect to the proposed incursion I do not think it advisable under present circumstances. Although the Enemy appear to be small, dispersed parties, yet the risque in an attempt more than counterbalances the advantage which might be obtained.

G. W.

An interesting letter followed Woodhull’s visit to New York, which is dated August 16, 1780, and reads as follows:

“Sir, I have this day returned from New York and am happy to inform you that Culper Junior hath engaged to serve as heretofore. I have nothing to enclose from him to you, as there’s not a word of intelligence worthy of notice in New York. I have the satisfaction to assure you that the judicious Torys in New York are more dejected now than ever I knew before, on account of the neutrality entered into by the Powers of Europe. A few victualling ships were to sail yesterday to the fleet now laying in Gardiner’s Bay. Clinton, with about 7000 men are cantoned from Whitestone to Jamaica for this ten days past have been ordered to hold themselves in readiness together with the fleet that still lays at Whitestone. Common reports say they are about to proceed to Rhode Island, but it is very uncertain. No person can tell, but, by all means be upon your guard. There is in this county the Queens Rangers, three companies of Queens County Militia Troop, Coll. Fanning’s Regiment, the 17th Dragoons, German Huzzars, all marching to the Eastward, also three Regiments more were ordered to march recently. Say they are to embark at the east end of this Island. We have a report that the second division of French hath arrived. Hope it may be true. Tryon, Patterson and Mathews are about to sail immediately in the packet for Europe. The person I depended upon to procure a very accurate account of Lloyd’s Neck, is taken very ill and hath put it out of my power to forward it now. I have ordered 725 to return here again on the f i instant, and intend to send you as frequent dispatches as possible as long as things are in such motion. In the interim wishing you health and prosperity I am &c.

“S. Culper.

“N.B. Next opportunity you’ll have the papers regular as heretofore. Should have sent them now but lost them out of my pocket on the road.

“I forgot to mention that General Clinton in person was escourted through this Town yesterday by the mounted Rangers, 17th Dragoons, and German Huzzars, in all about two hundred and forty horse.”

The hazard of their employment is calmly illustrated in the next letter addressed to Major Tallmadge: It was necessary for them to kill a man whilst waiting for Culper’s messages. Brewster writes:

Fairfield, Aug. 18th, 1780.

Sir. I came from Long Island this after noon but have got no Dispaches. Culper has been down to New York. I waited till this morning and he was to send them by two oclock, but before he sent them I was attacked by Glover and Hoyght. I left one man taken and one wounded. We killed one on the spot. The man that was taken went after water. I shall want two men before I come across again. I have got two boats in fine order. I wish you send me seven men and I engage to take some of their boats. Mister Muirson will give you a particular account of our cruse. Austin told me that Sir Henry Clinton went down to the east end of the Island on the sixteenth. Don’t fail to let me have two crews if you can of Continental soldiers. With respect, your friend and humble servant,

Caleb Brewster.

Through Major Tallmadge General Washington answered the above from Headquarters at Orange Town, August 21, 1780, as follows:

Dear Sir. I recd. yours of yesterday morning last evening. It is unfortunate that Lt. B—— could not bring off C—— Junr’s dispatches, as I imagine they were of consequence. You will therefore endeavour to procure them as soon as possible.

I have information from another quarter, that Sir Henry Clinton had gone towards the East end of Long Island, and that the troops at Whitestone are again embarking. Should the last piece of intelligence reach you, well authenticated, you will be pleased to transmit it immediately to Genl. Heath at Newport, as well as to me, as you will always do anything which seems to interest the French Army and Navy.

If there are any other Continental Crews upon the Sound besides those under Lt. Brewster’s directions, they are there without my knowledge. You will therefore desire him in my name to take what hands he wants from them, and to report who the others are and what business they are upon. I am Dear Sir, yr. most obt. Sert.

Go: Washington.

Brewster was roused to action. Therefore without waiting to hear from the General or Major he again crossed to Long Island, as his letter following shows:

Fairfield, Aug. 21, 1780.

Dear Sir. I this morning came from the Island. I got three boats last Saturday night and went over in search of Glover and Hoyght, but could hear nothing of them. They never stayed to bury their dead man. They carried another away with them mortally wounded. Setauket is full of troops. It is thought they are going eastward. Austin came to me yesterday and told me I had best not come on till the middle of next week as the troops is so thick in Town and marching eastward. I wrote to you the eighteenth instant which I expect has come to hand. Skinner is so he will be able to do duty soon as he will be wanted. I heard nothing from Culper this time. I should been back the next time had not the wind been so high. There was a small fleet of large ships went to the Westward this morning. Capt. Jarvis supplied me with men this time to cross. I shall want one man to make up my crew for one boat and should be exceeding glad of five more to man the other boat for the cussed refugees are so thick I cant go amiss of them....

C. Brewster.

As soon as Brewster had delivered the above message he crossed to the Island again. His next letter follows:

Fairfield, August 27th, 1780.

Dear Sir: I returned this morning from the Island. I crossed on 22d. inst. and was detained by Culper until last night. I did not see Culper, he is sick. He did not appoint any time for me that I know of. It was with great difficulty that I got the dispatches. The troops are very thick. They are at Miller’s Place, and Coram, Setauket and the Branch, and are like to stay some time, and the Refugee boats are with them. Glover and Hoyt has been to Drowned Meadow and disarmed them all, on Friday last, and I was obliged to lie still for the want of another boats crew. There is a fine boat at Stanford that rows with eight oars that belongs to the public, under Capt. John Suttin, with a crew of Continental Soldiers that was ordered by General Howe, and I believe that Jubis Fish has one or two boats at Horse Neck, but I am not certain what public property and Continental Soldiers. This is a fine time to take some of the Officers. They are out with their hounds every day. I lay up back of Esqr. Strongs yesterday and there came a Lieutenant of 17th Regiment within gun shot of us, looking for Esqr. Strong’s hounds afoot, but he begged so hard I thought it not best to take him as it was so near his house. They are riding continually from one staghorn to the other. The troops are all come from the Eastward, as far as Miller’s Place. Sir Henry Clinton gone to New York and the British fleet has sailed from Gardiner’s Bay....

C. Brewster.

A letter from George Washington to Colonel Sheldon, dated as above, informs him that one of his Dragoon Express had been captured by the British at Pines Bridge and carried into New York. Fortunately he had none of the above messages at the time. But Colonel Sheldon had work for Major Tallmadge aside from the messages, which may account for the following dated Sept. 1st and 5th not reaching Major Tallmadge until the 9th.

Setauket, September 1st, 1780.

Sir. When Culper Junior’s last dispatch came to hand he directed me to wait on him at Jericho yesterday, but my present state would not admit—therefore sent the express which handed him your enclosed—But he hath returned without any answer. The reason is he had not the counterpart. And in regard of the state of affairs in general he assured the express they remained as heretofore or as when wrote you last, nothing new, everything appeared to be at a stand, and the enemy much embarissed expecting an attack. I am sorry you have to wait so long for an answer but it must still unavoidably be lengthened until the 10th, as Culper Junior said he could not be in New York before the 8th.

Since my last the infantry have marched to Huntington and encamped there; Fanning’s Regt., to Lloyd’s Neck, Simcoe’s Rangers to Oyster Bay, and there’s in Setauket the 17th Regiment Dragoons, Some Huzzars, Some Rangers, about 20 wagons, 300 horses, 250 men, 220 mounted. They are encamped round about Capt. Nathan Woodhull’s House and Persons Lyons’. The former is the Coll. Quarters. The officers mostly lodge in Camp at night. There’s every appearance of their continuing here some time as they appear quite easy and off their guard. Am fully of an opinion that 500 good men would make prisoners of them all, if secretly conducted on your shore as well as here. If you intend to attack direct Brewster to cross the night before, and will meet him and further advise at all haphazard. Aiqlai Bqyim of Southampton is now on your shore, and positively an agent for the enemy. He hath been a long time servicable in that way, and this is his second embassy. I know it to be true and have lately had a perfect knowledge of his conduct for this three years past, and have been solicited by his friend as an assistant.

A little time past a boat from New Haven, loaded with provisions met a number of Refugees here; one of the mens names was Trowbridge, an intimate acquaintance of John Clarke; and you may depend the refugees land on your shore and hide their boats. The other day I saw a man that had the appearance of a gentleman, told me he had been three weeks concealed in Middletown and Hartford—the former being his native place; but could not find out his name. He told me he had left 20 odd Thousand Pounds of Counterfeit money of your late emissions in the hands of the Toreys—to pay their taxes with. You’ll doubtless take some notice of this information—and anxiously wait for the arrival of our deliverance, and am Sincerely your

Saml. Culper.

* * * * *

Setauket, September 5th, 1780.

My letter not being forwarded as could have desired on account of bad weather I have to inform you of the arrival of the Packet, but cannot learn any news. Coll. Birch is at Setauket and likely to continue there very probably until winter he having now just sent for field pieces, but the number before mentioned is lessened by the departure of the Rangers yesterday, in number 34, which may be deducted. For God’s sake attack them, you’ll certainly be successful, if you are secret about it. Trust not to small boats at this season, you have three strong vessels on your shore that will be sufficient to bring live hundred men. Setauket is exceedingly distressed. Pray offer some relief....

S. C.

* * * * *

North Castle, September 9th, 1780.

Sir. The enclosed Dispatches from Culper have this moment come to hand, which are forwarded per line of expresses. C. writes with great sollicitude for troops to be sent from this side to attack those lying at Setauket. I need not repeat to your Excellency how exceedingly happy I should be to assist in such an Expedition, should it be thot. advisable. I expect Genl. Parsons will be here this afternoon to take the command of the Troops at this post....

Benj. Tallmadge.

Woodhull’s next letter, dated Sept. 12th, reads:

Sir. Yours of the 29th of August came to hand and observe the contents. Since my last the 17th Dragoons removed to Smith Town, and encamped in widow Blidenburg’s orchard. It is said they will stay there 12 days but very uncertain. No one expected they would move from Setauket so soon. Coll. Birch hath left the Regiment and is appointed Commandant of New York, Capt. Archdale commands the Regiment. I must call on you for more cash having advanced considerable to carry it on. Enclosed you have Culper Jrs. Dispatch. In great haste am yours &c.

Saml. Culper.

Major Tallmadge’s letter from Lower Salem, Sept. 13th, and General Washington’s of the 16th, throw further light upon the service. It may be noticed that practically all of Culper Junior’s stain letters were now being deciphered by Major Tallmadge, each time with an apology for so doing. He was not aware at that time that had he failed to decipher them Major André would have been able to join Arnold and the treason plot might not have been discovered until it was too late.

Lower Salem, Sept. 13th, 1780.

Sir. I have the honor to enclose dispatches from the Culpers which have this moment come to hand. As C. Junrs. was an answer in part to my last on the plan of our future correspondence, it was necessary for me to decipher it. Your Excellency will observe what he writes respecting his services and as he informs he can shorten the route on certain conditions, Your Excellency’s assurance will regulate his future services. This much I can observe respecting the man, he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor—Culper Senior’s frequent Expresses to N. Y. for the papers which are forwarded to your Excellency, and to resolve questions proposed by other Genl. Officers at other periods, has expended the money which has been furnished him, as we were considerably in arrears when the last money was handed him. I have just engaged a man to bring letters from N. Y. via Kingsbridge if necessary; but cannot as yet tell whether C. Junr. will deliver him dispatches—His name and services I believe are well known to your Excellency.

I received Major Humphrey’s letter of the 11th last evening, and immediately wrote to have the boat cross, which I am confident will not be delayed only by the present heavy wind and rain. Your Excellency may depend on my Exertions in the matter. I shall fold this letter very small to prevent being discovered if the Express should chance to be taken. [It was folded to size 2¾ × 4]....

Benja. Tallmadge.

* * * * *

Head Quarters, Bergin County, 16th Sept. 1780.

Dr: Sir. I have recd yours of the 13th as I have your several late favors with their enclosures—It is impossible for me, circumstanced as matters are, to give a positive answer to C. Junior’s request, as I cannot, without knowing his views, tell what are his expectations—Of this, both you and he may rest assured, that should he continue servicable and faithful, and should the issue of our affairs prove as favorable as we hope, I shall be ready to recommend him to the public, if public employ shall be his aim, and if not that I shall think myself bound to represent his conduct in the light it deserves[24] and procure him a compensation of another kind. I shall take the first good opportunity of sending you a further sum of money for contingencies. I am Dear Sir, Yours, &c.

Go: Washington.

It certainly was not possible at the moment to realize the importance of the messages that were now arriving. Woodhull’s inference that they contain much good intelligence is prophetic. The first is dated

Setauket, September 18th, 1780.

Sir. Your favour of the 12th inst, together with the enclosed came to hand on the 15, at 12 o’clock. I immediately set off and have done all that in me lay, and is communicated in the blank inclosed, and it contains much good intelligence, I hope all that’s needful. Our spirits are extremely low here. We Pray for your best endeavours. The times requires you to be vigilent and active. Sir George Rodney’s Fleet hath arrived. See the Paper. I have induced C. Junr. to shorten the present rout the letters take, as mentioned in the blank. It will be done in the course of ten days I hope similar to your plan proposed. I have made several discoveries of villany but have not time to write now. Forbid the boat man on with 725 to come any more, and desire Governor Trumbull immediately to grant him no favours, or else it will be too late. In my next will state the matter to you. In the greatest haste am yours sincerely

Samuel Culper.

N.B. 17th Dragoons at the Branch.

* * * * *

Greenfield, Tuesday morning, 6 o’clock
19th Septr. 1780.

Sir.

I have been impatiently waiting at this place for some time for the arrival of C’s Dispatches, which have this instant come to hand. A very heavy gale of wind prevented the boat from crossing at the time appointed. I hope the enclosed may be satisfactory. I shall inform Genl. Heath of what respects the French Army at New Port, agreeably to your Excellency’s orders. Enclosed is an account of expenses from C. A man is obliged always to ride to New York from the place where the boat lands and wait Culper’s answer; his expenses on the road and in the city for himself and horse must be very considerable. Your excellency will furnish such supplies, in answer to the enclosed, as may be judged necessary. I had the honor last night to receive your Excellency’s favor of the 16th inst. the contents of which shall be duly forwarded to C. Junr. I have the honor to be, with great Regard, Sir, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Servt.

Benja. Tallmadge.

At this period the Culpers were using more care to conceal the intelligence in their letters, as will be observed upon examining Woodhull’s, dated August 27th.(126) Townsend’s were now all written with the stain. Tallmadge’s efforts to shorten the line of communication have been preserved in a series of three of his letters to Headquarters written during the month of August.

Incidentally, in his zeal he almost betrayed the identity of Culper Junior. The first letter, dated August 10, 1780, reads:

“Since I last saw your Excellency I have been endeavoring to open communications with New York by crossing over to Cow Neck to the westward of Oyster Bay. If this can be effected, Dispatches may be bro’t from New York to the White Plains in 12 hours on contingencies, as the whole land course on both sides would not exceed 34 miles, & the Sound not more than 10 miles over, I am the more induced to this step, as C—— Junr. has a near Relation living near Cow Neck, whom if I can also engage, I am sure of C—— Junr’s services.”

Tallmadge’s next letter in this series is dated from North Castle, August 20, 1780: and reads:

“Sir. Since my last I have made several attempts to open a communication with Culper, Junior, by the way of Oyster Bay or Cow Neck. The person whom I mentioned to Your Excellency as the properest man to engage and secure Culper’s services, was away from home, at New York, and last Monday night I sent over an Officer who formerly resided at Oyster Bay, but the person in question was then too ill to be seen. I shall still pay attention to this matter, tho the Refugee boats which frequently pass up and down the Sound makes crossing very dangerous.

“Enclosed is a letter from the person who has for a long time bro’t dispatches from the Culpers. Your Excellency will perceive he has been attacked by some of the Refugee Boats. He requests more men, as may be seen by the enclosed. Your Excellency will please to direct me in the matter. There are several Continental Crews at Stamford and Horseneck, whose duty I am unacquainted with. Perhaps one of those can be spared.

“I am sorry Lt. B.——r was drove from L.I. so suddenly as dispatches from Culper Junior were then waiting for him. I have the Honor to be Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Servt.

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

In the next letter, dated from Bedford, August 28, 1780,(127) he says:

“After sending several times across the Sound to open a new communication with Culper Junior, without success, I have finally referred the whole matter to him, who I expect will appoint such place and pick on such persons for his confidential friends, as will best answer our purpose, and inform me thereof.”

FOOTNOTES to “SECRET SERVICE SECRETS”:

[16] See Memoir of Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge, p. 130.

[17] It was this Austin Roe who fell from his horse and broke his leg while hurrying to keep an engagement with George Washington in 1790. The President was then touring Long Island and, probably without disclosing his reason to any one, requested the presence of those who had faithfully served him during the Revolution. Austin Roe had long occupied the Setauket homestead, later known as the Dering property, and still later owned by the Irwins who in 1936 moved the house to a new location. Roe’s brother, Captain Daniel Roe, was at the time occupying the Roe homestead at Port Jefferson, then called the Townsend house. Captain Nathaniel Roe was a cousin, not in the neighborhood at the time. Austin “bore the title of Captain,” his biographer says, but few knew what he commanded.

[18] Colonel Simcoe had been captured and was at the time a prisoner in New Jersey.

[19] Washington Papers, March 23d, 1780, No. 17458.

[20] Austin Roe might justly be called the Paul Revere of New York, with this difference, that instead of taking one wonderful ride Roe took a hundred. Paul Revere at his fastest speed did not equal this ride of Austin Roe that saved Newport from the British. Fifty-five miles he rode to reach Abraham Woodhull while Brewster waited to carry the message from Robert Townsend across the Sound. It gave General Washington the information that 8000 British troops were embarking at Whitestone destined for Newport, and that Admiral Graves with eleven ships was already on the way to Rhode Island to meet the French Fleet which they were assured consisted of only seven sail. The message reached Washington in time to get the information to British headquarters that an immediate attack upon New York was contemplated and therefore the forces were withdrawn from Newport before they had an opportunity to accomplish the work of destruction.

[21] On the tenth of July, 1780, a powerful fleet under Admiral Tarnay arrived in Newport Harbor, having on board some six thousand troops under the command of Count de Rochambeau. The expedition had been secretly fitted out at the instance of Lafayette, and nothing was known of it by the Americans until his return in May. On the 17th Lafayette left headquarters with full authority to arrange plans with the French commanders for future operations. Hall’s “Life of Parsons,” p. 296.

[22] As early as 1778 the British on Long Island had a method of transmitting important news that was as rapid almost as the telegraph is today. For this purpose beacons were established and a system of signals arranged. Among the papers of Major John Kissam have been preserved some of the instructions which so clearly state the eminences upon which these beacons were erected that there would be little trouble in locating them at the present day. Following are unabridged copies of these instructions:

Signals: Col. Hamilton will be so good as to place a man at the most convenient heights, to see Laurel Hill and Morris’s house. He will observe what signals are made from there—if there are 3 guns from Laurel hill and 3 fires from there or Morris’s house,

2 guns and 2 fires ditto, or

1 gun and 1 fire from ditto, and report the same to the commander in chief on board the Grand Duke at Whitestone. Ol. DeLancey, Aid de Camp.

Signals by day and night for Long Island and Kingsbridge. To be made from Norwich hill, Sutton’s hill and Flushing Heights in Queens County, L. I. viz.

1st. On the Enemy’s landing in force eastward of Norwich: by night, 1 beacon fired at each, by day 1 large smoke at each.

2d. On Enemy landing in force westward of Norwich hill; by night 2 beacons fired at each; by day, 2 large smokes at each.

Signals acknowledged from Morris’s house. By night; 1st signal, 1 rocket, 2d. signal, 2 rockets. By day    none    none

N.B. The fires and smoke to be kept up while the Enemy remain on the Island, or until otherwise observed. After every signal a Light Dragoon to be sent from Morris’s house to Head Quarters with the intelligence.

Mem. Norwich hill is 2 miles south of Oyster Bay, Sutton’s Hill [now Beacon hill] is 3 miles from Cowneck Point; Flushing Heights are near Ustic’s house.

Appointed by the Commander in Chief,
Wm. Tryon M. G.

Scorpion
A copy
P. Brown.

* * * * *

Hempstead Plains, July 30, 1778.

To Major Kissam. Sir, In the absence of Col. Hamilton you will take command of the Queens County Militia, & execute such measures as you shall think necessary for the benefit and protection of the County. In particular you will observe the following directions respecting the Beacons on Cow Neck and near Norwich, and take steps requisite for their being carried into execution.

Whenever any Beacons to the Eastward are seen on fire, you will immediately set fire to those under your care, making one fire or more, as you observe those to the Eastward have done, in every instance following their example: and whenever you have so done, you will send an express to the commanding officer of the King’s forces at Jamaica, informing him that 1, 2, or 3 beacons (as the fact shall be) are fired to the Eastward.

In all cases when you have certain intelligence of the Enemy being landed on this Island in force, you will fire all the 3 beacons, and dispatch an express as above with the information, always keeping up the fires until the intelligence shall have reached New York. You will of course have a distinct beacon at each place in readiness to be fired, and if it should happen in the day time, encourage the smoke as much as possible.

A corporal and 4 men are to mount guard at each place on them, night and day, always keeping a centinel looking out for signals. These men you will change weekly, or at your discretion and excuse them from all military duty. A compensation will moreover be made them in proportion to their diligence and service.

These directions are to be strictly observed by the Guard at each of the 2 places fixed on by Brigr. Genl. DeLancey for the erection of the beacons, and the guard stationed on the hill near Norwich will also observe to send an express to Cow neck whenever the beacons under their care are fired. Wm. Tryon. M: G:

* * * * *

Scorpion off New City Island, Jan. 30, 79

Signals.—If the Rebels are attacking any vessels; or landing or landed between this station and Hempstead Bay; the Signals by night are 2 fires on Lawrence Hewlett’s Point; by day, 2 smokes on the same.—If the attack is made in Cow Bay the signal by night is 1 fire on Lawrence Hewlett’s Point: if by day 1 smoke on the same.—The above signals will be answered from the Scorpion; by day by hoisting the colors, or hauling them down, if hoisted previously; by night with lights, false-fires or musquets. Philip Brown.

[23] The Spies of Washington did not record the names of the British vessels in Gardiner’s Bay but the heir to the island, John Lyon Gardiner, who was a boy ten years old when the fleet arrived, made record on February 9, 1796, in which he says: “There were eleven ships of the line and perhaps some frigates. They came in August, 1780, and went out in March, 1781. There was the ‘Royal Oak,’ 74 guns, Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, ‘London,’ 90 guns, Rear Admiral Graves, ‘Colloden,’ 74 guns, Capt Sweeny, ‘Bedford,’ 74 guns, Capt Affleck, ‘Prudent,’ 74 guns, Capt. Charles Ogle, ‘Robuste,’ ‘America,’ ‘Shrewsbury,’ ‘Europe,’ ‘Rising Sun’ and ‘Swan.’”

[24] Note. Before these accounts are finally closed, justice and propriety call upon me to signify that there are Persons within the British Lines—if they are not dead or removed, who have a claim upon the Public under the strongest assurances of compensation from me for their services in conveying me private intelligence; and which when exhibited I shall think myself in honor bound to pay. Why these claims have not made their appearance ere this, unless from either of the causes above mentioned—or from a disinclination in them to come forth till the B. force is entirely removed from the United States, I know not—But I have thought it an incumbent duty on me to bring the matter to view that it may be held in remembrance in case such claims should hereafter appear. Go: Washington. [The private account book of Culper Senior, in the Library at East Hampton, L. I., shows that he received the balance due him on August 2, 1790. There is nothing to show that Robert Townsend ever asked for or received his. Before the capture of Major André he was anxious for assurances that if he used his own money to promote the service he would be compensated at the close of the war. Later it is probable that he preferred not to risk discovery by preparing an itemized bill, as Woodhull was obliged to do.]

TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY

There is no good reason to question those who say in the veins of Robert Townsend flowed the blood of Norman Conquerors. Upon his own immediate ancestors he could look with pardonable pride. The first on Long Island was John Townsend, one of the patentees of Flushing in 1645 and of Rustdorp as Jamaica, Long Island, was then called, in 1656.

Among John’s children was John, usually called John 2d. He had, among others, a son James, whose son Jacob, born in 1692, was the father of Samuel Townsend and grandfather of Robert Townsend, whose alias was Culper Junior. Robert’s father, Samuel, was born in 1717. He married Sarah, the daughter of William and Mary (Hicks) Stoddard. Mary’s parents were John and Deborah (Almy) Hicks.

When Robert’s father, Samuel Townsend, was in his twenty-fourth year, he was appointed by George Clarke, then Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of New York, Ensign in the Company of Militia Foot in Queens County, Joseph Weeks then being Captain. His commission is dated December 15, 1741, and bears the signature of George Clarke, and also of the Deputy Secretary, George Moore.

HOUSES ONCE OCCUPIED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES.

See page xi.

Samuel Townsend is described in family documents as a fine old gentleman, of regular features, straight nose, a large blue eye, high forehead. A snuff-colored or gray suit, with silver knee- and shoe-buckles, a white stock of cambric lawn gathered in five plaits, fastened behind with a paste buckle, showing no collar, narrow ruffles at the shirt-bosom, gold-headed cane, and cocked hat. An uncle used to say he hated to see Sam and Sarah come into meeting, they looked so tall and proud. He was said to be a member of Meeting by birthright, his parents being strict Friends, and his wife, although baptized in the Episcopal Church, preferred the Friends. They had sons, Solomon, Samuel, Robert, William, and David, and daughters, Audrey Sarah and Phebe.

Solomon was seven years older than his brother Robert. Much has already been published about him. He married Anne daughter of Peter Townsend of Orange County, New York, and they had eight children:(128) Hannah, Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel, Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.

Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior, was born November 25, 1753, and died at Oyster Bay, Long Island, March 7, 1838, aged eighty-four years, three months, and ten days.

Robert Townsend’s father, Samuel, was always a successful merchant. He conducted his business at Jericho, Long Island, until 1743, after which he moved to the property now known as “Raynham Hall” at Oyster Bay, which he had purchased in 1740. Himself a learned man, he was always careful to see that the education of his children was not neglected. Pride radiates in the handwriting still preserved on a page of his ledger, where he records:

“Sarah Townsend went to school to Rebeccah Coles ye 27th of October, 1766. Rebecca Coles School ceased ye last of February, 1767. Sarah and Phebe Townsend bagan school with John Townsend’s wife ye 16th March, 1767.”

The ages of the girls at that time were five and seven years. Ten years earlier the tuition of Robert who became Culper Junior began under the same teacher. Notes preserved by a nephew read: “My uncle Robert Townsend went to her school when only three years old, so young that Madam Townsend used to permit him and her little son Ephraim of about the same age to play at the pond with the young ducks instead of obliging them at their tender age to pour over to them unintelligable school books.”

A sister-in-law of Madam Townsend was Zerviah Townsend who married Dr. Matthew Parish, here mentioned because of her influence over the destiny of Robert. It is recorded by a contemporary that “while the British lay at Boston on the eve of the Revolution, she said to Solomon Wooden, ‘The Lord has assured me and spoken to me and advised’ that the Troops by Boston shall withdraw; likewise all the Men of War; and that America shall be the Mother of Nations and feed them with bread.”

At the commencement of hostilities, Samuel Townsend was slow in renouncing his allegiance to the King. A former experience was probably responsible for this caution. When in 1758 he had attempted to get justice for the neutral French and prisoners of war that had been brought into Kings County in 1756, he was held in the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms of the General Assembly of New York for several days and was then not released until they had passed a Resolve, that “the said Samuel Townsend, for writing and sending the said Letter, is guilty of a high misdemeanor and most daring Insult on the Honour, Justice and Authority of this House,” and he was further required to pay a heavy fine and promise that for the future he would be more cautious to avoid every occasion of exposing himself to their censure or reproof.

There was another Samuel Townsend in Oyster Bay active for the Crown as early as December, 1774, “who proposed to convince the world that his Majesty is not without friends here who will support his government.” Later he joined the American army and if British Headquarters confused the two men, they did no more than some of the biographers have done. Upon capture he was severely punished by the British in the Provost, New York, while for Samuel of Raynham Hall most of them had great respect.[25]

Samuel Townsend began active service in the Provincial Congress on May 24, 1775, and usually was present in the sessions to July 1st. Toward the end of July, he again took his seat and toward the close of May, 1776, he became active. He was with them at White Plains from July 9th to August, and during August attended the Provincial Convention and was also one of the Committee of Safety. But he did not follow them to Fishkill, where they began meeting on September 5, 1776. He, therefore, although elected a member of the committee to draft the first State Constitution, was not able actively to participate in their deliberations, and choosing to remain at home was obliged to subscribe to the Oath of Allegiance to the King.[26]

His appointment on committees to advise with and assist Brigadier-General Woodhull in protecting the stock was an important service, as the letters still preserved show. One, dated July 12, 1776, emphasizes this:[27]

The Provincial Convention on August 24th unanimously resolved, that Robert Townsend be a commissary to supply General Woodhull’s Brigade with provisions till such time as General Washington shall give further orders for that purpose, and that Mr. William Smith and Mr. Samuel Townsend be a committee to wait on General Washington with a copy of these resolutions and submit the expediency and necessity of the same to his consideration and advice; also that they submit to His Excellency’s consideration the propriety of ordering Colonel Smith’s and Colonel Remsen’s regiments of militia to join the said brigade.

On the 26th of August, Samuel Townsend and William Smith reported in the following words:

“Your committee, ordered to wait on General Washington with a request from this Convention that he would be pleased to order Col. Smith and Remsen’s regiments, that are now in General Greene’s lines at Brookland, into the western part of Queens county, to join General Woodhull, with that part of his brigade that has been lately ordered out from the western part of Suffolk and Queens counties by this Convention.... That according to order they waited on His Excellency, and conferred with him on the subject above mentioned, and that he seemed well pleased, but he said he was afraid it was too late.... General Washington appeared well satisfied with the proceedings of the Convention, and said that he should at all times, when he had it in his power, be ready to give them any assistance consistent with the public good; and that he would immediately give orders that Col. Smith’s and Remsen’s regiments should march into Queens county to join General Woodhull....”

The Convention, upon receipt of the above report, addressed General Woodhull as follows:

“Sir—Yours of yesterday is just come to hand in answer to which we would inform you that Robert Townsend, the son of Samuel Townsend, Esqr. is appointed commissary for the troops under your command, of which we beg you will give him the earliest notice, and that we have made application to Genl. Washington for the regiments under the command of Cols. Smith and Remsen to join you; he assured our committee that he would issue out orders immediately for that purpose, and we expect that they are upon the spot by this time....”

General Woodhull replied to this in a letter addressed to the Honourable the Convention of the State of New York, at Harlem, which is as follows:

“Jamaica, August, 27, 1776.

“Gentlemen, I am now at Jamaica with less than one hundred men; having brought all the cattle from the westward southward of the hills, and have sent them off with the troops of horse, with orders to take all the rest eastward of this place to and eastward of Hempstead plains, and to put them into the fields, and set a guard over them. The enemy I am informed are intrenching from the heights near Howard’s, southward. I have now received yours, with several resolutions, which I wish was in my power to put in execution; but, unless Cols. Smith and Remsen, mentioned in yours, join me with their regiments, or some other assistance, immediately, I shall not be able; for the people are all moving east, and I cannot get any assistance from them. I shall continue here as long as I can, in hopes of a reinforcement; but if none comes soon, I shall retreat, and drive the stock before me, into the woods. Cols. Smith and Remsen I think can not join me. Unless you can send me some other assistance, I fear I shall soon be obliged to quit this place. I hope soon to hear from you. I am, gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servt.

“Nathl. Woodhull.”

The next mention of Samuel Townsend will be found in the minutes of the Committee of Safety, dated

Harlem, Augt. 29, 1776.

The Committee of Safety met.

Colo. Phenehas Fanning waited on the Committee with a letter from Colo. Josiah Smith, colonel of the drafts of the militia of Suffolk, Queens and Kings counties, stationed at Brookland, in Kings county, informing the Committee that his regiment is ordered by Genl. Washington to withdraw from Long Island, and wait the further orders of the Convention of this State. Thereupon it was

Ordered, That Colo. Josiah Smith do, with all possible despatch, march his regiment to Horn’s Hook, there to receive further orders from Mr. Samuel Townsend and Major Lawrence and that he apply to the Commissary-General for five day’s provisions, and to the Quarter-Master-General for baggage wagons, it being of the utmost consequence that his regiment should march without delay. And

Resolved, That Mr. Samuel Townsend and Major Lawrence be requested and authorized to attend the regiment commanded by Colo. Smith, in order to supply the said regiment with provisions, and to devise the most safe and expeditious means of transporting the said regiment from Long island; and that they be authorized and impowered to impress horses, wagons, boats, vessels, &c. for that purpose, for the payment of which, and every other necessary expense, this Committee pledge the public faith.

Ordered, That the Treasurer of this State pay to Mr. Samuel Townsend and Major Lawrence the sum of one hundred pounds, to be by them accounted for to the Convention of this State. [p. 601]

James Townsend, uncle of Robert Townsend, who with John Sloss Hobart attempted to make a stand at Huntington, addressed a letter from there to the Provincial Congress on August 30th, which in part reads:

“Gentlemen—To our unspeakable mortification, we found when we arrived in Queens county, that the militia had dispersed, and General Woodhull had fallen into the hands of the enemy. We then proceeded with all despatch to this town as the only place where we could have any prospect of making an effectual stand, as the enemy were in full possession of the western parts of that county as far as Jamaica, and the disaffected from the east were gone in to them. Though we were not authorized for the purpose by Convention, we have taken upon ourselves to order out the militia of the county to rendezvous here, and have wrote to Col. Mulford at East Hampton, to come up and take the command, as he is now the senior officer in the brigade.... We shall direct the commissary to furnish the militia with provisions....”

Only a few more days on Long Island remained for the faithful followers of Washington and the army. On September 16th, a lone individual passed the spot where Townsend and Hobart had attempted to make a stand only seventeen days before. It was Nathan Hale on his way to a glorified martyrdom.

FOOTNOTES to “TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY”:

[25] There is but a single recorded instance when Samuel was treated roughly by the British. It was written for posterity in 1876 by Solomon Townsend, his grandson, who was a nephew of Robert Townsend, and is as follows:

“I am induced to pen these lines that the record of the arrest of Saml. Townsend may be transmitted to another centennial as faithfully as is possible under the light of the testimony of those who were eye witnesses of the scene—and from whose lips the narrator heard it.

“On a bright September afternoon in the year 1776, a troop of horse whose helmets were just before seen reflected in the sun’s rays as they galloped down South Street wheeled up in front of the house of Jacob Townsend—whose daughter Thomas Buchanan had wedded—and enquired for Saml. Townsend. They were directed to the next house, upon the piazza of which that gentleman was seated.

“He had been 30 years a Magistrate, and then a Member of the Colonial Assembly and was then one of the Provincial Congress, Committee of Safety, and of the Convention that was deliberating upon the first Constitution of this State—that of 1777—wherein the mind of John Jay, and other distinguished Statesmen, was said to have outlined the Constitution of the United States as inaugurated at Philadelphia a dozen years later.

“The subaltern in command—asked whether ‘Sam’ Townsend was home and the reply being ‘I am the man,’ with great discourtesy—accompanied with an oath, directed him to get himself ready to accompany them to the Provost (the Prison Ships, &c.) at New York. Mr. T. hoped they would wait till he had time to send a servant to an outlot for a saddle horse, a request that was rudely yielded with another blasphemous expression.

“During this brief delay—the young upstart strutted over the Hall, taking from one of the mantels a fowling piece and shattering it, denying the right of a rebel to have in possession even such a weapon. In the parlor the Portrait of Capt. Solomon Townsend—taken in Portugal in 1772—when in command of one of Mr. Buchanan’s ships—the Glasgow—attracted the young martinet’s attention, and he expressed his regret that it was not in his power to wreak the vengeance of his superiors upon him also.

“Whilst these scenes were enacting within doors, and Mr. Townsend’s wife and his young daughters—Sarah and Phebe, were almost frantic at the rudeness exhibited towards the venerated husband and parent—the neighbors collected in front and when the agony of the family was witnessed, their sympathy even to tears was excited, Tories as most of them were in their political affiliations. My authority—outside the family for this incident (Miss Elizabeth Wooden, deceased some 20 years), and whose family took the Tory side—said that altho’ among the crowd of neighbors were some of the instigators of the arrest—they claimed that Mr. Townsend was not regarding his pledged word to remain neutral—when they witnessed their really loved and respected neighbor torn from his family under such painful circumstances, openly regretted that their political animosity had contributed to produce so sad a scene.

“Provided with only a change of clothing, Mr. T. was soon taken by the Troop on their way to the superior officer whose quarters were then in the vicinity of Jericho. On ascending the hill at the southern terminus of ‘Pine-hollow’—then and long afterwards known as the ‘Great Hill,’ Mr. and Mrs. Buchanan in their Phaeton and Miss Audrey, Mr. Townsend’s eldest daughter met them—Mr. Buchanan at once enquired into the surprising circumstances, and taking the saddle horse of Miss Townsend—sent the ladies home, whilst he accompanied the cavalcade on the route. Arrived at the quarters of the superior officer he became responsible to the extent of several thousand pounds, that the prisoners should be produced upon a notice of six hours.

“The two gentlemen then returned to their homes reaching the village at a late hour of the evening and thus allaying the alarm and distress of their families.

“To illustrate how even the gentler members of the family were made to feel the rudeness, or as Colonel Simcoe afterwards wrote in his Valentine to one of them, ‘the Iron Spear of War,’ when the Troopers noticed that Miss Townsend rode a fine animal—they insultingly enquired of her how she dared to appear thus, without the Tory badge or escutcheon upon its ear—she replied, she preferred riding her own petted filly as it was.

“The kindness of Mr. Buchanan was returned to him by the continuance of business prosperity, and finally when a boat lay at the foot of Wall St. with all his moveable worldly goods ready to take his family to Nova Scotia—and the property of those of his own political associates was being daily confiscated or attached by the New York Legislature, then in session at the head of Wall St., none rose to move the seizure of that of the noble hearted merchant, Thomas Buchanan, Tory, as he might be called.”

[26] After the date below Samuel Townsend carried an Oath of Allegiance, in form as follows:

Certificate from Judge Hicks

This is to certify that Samuel Townsend hath submitted to government and taken the oath of allegiance to his Majesty King George this 10th Sept. 1776 before me.

Whitehead Hicks,
One of the Judges of the Supr. Court.

[27]

New York, July 12, 1776.

Gentlemen:—We have conferred with the General concerning the removal of stock back again to the pastures from whence they were driven; he was much chagrinned at the proposal and absolutely refused to consent, mentioning the unhappy consequences of not seasonably removing the stock from Staten Island. He is of opinion that all means should be used with the utmost expedition to remove the stock from Long Island, for which he promises to give all necessary assistance. We are of the same opinion, and hope your House will not lose a moment in giving peremptory orders concerning a matter of such vast importance. We are just informed by General Putnam, that one of Lord Howe’s fleet arrived yesterday: the utmost dispatch is necessary. We need use no arguments: the affairs at Staten Island being fresh in your minds. We are gentlemen, your humble servants,

Abrm. Ketaltas,
Saml. Townsend,
John Broom.

SPIES AND SPIES

As Culper Junior, the spy, the most trying period in the career of Robert Townsend was now approaching. British officers had been quartered at his parents’ home at Oyster Bay for the past four years. His sisters made life agreeable for all,[28] and saved their none too complacent parent from the wrath of many a would-be enemy. Hannah, his first cousin and neighbor, had already married Major Joseph Green, of the British Army. His sister Sarah had received from Colonel Simcoe a Valentine and other tokens of esteem.[29] Sir William Erskine had been entertained at Simcoe’s headquarters in their home, and Major André had upon several occasions visited Colonel Simcoe there and was treated almost as one of the family. Sarah had frequently furnished her brother with important information, but now she must have sensed that something unusual was about to happen. Inquiries were being made about the shores of the Hudson in the vicinity of West Point, and, thinking himself unobserved, a supposed Whig from that section had entered the house and concealed in a little-used cupboard a letter. Sarah examined it as soon as he had slipped out. It seemed to be only a business letter addressed to James Anderson, but she determined to watch its fate. Later Major André entered the room. He searched through the closets and when he came to the letter hastily concealed it upon his person without examining it, and, taking a dish of doughnuts that were still hot from the fire, he hid them as an excuse for entering the forbidden precincts of the kitchen. Later, Sarah, by listening to a whispered conversation in Colonel Simcoe’s room,[30] could distinguish the words West Point, repeated several times.

A note to her brother Robert was hastily written. Captain Daniel Youngs, of the British Army, a lifelong friend, was sent for. He was told they were out of a certain kind of tea she would need for her party the following evening. It was to be had at her brother’s store in New York and a messenger must be sent for it at once. Always accommodating, even though he had to wait nearly three years before he received on April 1, 1783, £200, and July 16, £200, in all over $1000 in hard money for his services, a horse and rider was furnished and before night closed, Robert Townsend was in possession of his sister’s information. It was on its way to Setauket the next morning,[31] crossed the Sound between midnight and daylight, and soon Benjamin Tallmadge had the puzzling message. He had been impatiently waiting for it, having returned from special service for the purpose of keeping an engagement with Brewster.

In the absence of Major Tallmadge others had opened a letter addressed to him from Benedict Arnold. It accompanied supplies they were sadly in need of, the receipt of which made them feel under particular obligation to him. Tallmadge’s anxiety for the messengers who were crossing the Sound gave him little opportunity to examine Arnold’s letter and he had almost forgotten about it when Brewster and his companions arrived. It seemed so probable that the stain letters contained vital information that Tallmadge fortunately decided to translate them as he had the preceding ones. In them he read that British officers at Oyster Bay were talking about West Point, and had received under suspicious circumstances a letter from there addressed to Mr. John Anderson.

Major Tallmadge was still working on a mysterious series of letters that was passing between Rhode Island and DeLancey in New York. General Washington had written saying “I applaud your zeal and attention” and added “I am sufficiently apprized of the circumstances to prevent his doing any injury.... Keep the matter to yourself as far as practicable.”

* * * * *

Until Major Tallmadge found an opportunity to read General Arnold’s letter there was little significance in the intelligence from Culper Junior that British officers were talking about West Point and receiving letters addressed to a Mr. Anderson, but when he read the paragraph in the letter from our General at West Point

“If Mr. James Anderson,[32] a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him. If your business will permit I wish you to come with him. B. Arnold.”[33]

the suspicious circumstances at once impressed him. However, perhaps because of General Washington’s advice he betrayed no hint of this in his reply to Arnold. In fact he agreed to conduct Mr. Anderson to West Point. Had he later insisted upon Jameson permitting him to do so Arnold might have been captured as well as André. Extracts from Major Tallmadge’s letter to Arnold read:

Lower Salem, Septr. 21, 1780.

Sir. I had the Honor last evening to receive your favor of the 13th inst. It arrived here in due season, and as I was absent on Command by special Directions of His Excellency Genl. Washington, the letter was opened and the instructions therein contained I trust have been duly attended to.... I expect to join Col. Jameson immediately, and should Mr. Anderson come to my Qrs. I will do the needful, and shall be very happy to wait on him to Hd.Qrs.... I have also just received an accurate return of the Enemy, so far as respects their Corps and the Posts they occupy. If you have not the present distribution of the Enemies forces, I can give it to you from the best authority, and taken on the spot. The Express is now waiting. I have no time to add, save that I am, with Every Sentiment of Esteem, Sir, your most Obedt. Servt.

Benj. Tallmadge.

Major Tallmadge was on tour, endeavoring to discover the intentions of the enemy when Paulding and his companions brought a man to Headquarters they declared to be a spy. John Jameson, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was commanding officer at that time, and promptly dispatched the prisoner under guard to Benedict Arnold at West Point. He was well on his way when Major Tallmadge returned that evening, but, learning that the prisoner’s name was Anderson and that he had information from West Point, he insisted upon Jameson ordering his return. Reluctantly he consented, but would not recall the messenger that was carrying the information to Arnold.[34] That “John Anderson” acknowledged his real name to be Major André, Adjutant-General to the British Army, and that on the 2d of October, 1780, he was hanged as a spy, are facts well known to all. Major Tallmadge’s comment in his “Memoirs” is:

“I might enlarge greatly in anecdotes relating to this momentous event in our revolutionary war. Some things relating to the detention of André, after he had been sent to General Arnold, are purposely omitted.... I have deliberately concluded never to disclose the circumstances which relate to that interesting event.”

General Greene, in announcing the discovery of Arnold’s treason[35] on September 24, 1780, stated:

“The Providential Train of Circumstances which led to it affords the most convincing Proofs that the Liberties of America are the Object of Divine Protection.”

FOOTNOTES to “SPIES AND SPIES”:

[28] About ninety years ago a remarkable letter was written by a prominent member of the Townsend family, then residing in Albany. It was addressed to another member of the family and was not to be made public. The writer had journeyed to Oyster Bay to interview Mrs. Elizabeth Titus, who had seen Washington three times and knew every member of the Townsend family. There had been two attempts made to destroy this letter, before it reached the Long Island Collection, by parties who did not know its value. Once it had actually been thrown into the fire, but other letters surrounded it so compactly that it would not burn. A rag-picker put the package in his bag and later disposed of those letters that were not scorched. It overthrows some family traditions, but helps to confirm the Culper documents. Extracts from it follow:

“Our conversation opened by reference to your resemblance to our ancestor Samuel, and by an easy transition fell upon the loves of our excellent aunts of Oyster Bay. Sarah Thorne has stated that Aunt Sarah was the magnet which attracted Winzingeroda. Mrs. Titus thinks this cannot be. Aunt Sarah she says, was beloved by every one, a polite way, you know, of insinuating that no one took her in the full meaning of the word. She thinks too that not Winzingeroda but a brother lieutenant, Ocksie, was the great admirer of Aunt Phebe; he wrote a piece of verse, it appears, on the loss of a bow of ribbon from her shoe.

“These gentlemen belonged to the corps of Yagers, which esteemed itself above the Hessians. Lewis deWurmb was the Colonel and commanded the Island. Mrs. Titus remembers seeing him frequently at her father-in-law’s at Westbury—She recollects a couple of officers besides lieutenants like the pair above—one of the name of Schoeffer, the other’s name was pronounced like our Shaker. Wurmb and all his officers were men popular with the islanders for their unassuming and courteous demeanour towards them. On the contrary, Simcoe and his Rangers, a corps composed of recreant Americans, were universally detested, especially the chief. The British troops were of course in great part withdrawn from the Island in summer to enter into active field operations. In winter Flushing used to overflow with troops—It was customary to detail daily a number to Bayside and the neighborhood, generally rejoining their respective corps at night in the village from fear of the whalers. Mrs. Titus remembers the 17th Light Horse, thirty or forty of whom would often come down to her father’s, turn their horses into his meadows, and invade and occupy the kitchen without saying a word. Once Joseph Lawrence presumed to remonstrate against their digging potatoes, and was peremptorily arrested and sent to learn better manners towards British Troops in Judge Hicks bars. Commonly the officers were polite, and it was by no means unusual for them to be invited to partake of the family dinner.

“The ‘Friends to the country’ were few—Joseph Lawrence and others of his name and family on the neck—the Townsends of Oyster Bay—Samuel and Dr. James particularly—and the Onderdonks at Hempstead or the Harbour. Whenever they used to hear of the escapes of their country men on the main they contrived to gather in each other’s houses, and find in their joy and mutual congratulations at such auspicious news some consolation for the hardships and the suspense they had to endure on account of their insulated position.

“Mrs. Titus remembers seeing Washington at three distinct periods. When he came through New York on his way to take command of the army. He landed at the Battery, and stepping into a sulky drove through ‘the fields,’ escorted by a few horse. Mrs. T. went with her father to the top of Beekman street to see him. He was dressed in a plain suit of drab. Her next sight of him was obtained in the same city a few days after the British troops evacuated the place. Her third and last she enjoyed at the time of the inauguration.”

[29] Before the first local history was printed J. Fenimore Cooper helped to immortalize in fiction, Sarah and her Valentine, in the closing chapter of The Spy.(142)

[30] This was not Major André’s first whispered conversation during which West Point was mentioned. Before he left “the Brown House” in East Hampton in August, where General Clinton had summoned him for a conference with Colonel Simcoe, during an animated conversation the fort was frequently mentioned. Servants in the house were listening and heard André say that “if he must go he would, but he did not expect ever to return.” A record of this conversation has been preserved in an unusual manner. Dr. Samuel Buell who was minister in East Hampton during the Revolutionary War obtained a pamphlet “Proceedings of a Board of General Officers ... respecting Major John André,” printed in 1780. At Buell’s death it was given to his grandson, John Lyon Gardiner, who perused it with great interest, for his recollections of André were vivid, having frequently seen him in Colonel Abraham Gardiner’s home. On bits of paper he began recording anecdotes and on the reverse of title of this pamphlet of “Proceedings” which was a blank page, in his own unmistakable handwriting he has left this remarkable statement. See page 115. A few whispered words to Major Davis and Mary Gardiner, wife of Colonel Abraham Gardiner, might have shared with Sarah Townsend in rescuing West Point and saving the American army.

[31] One of General Washington’s horses was kept in New York City at this time, for the purpose of speeding these messages. The General paid for its feed out of a secret fund, but kept receipts, which are still preserved. This is probably the first mention of the fact.

[32] Mr. James Anderson. James for John is not a typographical error. Although perhaps until now it has never been noticed, nevertheless it is so in the original in the Library of Congress.

[33] Washington Papers, Library of Congress, No. 20155, September 13, 1780.

[34] There would have been no harm in the messages reaching Arnold had he not been implicated. Recall of the messenger would clearly indicate that Arnold was suspected. Major Tallmadge had sufficient intelligence to convict him, but he did not choose to betray the confidence of the Culpers by producing it.

[35] Orderly Book, September 24, 1780. Original in the Adjutant-General’s Office, War Department, Washington, D.C.

JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT

Had the treason of Benedict Arnold been less carefully planned there might be more excuse for his conduct. Certainly at the moment many conspired to convince him that the time was approaching when it would become necessary to make peace with the mother country. The best spies of the enemy were falling into the hands of our Colonel Sheldon’s men or visiting General Parsons, and all were forwarded to Arnold, where they were able to accomplish the work they were employed to do, which was to prejudice him against his country. Letters such as Parsons’ of September 5th, in which he says “the wretches who have crept into Congress are almost below contempt: our country will never prosper in their hands and they will starve us in the midst of plenty: to deny the very obvious justice and to insult us when we require it, is left only for Politicians of the New World.” Such, and there were others reached him besides Parsons’, must have induced him to believe that self government would not succeed. But while these may have encouraged his treason they are not sufficient to excuse it. Every detail of his plot was planned with cunning. His attempt to locate all the spies is an example. The historian Marshall says he received from Lafayette the information that Arnold endeavored to procure from General Washington the names of his secret emissaries in New York, otherwise known as the Culpers. Dunlap[36] says: “An incident which the gallant and honest Lafayette tells us, marks the character of Arnold more distinctly than ever the dénouement of his diabolical plot. Before leaving the army for West Point, he went to the marquis, and mentioning his knowledge that the noble Frenchman had spies in New York, employed at his own expense, he asked their names and addresses; suggesting that their intelligence might reach him more certainly and expeditiously by the way of West Point, and suggesting that if he was in possession of their names, he might facilitate the intercourse. The gallant and ever honorable Lafayette escaped the snare laid by the arch traitor, merely through his honest and upright sense of duty—replying that those individuals had confided in him, and he could not divulge their secret to any person whatever.”

* * * * *

With our General Howe he had better success. In his letter from Robinson’s House, August 5th, he says:

“As the safety of this Post and garrison in a great measure depends on having good intelligence of the movements and designs of the enemy, and as you have been fortunate in the agents you have employed for that purpose, I must request, with their permission, to be informed who they are, as I wish to employ them, for the same purpose. I will engage upon them to make no discovery of them to any person breathing. Your complyance will oblige Dear Sir, Your affectionate and obed. Hbl. Servt.

“B. Arnold.”

The reply of Robert Howe on August 14th, was:

“The two most intelligent and confidential I got to undertake with difficulty, and they did it with the greatest reluctance and not without my pledging in the most solemn manner my honor not to inform any person upon earth of their names, or of their acting in the capacity of emisarys, they are persons of character and property, who cannot without utter ruin get out of the enemy’s power, and yet devoted to America, have agreed to serve in a way they do not like, but which is the only way they can at present serve her in. I have written to them and urged them to let me give their address to you, but having suggested to them long since how it would benefit service if I should be removed to South Carolina if they would suffer me to inform some general officers of them, they in the most positive terms refused; and it is not without great persuasion and difficulty that they are prevailed upon to continue their acting even for me; this makes me fear they will not consent to it tho I sincerely wish they may. I cannot indeed blame this caution, as their life and the ruin of their families must be the certain consequence should any accident happen to them. I have a tolerable agent who acts by way of Long Island and has been very faithful, intelligent and useful to me; he too has property. I have written to him also pressing him to disclose himself to you and have his answer: he says that he will give you information of every circumstance which relates to your post or to any part under your command, that he will task himself to give every information of the enemy’s intentions, and will faithfully report to you every movement which relates to you; he will correspond with you under the name of John Williams, and has made me pledge my honor that you will not endeavour by any means to learn his real name and if by accident you find it out that you never disclose it; this sir I have pledged myself for your assurance of. He will mark the letters Private, and you must injoin your family not to open any letters so marked.

“Robert Howe.”

In Arnold’s reply on the 16th he says:

“You lay me under infinite obligations to you, by interesting yourself so greatly in matters of such important concern to myself and my command.... You have my honor that I will not be solicitous about the real name of Mr. Williams and you may pledge my faith to him that if accident should disclose his real name to me, I will not discover it. I will take proper precautions that no gentlemen of my family open any letters addressed to me as Private.”

The most notorious spy during the War of the Revolution was unquestionably Major John André, of the British Army. So much depended upon the success or failure of his undertaking that every move he made is interesting. The part the spies of Washington played in holding him when he had almost succeeded in following the traitor Arnold to freedom, is excuse for the detail that follows:

When André’s fate was known he had a host of sympathizers but there were never many in this country whom he could call his friends. There was one notable exception. In John Graves Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Long Island, he had a faithful friend as well as an admirer. Simcoe, born in England in 1752, was sent to Eton at the age of fourteen. Thence he removed to Merton College, Oxford, where his classical education was completed. At the age of 19 he obtained a commission as ensign in the 35th Regiment, and after three years service he came to America. He landed in Boston on June 17th, 1775, the day of the Battle of Bunker Hill; soon purchased command of a company in the 40th Regiment and for distinguished service was made second in command of the Queen’s Rangers. This regiment originated in Connecticut with Colonel Rogers at its head (the same Rogers who made the Rock or Slide in Lake George famous) and was then known as Rogers’ Rangers. Under Colonel Simcoe it was composed of American Loyalists including a number of gentlemen of Virginia. To these he added a company of Highlanders and a company of Irish until it numbered 550. It was one of the most efficient and active corps in the service. Whenever possible their headquarters were at Oyster Bay. After the war he became a member of Parliament and on the division of the Canadas in 1791, he was appointed the first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, where he served with great distinction.[37] During the war, when his headquarters were in the Townsend House at Oyster Bay the New York papers and London magazines contained much favorable publicity for him and his Rangers. There is reason to believe that many of these articles were either handed to or written by Culper Junior.

Colonel Simcoe was the first, aside from General Clinton, to know of Major André’s plotting. The twenty-third of August, 1780, found him back in his old quarters at Oyster Bay, after more than a month’s absence, on the east end of Long Island. He had seen much of Major André during that month and they had become warm friends, trusting each other with their confidences. Simcoe through him was able to “communicate his wishes and hopes to the commander in chief,” and André never failed to advise Simcoe of the progress of his coveted honors. “I am Deputy Adjutant General still and without confirmation of rank. I do not, however, despair of its being granted me” he writes on July 5th. The next day, from Flushing, L. I., he found another occasion to address Colonel Simcoe. Simcoe upon his return to Oyster Bay outlined a plan he wished André to submit to General Clinton and under date of August 29th, André reported as follows:

“Dear Simcoe—I laid before the General your proposed arrangement for giving officers to the troops & which he entirely approves of.... You are to draw a pay of Lt. Colonel of Cavalry.... I will speak today about your Cavalry joining you which I forgot to mention yesterday.... John André, Adjt. Gen.”

In this way, Simcoe says, “Sir Henry Clinton had been pleased to intrust him with knowledge of the important negotiation which terminated so unfortunately in the death of Major André, and at the same time he informed him on what service he should eventually employ him if it took effect, and directed him to obtain as minute a knowledge as he could of the country, where future operations were likely to be carried on.”

It appears that Benedict Arnold’s negotiations began about the time of his marriage to Margaret Shippen,[38] which occurred in April, 1779. He confided in Beverly Robinson that he was ready to return to the king’s service if a sufficiently interesting arrangement could be made. This information was conveyed to Sir Henry Clinton who saw in it great possibilities. Arnold was encouraged to open negotiations and André was to carry them to a successful conclusion. Matters were progressing slowly when, less than a week after André had written from Flushing, there came to him a letter entirely in the secret cipher used by Sir Henry Clinton. To André at that time the use of their code by an American General may have been a mystery, but it is now easily explained. Moody, a clever British spy, managed to fall into the hands of Arnold and helped him prepare the letter. He was in duress at West Point when Arnold took command and it is recorded that his condition excited the general’s attention. This letter is addressed to John Anderson (Major André) and advises the British commander that John Moore (Benedict Arnold) has accepted the command at West Point and will betray it. In full the letter follows:

(Original in the William L. Clements Library, by whose permission it is used.)

“John Moore” [Benedict Arnold] writes to “John Anderson” [Major André] advising the British Commander that he [Arnold] has accepted the command at West Point and will betray it.

See page 126.

“I wrote to Capt. B—— on the 7th of June, that a F—— fleet and army were expected to act in conjunction with the A—— army. At the same time I gave Mr. S—— a manifesto intended to be pubished in C——a, and have from time to time communicated to him such intelligence as I thought interesting, which he assures me he has transmitted to you. I have received no answer to my letter, or any verbal message—I expect soon to command at W. Pt. and most seriously wish an interview with some intelligent officers in whom a mutual confidence could be placed. The necessity is evident to arrange and to cooperate.—An officer might be taken prisoner near that Post and permitted to return on parole, or some officer on Parole sent out to effect an exchange.

“General W—— expects on the arrival of the F—— Troops to collect 30,000 Troops to act in conjunction; if not disappointed, N. York is fixed on as the first object; if his numbers are not sufficient for that object, Can-a- is the second; of which I can inform you in time, as well as of every other design. I have accepted the command at W. P. as a Post in which I can render the most essential services, and which will be in my disposal. The mass of the people are heartily tired of the war, and wish to be on their former footing. They are promised great events from this year’s exertion. If—disappointed—you have only to persevere and the contest will soon be at an end. The present struggles are like the pangs of a dying man, violent but of a short duration.

“As life and fortune are risked by serving His Majesty, it is necessary that the latter shall be secured as well as the emoluments I give up, and a compensation for services agreed on, and a sum advanced for that purpose—which I have mentioned in a letter which accompanies this, which Sir Henry will not, I believe, think unreasonable. I am, Sir,

“Your hble Servt.
J Moore.”

“July 12th, 1780
“Mr. Jn. Anderson

“P.S. I have great confidence in the Bearer, but beg Sir Henry will threaten him with his resentment in case he abuses the confidence placed in him, which will bring certain ruin on me. The Bearer will bring me 200 guineas, and pay the remainder to Capt. A—— who is requested to receive the deposit for Mr. Moore.”

Moody was still at West Point when another now famous British spy arrived. He came with a letter of introduction from General Samuel H. Parsons, which enabled him to dine at Arnold’s table and sleep in his Headquarters. General Parsons foolishly wrote from Reading, August 28th, 1780, saying: “Mr. Heron is a neighbor of mine for whose integrity and firm attachment to the cause of the Country I will hold myself answerable.... I am certain he will conduct with strict honor every matter he undertakes.” To the Secret Service of General Washington William Heron was known as Hiram the British Spy.

From Arnold’s correspondence it would seem that at this particular time he was looking for some one besides his wife in whom he could confide his treasonable designs. His letters to Parsons became frequent. Elisha Sheldon’s letter in which he complains of the assignment General Washington had given him[39] may have given Arnold a reason to believe he could depend upon him, for Sheldon closed by saying: “The friendly acquaintance which I have been honoured with General Arnold, and his well known military character, will make me peculiarly happy in receiving any orders from him, which shall be implicitly obeyed.” Arnold the next day replied saying: “I am happy to have an officer on the lines in which I can place the greatest confidence.”

From Sheldon two spies from New York were sent to Arnold on August 14th, and another on the 19th.

Early in September he received a barrel of rum with Arnold’s compliments, which may have been responsible for his being off duty when so badly needed on September 23d. The order for the rum still exists among the Washington Papers, No. 19796, and shows that Arnold had no intentions of paying for it. In full it reads:

Head Quarters, August 28, 1780.

“Sir. In your return of Rum you will omit the puncheon of Spirits which I have ordered to be reserved for my own use. You will please to let me know how long the quantity on hand will serve the Troops and what State stores are in the Magazine. I have this day given an order for one Barrel Rum for Colonel Sheldon, that also to be left out.

“B. Arnold.”

Another now famous letter passed from Arnold to André dated August 30th, 1780. It reads:

“Sir: On the 24th instant I received a note from you without date, in answer to mine of the 7th of July, also a letter from your house of the 24th July, in answer to mine of the 15th, with a note from Mr. B——, of the 30th July; with an extract of a letter from Mr. J. Osborne of the 24th. I have paid particular attention to the contents of the several letters; had they arrived earlier, you should have had my answer sooner. A variety of circumstances has prevented my writing you before. I expect to do it very fully in a few days, and to procure you an interview with Mr. M——e, when you will be able to settle your commercial plan, I hope, agreeable to all parties. Mr. M——e assures me that he is still of opinion that his first proposal is by no means unreasonable, and makes no doubt, when he has had a conference with you, that you will close with it. He expects, when you meet, that you will be fully authorized from your House; that the risks and profits of the copartnership may be fully and clearly understood.

“A speculation might at this time be easily made to some advantage with ready money; but there is not the quantity of goods at market which your partner seems to suppose, and the number of speculators below, I think, will be against your making an immediate purchase. I apprehand goods will be in greater plenty, and much cheaper, in the course of the season; both dry and wet are much wanted and in demand at this juncture; some quantities are expected in this part of the country soon. Mr. M——e flatters himself that in the course of ten days he will have the pleasure of seeing you; he requests me to advise you, that he has ordered a draft on you in favor of our mutual friend S——y for £300, which you will charge on account of the tobacco. I am, in behalf of Mr. M——e & Co., Sir, your obedient humble servant,

“Gustavus.

“Mr John Anderson, Merchant,
“To the care of James Osborne, to be left at the Reverend Mr. Odell’s, New York.”

Next from Lower Salem, dated Sept. 6th, came a letter from Sheldon to Arnold.[40] He reports having placed the messages as Arnold directed. His letter closes with the following paragraph:

“The person mentioned is not returned from his Excursion. I have forwarded Mrs. Arnold’s letter for Major Gibs to Col. DeLancey and wrote him on the subject; in answer he writes me that if any articles are sent to him for Mrs. Arnold he will take particular care of them and inform me immediately. I fear the matter may be attended with some difficulty, as I am informed Gen. Parsons will take command on the lines tomorrow, however will do the best I can to secreet the articles should they come within my power. I have the Honor to be Dear Sir, with great Esteem & Regard Your most obt. Humbl. Sert.

“Elisha Sheldon.”

With the intention of reaching Arnold, but not caring to address him directly, Major André’s next letter was directed to Sheldon, as follows:

“New York, 7 Sept. 1780. Sir: I am told my name is made known to you, and that I may hope your indulgence in permitting me to meet a friend near Your outposts. I will endeavour to obtain permission to go out with a flag which will be sent to Dobbs’ Ferry on Sunday next the 11th at 12 o’clock, when I shall be happy to meet Mr. G. Should I not be allowed to go, the officer who is to command the escort, between whom and myself no distinction need be made, can speak on the affair. Let me entreat you, Sir, to favor a matter so interesting to the parties concerned, and which is of so private a nature that the public on neither side can be injured by it.

“I shall be happy on my part of doing any act of kindness to you in a family or property concern, of a similar nature.

“I trust I shall not be detained but should any old grudge be a cause for it, I should rather risk that than neglect the business in question or assume a mysterious character to carry on an innocent affair and as friends have advised get to your lines by stealth. I am with all regard Yr most humble sert.

“John Anderson.”

Shortly before the arrival of the above letter Colonel Sheldon received a note from Arnold reading:

“Robinson’s House, 7 September, 1780.—Since I saw you, I have had an opportunity of transmitting a letter to the person in New York, of whom I made mention, and am in expectation of procuring a meeting at your quarters. If I can bring this matter about, as I hope, I shall open a channel of intelligence, that will be regular and to be depended upon. I am, &c.

“B. Arnold.”

Sheldon was evidently mystified by these letters, and so from Lower Salem on September 9th, 1780, addressed Arnold:

“Dear Sir; Enclosed I send you a letter, which I received last evening from New York, signed John Anderson, who mentions his being made known to me. If this is the person you mentioned in your favor of yesterday, he must have had his information by your letter, as I never heard his name mentioned before I received the letter. I hope you will not fail meeting him at Dobbs’s Ferry; if you cannot meet him yourself, pray send some person that you can confide in. I am so much out of health, that I shall not be able to ride that distance in one day. I am, &c.

“Elisha Sheldon.”

Arnold showed alarm upon receiving this letter. Probably because André had spoken in such a manner as he feared would excite suspicion. In his reply to Sheldon he says:

“Robinson’s House, 10 September, 1780.

“Dear Sir; I received last night your favor of yesterday. You judge right. I wrote to Mr. Anderson on the 3d instant, requesting him to meet me at your quarters, and informed him that I had hinted the matter to you, and that you would send any letter to me, or inform me of his arrival. I did not mention his name in my letter to you, as I thought it unnecessary. I was obliged to write with great caution to him. My letter was signed Gustavus, to prevent any discovery in case it fell into the hands of the enemy.

“From the tenor of Mr. Anderson’s letter, (in particular that part where he says, ‘The officer, who commands the escort, between whom and myself no distinction need be made, can speak on the affair,’) I am led to conjecture my letter has been intercepted. There are several things in the letter, which appear mysterious. As you are unwell, and I want to go to Verplanck’s Point to give directions in some matters there, I am determined to go as far as Dobbs’s Ferry and meet the flag. If Mr. Anderson should not be permitted to come out with the flag and should find means to come to your quarters, I wish you to send an express to let me know; and send two or three horsemen to conduct him on the way to meet me, as it is difficult for me to ride so far. If your health will permit, I wish you to come with him. I have promised him your protection, and that he shall return in safety. I am convinced of his inclination to serve the public; and if he has received my letter, and in consequence thereof should come to your quarters, I make no doubt to fix a mode of intelligence, that will answer my wishes.

“If General Parsons has arrived, I wish you to show him my letter, and tell him that my request is to have Mr. Anderson escorted to meet me. Please to write me by return of the express through what channel you received Mr. Anderson’s letter, and if your emissary has returned. I am, with great regard, &c.

“B. Arnold.”

Sheldon’s reply to Arnold’s above was prompt. It is dated Lower Salem, 12 September, 1780.

“Dear General, In your favor of the 10th instant, you desired to know, through what channel I received Mr. Anderson’s letter. It was by a flag that came to our lines, and forwarded to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson. It came to me sealed. The person, so often mentioned, has returned from New York, where he was detained ten days before he could obtain permission to return. He was not suffered to leave his quarters, unless escorted by some person appointed by the Commanding Officer for that purpose; by which means he had no opportunity of gaining any intelligence of consequence. He will be at your quarters within a few days. His name is Elijah Hunter. General Parsons had not arrived at North Castle yesterday at twelve o’clock. I am to inform you that I have been in arrest two or three days, on a complaint exhibited to head-quarters by a villain by the name of Darius Stoddard, for defrauding the public, together with sundry other charges. I have the honor to be, &c.

“E. Sheldon.”

General Washington momentarily expected the British boats to ascend the Hudson, as is evident by his letter to Arnold preparing for that emergency. Answering it from Headquarters at Robinson’s House on September 12, 1780, Arnold in a paragraph saves the barge crew for himself and enables us to record the regiment to which they belonged. He says:

“... The order, contained in the postscript of your Excellency’s letter of the 7th, to send the eight bargemen of Colonel Putnam’s regiment to join their regiment, I conceive to be on a supposition of their being idle at West Point. I beg leave to observe, that they are now employed as my bargemen; that all the militia oarsmen had, previous to the receipt of the order, been drafted, and sent to different commands, at King’s Ferry and elsewhere, so that it is out of my power to procure a proper crew for my barge; for which reason I have thought proper to detain them until I receive your Excellency’s further orders on the subject.[41]

“Benedict Arnold.”

Arnold now started to meet John Anderson, as appointed in his letter of September 7th. For this purpose he set out in his barge on Sunday afternoon; passed the night at Joshua Smith’s house, and on the morning of the 11th of September descended nineteen miles to Dobbs’ Ferry. There is every reason to believe that André was nearby, expecting him, but as Arnold’s barge drew near some British gun boats opened such a fire that Arnold was put in peril of his life and obliged to fall back. In the hope of being followed he retired to an American post on the west shore, above the ferry, where he remained until sundown, but no flag came. That night he returned to West Point and André went back to New York.

Simcoe Wished to Capture Washington

During the first week in September Major André had arranged that Colonel Simcoe and the Rangers were to take an active part in the surrender of West Point. Word now reached the Colonel that he was to be ready to embark upon the arrival of Sir George Rodney’s fleet, and it was rumored for an intended expedition into the Chesapeake. This so upset Colonel Simcoe that he hastily and in great distress appealed by letter to Major André. Immediately upon his return from Dobbs’ Ferry the Major answered him, as follows:

“September 12, 1780. Dear Simcoe: Rely upon it your alarms are vain. Colonel Watson or you, one or the other, will not embark. I should have been happy to have seen you and have hinted that apparent arrangements are not always real ones, but I beg you to seek no explanation. I should not say what I do but I cannot, without concern, see you in any uneasiness I can relieve.

“John André.”

André followed this letter to Oyster Bay and with Simcoe planned for the capture of General Washington,[42] which plan was not approved of by Sir Henry Clinton when it was presented to him a few days later. Simcoe nevertheless prepared for any emergency. An order among the papers of Captain Daniel Youngs reads:

“Oyster Bay 14th September, 1780. Sir: By order of Colo. Simcoe am directed to desire you to furnish seven waggons or oxteams upon the next advice sent of the Regt. moving. These waggons will be discharged the first Post the Regt. halts at. This is only to intimate to you to have the teams in readiness upon the first notice that the baggage, stores &c. of the Regt, may not suffer by delay when the march is ordered. Robert Gardner, Sergt. (endorsed) Complied with, Quart. Master, Q. R.”

8. Colonel John Graves Simcoe and prominent British Officers. 1. Lord Cornwallis, 2. Sir Henry Clinton, 3. Major John André, 4. Admiral Arbuthnot, 5. Gen. John Burgoyne, 6. General Riedesel, 7. Lord Rowdon.

Meanwhile Benedict Arnold was uneasy. From James Livingston at Verplanck’s Point came a letter dated Septr. 13th, reading:

“Dear General: I am just now informed by the inhabitants of Tarry Town, that Colo. Robinson came there in a Barge under pretence of a Flagg, but think its more probable to reconnoitre the country. I have not the least doubt they will shortly send out a Foraging Party as the country between this and New York lies entirely exposed.

“If you think it advisable I will send a party to endeavour to give them a check in case they should come as high as Tarry Town. I have ordered the inhabitants to drive off their cattle should the enemy appear in force.

“James Livingston.”

Arnold on the same day directed a long letter to Major Tallmadge, similar as it concerned Anderson to his letter to Sheldon of the 10th. A postscript reads:

“If Mr. James Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.

“B. Arnold.”

Then he again addressed Mr. John Anderson, as follows:

“September 15th.—Sir: On the nth at noon, agreeable to your request, I attempted to go to Dobb’s Ferry, but was prevented by the armed boats of the enemy, which fired upon us; and I continued opposite the Ferry till sunset.

“The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to mention your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other person. I have no confidant. I have made one too many already, who has prevented some profitable speculation. I will send a person in whom you can confide by water to meet you at Dobb’s Ferry at the landing on the east side, on Wednesday the 20th instant, who will conduct you to a place of safety, where I will meet you. It will be necessary for you to be disguised, and, if the enemy’s boats are there, it will favor my plan, as the person is not suspected by them. If I do not hear from you before, you may depend on the person’s being punctual at the place above mentioned. My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has about ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a speculation if any should offer, which appears probable. I have already one thousand pounds on hand and can collect fifteen hundred more in two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. From these hints you may judge of the purchase that can be made. I cannot be more explicit at present. Meet me if possible. You may rest assured, that, if there is no danger in passing your lines, you will be perfectly safe where I propose a meeting, of which you shall be informed on Wednesday evening, if you think proper to be at Dobb’s Ferry. Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of

“Gustavus.”

This letter, although promptly received by Major André, never reached Clinton’s headquarters. A copy of it was left by one of the crew of a Connecticut privateer in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton, at the Townsend House, Oyster Bay, and another copy was forwarded several days later with the following note added:

“September 18th, The foregoing I found means to send by a very honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the 16th, and I have no doubt you received it. But as there is a possibility of its miscarriage, I send a copy, and am fully persuaded that the method I have pointed out to meet you is the best and safest, provided you can obtain leave to come out.”

On the 16th the Vulture again conveyed Beverly Robinson up the river. Pretending to believe that General Putnam still commanded in the Highlands, Robinson addressed a note to him requesting an interview on the subject of his confiscated property, and sent this letter by a flag, enclosed in one addressed to General Arnold; soliciting of him the same boon should General Putnam be absent. This letter was received at Verplanck’s by Livingston and forwarded to headquarters as Robinson wished it to be.

On the 18th September, Washington with his suite crossed the Hudson to Verplanck’s Point, in Arnold’s barge, on his way to Hartford. Arnold accompanied him as far as Peekskill, and on the way laid before him with affected frankness the letter of Colonel Robinson, and asked his advice. Washington disapproved of any such interview, observing that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of confiscated property.

Arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the Vulture, as if bearing a reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. His message, addressed to Colonel Beverly Robinson, reads:

“September 18th, 1780.—Sir: I parted with his Excellency General Washington this morning, who advises me to avoid seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds of some people, which might operate to my injury. His reason appears to me to be well founded; but, if I were of a different opinion, I could not with propriety see you at present. I shall send a person to Dobb’s Ferry, or on board the Vulture, Wednesday night the 20th instant, and furnish him with a boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his secrecy and honor, and that your business of whatever nature shall be kept a profound secret; and, if it is matter in which I can officially act, I will do everything in my power to oblige you consistantly with my duty. To avoid censure, this matter must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I think it will be advisable for the Vulture to remain where she is until the time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for a gentleman in New York from one in the country on private business, which I beg the favor of you to forward, and make no doubt he will be particular to come at the time appointed. I am, &c.

“B. Arnold.[43]

“P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on Saturday night next, and will lay before him any matter you may wish to communicate.”

A further note on the opposite side of the sheet reads: “As no person except His Excellency Genl. Washington shall be made acquainted with them. The bearer, Capt. D. Archibald will take particular care of your letters and deliver them to me with his own hand. B. A.”

On the same day Major André left Oyster Bay, crossed the Sound at Flushing, and on the New York side met by appointment Sir Henry Clinton, and together they rode to Mme Riedesel’s for a private interview. A paragraph in her memoirs records this visit; she says:

“The country residence of General Clinton was an hour’s ride from the city ... he invited us to spend the summer there. It was a most beautiful situation, the Hudson River running directly in front of the house.... Not far from us were the Hell-gates.... We often saw ships in danger, but only one was wrecked and went to pieces during our stay. General Clinton came often to visit us, but in hunter’s dress, accompanied by only one aid-de-camp.... The last time he came to see us he had with him the unfortunate—as he afterwards became—Major André, who, the day afterwards, set out upon the fatal expedition, in which he was captured by the Americans, and afterwards hung as a spy.”

This visit was followed by a dinner at Kip’s house in the vicinity of Kip’s Bay, which was about where 2nd Avenue and 34th Street now is. Ostensibly it was given to Clinton and his staff but in reality it was as a parting compliment to André. The next day (Tuesday) he went by way of King’s Bridge to Dobb’s Ferry and thence to the sloop of war, Vulture, then probably at Teller’s Point. Reaching her about seven p. m. he waited all the next day without message or news from Arnold. His messages to Clinton explain the situation.

On Board the Vulture, 21 September.

“Sir; As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop yesterday, I determined to be myself the bearer of your Excellency’s letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for it, having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return of a disorder in my stomach which had attacked me a few days ago, that Captain Sutherland and Colonel Robinson insist on my remaining on board till I am better. I hope tomorrow to get down again.”

In this letter he enclosed one meant for Clinton only, which read:

“Sir: I got on board the Vulture at about seven o’clock last evening; and after considering upon the letters and the answer given by Col. Robinson ‘that he would remain on board, and hoped I should be up,’ we thought it most natural to expect the man I sent into the Country here, and therefore did not think of going to the Ferry. Nobody has appeared. This is the second expedition I have made without an ostensible reason, and Col. Robinson both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here on plea of sickness, as my enclosed letter will feign, and try further expedients. Yesterday the pretence of a flag of truce was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. The boat was fired upon in violation of the customs of war. Capt. Sutherland with great propriety means to send a flag to complain of this to General Arnold. A boat from the Vulture had very nearly taken him on the 11th. He was pursued close to the float. I shall favor him with a newspaper containing the Carolina news, which I brought with me from New York for Anderson, to whom it is addressed, on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.”

The ingenious artifice by which he contrived to let Arnold know that he was waiting for him was written as follows:

“Vulture, off Teller’s Point, 21 September.—Sir: I consider it a duty to complain of any violation of the laws of arms, and I am satisfied that I now do it where I cannot fail to meet redress. It is therefore with reluctance I give you the concern to know, that a flag of truce having been yesterday shown on Teller’s Point, I sent a boat towards the shore, presuming some communication was thereby solicited. The boat’s crew on approaching received a fire from several armed men, who till then had been concealed.[44] Fortunately none of my people were hurt, but the treacherous intentions of those who fired are not vindicated from that circumstance. I have the honor to be, &c.”

(This was signed by Sutherland and countersigned by John Anderson, Secretary, and in André’s handwriting.)

FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:

[36] Dunlap, vol. 2, p. 171.

[37] The Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt in his Travels in North America in 1795, says: “But for this inveterate hatred against the United States, which he too loudly professes, and which carries him too far, General Simcoe appears in the most advantageous light. He is just, active, enlightened, brave, frank, and possesses the confidence of the country, of the troops, and of all those who join him in administration of public affairs.”

[38] Alexander Hamilton, in a letter to John Laurens, says: “The project seems to have originated with Arnold himself, and to have been long premeditated. The first overture is traced back to some time in January last. It was conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson, the substance of which was, that the ingratitude he had experienced from his country, concurring with other causes, had entirely changed his principles; that he now only sought to restore himself in the favour of his king by some signal of his repentance and would be happy to open a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that purpose.”

[39] Sheldon says, in his letter of August 10th, 1780: “It mortifies me not a little, that I am obliged to tell you that more than twenty of the best of my horses, completely accoutred, are employed as common Express Riders between this place and Newport exclusive of those which I am obliged to employ on the same business in conveying despatches as an intermediate post between Head Quarters and the first stage of expresses. I hope as horses are much wanted on this advance post those Dragoons who are employed on such extra service may soon be called to more honorable duty.”

[40] Washington Papers, No. 19991.

[41] General Washington’s reply from Headquarters, Sept. 14th, 1780, was: “... Under the circumstances you mention you may detain the men of Colonel Putnam’s regiment, who are serving as bargemen to you;.... I shall be at Peekskill on Sunday evening, on my way to Hartford, to meet the French admiral and general. You will be pleased to send down a guard of a captain and fifty men at that time, and direct the quartermaster to endeavour to have a night’s forage for about forty horses. You will keep this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a secret. I am, &c. Go. Washington. (He was delayed in setting out. It was Monday the 18th.)

[42] Hamilton says: “There was some colour for imagining it was a part of the plan to betray the General into the hands of the enemy. Arnold was very anxious to ascertain from him the precise day of his return, and the enemy’s movements seem to have corresponded to this point. But if it was really the case it was very injudicious. The success must have depended on surprise, and as the officers at the advanced posts were not in the secret, their measures might have given the alarm, and General Washington, taking the command of the post, might have rendered the whole scheme abortive. Arnold it is true, had so dispersed the garrison as to have made the defence difficult, but not impracticable; and the acquisition of West Point was of such magnitude to the enemy, that it would have been unwise to connect it with any other object, however great, which might make the obtaining of it precarious.”

[43] There is preserved in the Library of Congress among the Washington Papers, No. 20268, an interesting answer to this letter. It is in the handwriting of Beverly Robinson, and reads: ‘Vulture off Tellers point, Septr. 19, 1780. Sir. I am favoured with yours by Capt. Archibald and am sorry I have missed the opportunity of seeing General Putnam, and that it is not thought proper to allow me to see you, my business being entirely of a private nature, only concerning my self & no ways affecting publick matters of either side; I was induced to make the application to you in hopes of meeting with a favorable reception from a gentleman of your character. But I have not the least reason to expect any civility from the Civil Authority of this State, neither am I at all disposed to ask any favour from them. Had I known Genl. Washington was with you I should certainly have made my application to him as I flatter myself I should be allowed very reasonable indulgence from him, I beg my best respects may be presented to him; I can have nothing further to say to you at present, but must wait a more favorable opportunity of doing something for my family. I return you my thanks for your polite letter and Civil Expressions to me and am Your verry Humble Servt. Bev: Robinson.”

[44] The excuse for this story was two intoxicated men with one gun. They hung a shirt on the bushes which was mistaken for a flag; as the boat approached they fired the gun as a warning to keep away.

ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET

We now come to the evening of the 20th of September, 1780. Joshua Hett Smith, returning from Fishkill, met Samuel Colquhoun[45] after crossing the river near Stony Point, and asked him to accompany him to his house. When they had ascended the stairs and were in Smith’s private room he asked Colquhoun to go with him that night a piece down the river. Colquhoun told Smith he had no mind to go, and did not want to go, and Smith did not urge him. Then Smith told Colquhoun he must send him up express to General Arnold, and they should go over to the other house; but upon Colquhoun telling him again that he had no mind to go Smith seemed to urge his going and said it was great business. Colquhoun then agreed to go. They went over to the house of Smith’s brother and there Colquhoun was furnished with a horse, and a paper to Major Keirs[46] and started off to General Arnold.

The sun was rising when Colquhoun reached the headquarters of Arnold, on the east bank of the Hudson River, below West Point. The General was not up but he delivered the letter from Smith to a gentleman there[47] and in a few minutes he was informed there was no occasion for an answer. He was requested however to return as quickly as he could. That afternoon Arnold passed him and rode to Smith’s house.

When Smith again hailed Colquhoun it was near sun down as he was going for the cows. He told him to come up to his house as the General wanted to speak with him. He found Arnold there and was asked by him to go a piece that night. Colquhoun told him he could not go as he had been up the night before, and he also told him he was afraid to go, but General Arnold urged, and told him if he was a friend to his country he should do his best. Colquhoun then asked Arnold where he wanted him to go and was told on board the ship in the river. Smith told him there was a man there the General wanted to see very much. Colquhoun then asked what was the reason he could not stay till the morning and Arnold replied that it must be done that night. Colquhoun’s next excuse was that he could not go alone, and then Smith told him to go fetch his brother. In a short time Colquhoun returned and reported that his wife objected to his going and that the guard boats were out. Arnold told him there was no danger from the guard boats and also that if he did not go he would look upon him as a disaffected man. He then went for his brother and when they returned they argued awhile before consenting to go. This brother was Joseph Colquhoun, and he has left such a concise narrative that much of it is here quoted.

“Mr. Smith, last Thursday night week, sent word to me to come over to his house, and he wanted to speak to me. I went. When I came there he met me at the door, and sat down on the bench with me, and on asking him what was his desire, he said he wanted me to go with him that night. On asking Mr. Smith where he wanted to go, he said, ‘A little way down the river.’ On asking him how far and where, he said ‘On board the man-of-war as a flag, on business of General Arnold.’ I told him I was sorry I was wanted for that purpose, and said, upon any other thing I was willing to serve him or the General. Mr. Smith asked me why, and said there was no hurt in going, as it was general business. On asking him whether he did not think we should be taken up by the water-guard, (meaning the Continental water guard,) he said, No, for he had a Pass from the General to go, and the countersign he said was ‘Congress,’ which, when he came up he must give, and so pass. Mr. Smith made answer to me and said, ‘Have you not always heard that I was a friend to the country, and did that which was always best for the country?’ I told him, Yes, and always thought he was, upon which I asked him why the flag was not sent down in the day time, as it ought to be done? He said because it was to be kept private from the inhabitants and common men. The officers, he said, knew it, and said there was a man on board, that the General wanted to speak to; and that he must be brought on shore and carried on board again. I then told him I did not chuse to go. He said there was no hurt in going, at all; and said if anything should come against me he would defend me, and clear me from all. I told him he could not clear me if there was any bad in it; and Mr. Smith afterwards got up and went into the house to General Arnold. General Arnold came out soon after Mr. Smith went in, and said, upon his coming out, I need not be afraid to go with Mr. Smith, and said it must be done for the good of the country; and said it was not done in private, for the officers at the Ferry knew it, the Captain of the water guards also, and had the countersign; and that it was not a secret to any persons but the inhabitants and common men. I thought at first it was not good, but thought otherwise upon the General’s mentioning that it was known. The General also said Major Kierce had agreed to send him up a boat to the creek at Colonel Hay’s landing place, but had not done it, and he did not know the reason; upon which Mr. Smith asked me if I would take his horse and ride down to the ferry, to see whether the boat was come. I said No, he ought send his negro: he ordered the negro to get the horse, and the negro went off. While the negro was gone myself and my brother concluded not to go; but both were afraid to tell the General of it, and afraid not to go for him, and the time passed away until the negro came. When he came I asked him what news concerning the boat; and he said he did not know, and he brought a letter from Major Kierce to the General, upon which I told my brother I would go up and tell the General. I had no mind to go and as I was going up, I met Mr. Smith in the entry, and he told me the General wanted to speak with me; and he passed out to the stoop, and I went into the room to the General, who was sitting by a table, with paper, and his speaking to me, I acquainted him I had no mind to go, as it was late; and said I would rather go in the morning. General Arnold said he must go to headquarters by ten o’clock in the morning; and if I would not assist when I was required for the good of my country and Congress, he would put me under guard immediately. Upon which Mr. Smith came in and I went out; and just after this Mr. Smith came out to the stoop; asked my brother and myself if we would have a dram, and gave us each one, and afterwards the General came out, and Mr. Smith and myself and brother were together. The General and Mr. Smith talked together, but what they said I do not know. My brother, Mr. Smith and myself went down to the landing, about a half mile below King’s Ferry, and passed off in the boat; and I think it was pretty well near midnight when we got off. Mr. Smith had on a whitish coat, a pretty large one, which I have seen him wear before.”

The boatman’s story is here interrupted to insert paragraphs in the words of Joshua H. Smith, more complete in detail than Colquhoun’s.

“After General Arnold had given the order for muffling the oars, that we might not be impeded by the boats that guarded the shores, a precaution necessary, as there was a regular water patrole, to prevent those disaffected to the American interest, or Tories, as the friends to the royal cause were called, from carrying provisions or intelligence to the British ships occasionally lying in the river. This precaution, however, staggered the confidence of the eldest of the watermen, who bluntly told General Arnold that if the business was of a fair and upright nature, as he assured them it was, he saw no necessity for any disguise, or to seize the veil of night to execute that which might be as well transacted in broad daylight. The watermen were simple, honest men, had been accustomed to their occupation, and were my tenants, in whom I could place the utmost confidence. General Arnold insisted on their pursuing the business, and assured them he had the command of the militia of the county for 60 miles round West Point by order of Congress....

“The Vulture was then lying at the extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The night was serene, the tide favorable, and the silent manner in which we passed the fort at Stony Point, at the mouth of Haverstraw Creek, precluded any obstructions; in short, although the distance was nearly 12 miles, we soon reached the ship. On our approach we were hailed by the Sentinel on deck, ordered to bring to, and questioned whither bound? I answered, with a flag of truce to the Vulture sloop of war, upon which I was heartily assailed with a volley of oaths, all in the peculiarity of sea language, by the officer commanding the watch on the quarter deck, and commanded instantly to haul alongside, or he would blow us out of the water. Upon coming alongside, I was saluted with another discharge of the same nautical eloquence; and orders were given to hoist the rebel rascal on board, which was prevented by my climbing up a rope fastened to the main chains, and so reaching the main deck. I was questioned as to my business, and how I could presume to come on board his Majesty’s ship under colour of a flag of truce at night? To which I answered, I was so authorized by my papers, which I requested he would give to captain Sutherland, the commander of the ship, and Colonel Robinson, as I knew they were on board; this request, however, seemed to have no effect; but he poured on me torrents of abuse, threatening to hang me at the yard-arm, as he said another rebel had been a few days before; being nevertheless unintimidated, and seeing Colonel Robinson and the Captain, for whom I had letters, I raised my voice and said, he must be answerable for my being delayed: whether I was heard in the cabin or not I cannot say, but soon afterwards a boy came on deck and said, ‘the captain orders the man below.’ He conducted me into the cabin, where on my entrance I saw a venerable looking gentleman, whom I recognised to be Colonel Beverly Robinson, dressed in a regimental uniform. He received me politely, desired me to be seated, and shortly introduced me to Captain Sutherland, who lay ill in his birth. Colonel Beverly Robinson having perused the letter from General Arnold, apologized for retiring a few minutes, ordering some refreshments, and left me to converse with Captain Sutherland, to whom I related my uncourtly reception on deck; and his amiable urbanity compensated me for the incivility of his officer on deck. Having conversed with Captain Sutherland for twenty minutes on indifferent subjects, Colonel Robinson returned, and introduced Mr. Anderson to me, saying he was mentioned in General Arnold’s letter, for whom he had sent a pass to come on shore, in case he Colonel Robinson should be unable to accompany me. Colonel Robinson pleaded indisposition, and said Mr. Anderson could as effectually answer all the purposes by going on shore as himself; there seemed no reluctance on the part of Anderson to supply Colonel Robinson’s place, and he appeared in a dress equipped for the purpose, wearing boots and a large blue great-coat. For my own part it made no difference to me who bore me company, so that the object of my mission was fully answered, and the great national ends obtained, which Arnold assured me would be the result of the affair.

“Mr. Anderson being ready, we left the ship, and were rowed in a short time to the western shore, to the place which General Arnold had appointed for the interview; this was at the foot of a mountain called the Long Clove, near the low water mark, whither my servant had conducted General Arnold, on horseback, he being still lame from his wounds.

“Very little conversation passed between Mr. Anderson and myself, excepting trivial remarks about the tide, the weather, and matters of no concern. Mr. Anderson, from his youthful appearance and the softness of his manners, did not seem to me to be qualified for a business of such moment....

“On my approach to the place of appointment, I found General Arnold ready to receive me; he was hid among firs. I mentioned to him Colonel Beverly Robinson’s reason for not accompanying me, and the delegation of a young gentleman, a Mr. Anderson, whom I had brought with me, and who was then with the watermen on the strand. He appeared much agitated and expressed chagrin at the disappointment of not seeing Colonel Robinson. He desired me, however, to conduct Mr. Anderson to him, which being done, he requested me to remain with the hands at the boat. I went as directed, but felt greatly mortified at not being present at the interview, to which I conceived myself entitled from my rank in life, and the trouble I had taken to effect the meeting. At length they continued such a time in conference, that I deemed it expedient to inform them of the approaching dawn of day. Shortly afterwards both came down to the boat, and General Arnold, with much earnestness, solicited me to return with Mr. Anderson to the Vulture: But I pointed out the impracticability of effecting his wish, from the great distance, and the fatigue of the hands. He then applied to the men, who declared themselves unable to gratify his wish, through want of strength to accomplish it, and the ebb tide being against them. Convinced of the apparent impracticability of the attempt to reach the ship and return before day without being discovered from either shore by the inhabitants, whose eyes were constantly watching the movements on the river, not only from the forts, but the surrounding shores, he relinquished his solicitations, and desired I would endeavour to return the boat to the place from whence we first embarked: this with much labour, and taking the circuit of the eddies, was nearly effected, (as we left the boat at Crane’s Island) when our attention was called to the cannonade from Gallows Point against the Vulture, which was compelled to fall down the river and appeared to be set on fire.”

Joseph Colquhoun continues the narrative by saying: “When we landed at Crom’s Island, I stepped out and got down under a bush, and was drowsy, and had no conversation with Mr. Smith and I declare I have not seen Mr. Smith from that time until this day. General Arnold promised me fifty weight of flour for going on board the vessel; but I never saw it.... When we came to Mr. Smith’s house it was after day-light. I saw Mr. Arnold there. He walked lame and had on a blue coat and white breeches.”

Smith says that on his return he found General Arnold and Mr. Anderson had arrived long before him. Mr. Anderson having mounted the horse his servant rode when he followed Arnold to the Long Clove. Anderson appeared vexed that the ship had been compelled to leave her position. Breakfast was soon served and during the meal one of the topics of conversation was the arrival of the fleet at New York under Arbuthnot. A recurrence of his chronic complaint, together with loss of sleep obliged Smith to retire as soon as they had finished the meal. Arnold and André were left alone the greater part of the day.

There is no reliable statement as to where they went but it is probable that Arnold improved this opportunity to show Major André the West Point approaches. Major Tallmadge found André thoroughly familiar with them, and outlined his intentions when six days later he was escorted down the river in a barge. On that trip with Tallmadge André could point to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was the spot where he should have landed at the head of a select corps, and he was able to traverse the course up the mountain in the rear of Fort Putnam, which overlooked the whole Parade of West Point, with great exactness. Later in the day they returned to Smith’s house, and there was some talk of going to the “Vulture,” which it was noticed had nearly regained her former station; but probably the cannon that could hit the mark with one shot deterred them; General Arnold returned to West Point after suggesting that it would be necessary for Anderson to discard his military coat in exchange for a plain one, which Smith furnished. Smith says he showed André the prospect from the upper part of his house, from whence there was an extensive view over the capacious bay of Haverstraw, to the opposite shore and adds: “He cast an anxious look towards the Vulture and with a heavy sigh wished he was on board.” Smith having promised to accompany André at least part way to the White Plains by land was now urged to prepare for their departure, and his servant having been ordered to get the horses ready they started for the ferry about sun down.

Major Burroughs was the first to notice the party on their way to King’s Ferry on that 22d of September, 1780. His testimony follows:

“Between sundown and dark I was overtaken on the road, about three quarters of a mile from Stoney Point, by Mr. Smith and another gentleman; Mr. Smith’s servant, a negro boy, was with him: Mr. Smith as he passed by, spoke, and said ‘How do you do, Captain Livingston?’ I told him he was mistaken; on that he stopped, and said: ‘How do you do, Major Burroughs?’ and turned about his horse, and talked to me for about a minute, in which time, I rode up between the gentleman who was with Mr. Smith. Mr. Smith while he stopped told me he was going for Mrs. Smith and the ladies, to West Point and should be happy to see me at tea the next afternoon; Mr. Smith then turned about his horse, and rode off pretty fast; I told him I thought it rather late, and he said he had business. André had a round hat on and a blue coat or cloak, the cape of which was buttoned up tight around the neck, and the other part was also buttoned.”

Another half mile and they are before the tent of William Jameson, who records that on Friday evening, just as it was getting dusk, the twenty-second day of September, 1780, Mr. Smith came to his tent at King’s Ferry, on Stoney Point side, after sun down, with a gentleman who was in company and a waiter; the gentleman who was in company with Mr. Smith rode a little past the tent, and Mr. Smith made a halt; there were some gentlemen sitting in the tent, who handed him a bowl of liquor they had been drinking out of, upon which Mr. Smith dismounted his horse and handed the bowl to him and desired he would fill it, which he did; as he handed him the liquor again Mr. Smith spoke to Mr. Cooley, and said, “in three weeks’ time we shall all be in New York;” Mr. Cooley made answer, “Sir, I don’t know,” upon which Mr. Smith said, “Let it be three months;” Mr. Smith upon this, took his horse and went off, down to the ferry-stairs; the person with Mr. Smith had on a flopped hat and a great coat, the color I cannot recollect; the person rode a little past when Mr. Smith halted, made a little halt and he was on the ferry-stairs when Mr. Smith got down; Mr. Smith at his tent, took one drink out of the bowl, handed it about, and then went down to the Ferry-stairs.” William Jameson’s statement above was confirmed by William Cooley.

* * * * *

Cornelius and Lambert Lambert, with their brother Henry Lambert, were the ferrymen. Smith urged them to greater speed and when they reached the shore he gave Henry, who steered the boat, an eight dollar bill. Benjamin Acker was also an observer.

The party, still consisting of André, Smith and the colored boy, all mounted, are now on the east bank of the Hudson river near Verplanck’s Point. Here James Livingston, who fired the cannon that morning at daylight, landing the first shot on the deck of the Vulture, has a word to say: “Just after dark Smith stopped at my marquee for a few minutes. I asked him where he was going. He said up toward General Arnold’s, or that route, and I gave him one letter to be delivered to General Arnold and another to General Clinton as he had informed me it was likely he would go that route. I then urged him to stay awhile and take supper or a drink of grog. He then informed me that there was a gentleman waiting for him that had just rode on, and was in a hurry to get off, and informed me his business was very urgent, and I did not insist on his staying any longer. He then rode off and I did not see the person who was with him, it being dark and he having rode forward. I desired him to request the person to walk in, and he informed me the gentleman had rode on slowly, and he was in a hurry to go after him.”

* * * * *

It was four miles to Peekskill and about eight miles to Crompond, and it is at Crompond where they are next discovered.

“Last Friday a week ago, the 22d of September last,” says Ebenezer Boyd in relating the event, “between eight and nine o’clock, as near as I can recollect, at night, the sentry stopped Mr. Smith, another person, and a negro with him. When the sentry hailed them, they answered, ‘Friends.’ The sentry ordered one to dismount; Mr. Smith readily dismounted, and spoke to the person who was with him to hold his horse, and Mr. Smith advanced till he came near the sentry; Mr. Smith asked who commanded the party; the sentry said Captain Boyd; upon that I was called for; what passed between Mr. Smith and the sentry I heard, as I have related, being close by the sentry; Mr. Smith came to me, upon my calling for him; I asked him who he was; he told me his name was Joshua Smith, and that he had a pass from General Arnold to pass all guards; I asked him where he lived, or where he belonged; he told me he lived in the white house on the other side of King’s Ferry; I asked him what time he crossed the ferry; he said about dusk; I asked him how far he was bound for, and where to? He told me he intended to go that night as far as Major Strang’s; I told him Major Strang was not at home, and he spoke something of going to old Colonel Gil Drake’s, as he was an old acquaintance of his; I told him he did not live where he used to, but had moved to Salem; I told him about his saying he was going to Major Strang’s, that his lady might be in bed, and it would incommode her much, likewise I desired to see Mr. Smith’s pass; and went into a little house close by there, and got a light; and I found that he had a pass from General Arnold, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and return, being on business of importance, I think were the words of the pass. After I had read the pass we came out, and Mr. Smith and myself talked alone privately; then I desired him to let me know something of his business; he made answer that he had no objection to my knowing it; he told me that he was a brother of William Smith, in New York, though very different in principle, and that he was employed by General Arnold to go with the person who was with him to get intelligence from the enemy; and they expected to meet a gentleman at or near White Plains, for the same purpose. I asked Mr. Smith what gentlemen he was who was with him. Mr. Smith said he was a gentleman that General Arnold had in his employ; and told me his name was John Anderson. I think Mr. Smith told me he was not so positive as that he should go himself, as far as the White Plains, or not; on this I advised Mr. Smith to put up there, at one Andraes Miller’s, close by where we were, and so start as soon as it was light; the reasons I gave Mr. Smith were, that the riding in the night would be dangerous when they got below Croton River, from the Cow Boys; Mr. Smith made answer that he would speak to his partner; whereupon Mr. Smith went to him; I was pretty close to them; and when they conversed together they spoke low; Mr. Smith told him he thought it would be best to put up, and said he thought they might be interrupted; upon that they concluded to turn back to this house, to put up; I concluded in my mind their speaking low was occasioned by what Mr. Smith had said to me before, which was, he did not want everyone to know what business they were on; Mr. Smith then asked my opinion about the roads, which would be the safest to the White Plains, and not fall into the hands of those ‘Cow Boys’ or Refugees; putting confidence in what they were upon, I gave him my opinion as to the safest road, that the safest road would be to go by North-Castle Church, and by Wright’s Mills, by reason if they went the Tarry-Town road, they would fall into the lower party’s hands—these ‘Cow Boys.’ I likewise advised him to call upon Captain Delavan, next morning, pretty early. Mr. Smith asked me if I thought that Captain Delavan would assist them with an escort or two or three horse. I told him I did not doubt but that he might when he came to understand what his business was. They then went back towards Andraes Miller’s, which was the last I saw of them that night. I was a little at a stand about Mr. Smith’s name being Joshua, as he was called by the name of Jo Smith, but his pass was in the name of Joshua. What made me put more confidence in what Mr. Smith told me, was, I had heard it frequently mentioned that General Howe used to employ Mr. Smith in getting intelligence.”

* * * * *

Here Smith again takes up the narrative, saying: “With no small difficulty we returned and gained admittance into a house for the night; while such was the caution and danger of admitting nocturnal inmates, that we were obliged to take to bed or keep the family up, who would not retire until they saw us safely lodged. We slept in the same bed; and I was often disturbed with the restless motions, and uneasiness of mind exhibited by my bed-fellow, who on observing the first approach of day, summoned my servant to prepare the horses for our departure. He appeared in the morning as if he had not slept an hour during the night; he at first was much dejected, but a pleasing change took place in his countenance when summoned to mount his horse. The landlord, who was a very kind and civil man refused to take any compensation for the trouble which we had given him.... We rode very cheerfully towards Pine’s bridge without interruption, or any event that excited apprehension; here I proposed to leave my companion; but I observed that the nearer we approached the bridge, the more his countenance brightened into a cheerful serenity, and he became very affable; in short, I now found him highly entertaining.... He descanted on the richness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired, from every eminence, the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing their summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the north extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of converse, and mildness of the weather, so insensiably beguiled the time that we at length found ourselves at the bridge before I thought we had got half way; and I now had reason to think my fellow-traveller a different person from the character I had at first formed of him.

“This bridge crosses the Croton river, a branch of the Hudson; here we halted, and at a house on the right endeavored to obtain some breakfast, from an old matronly Dutch woman, and provender for the horses; in this expectation, however, we were disappointed; the Cow Boys or Skinners had been there the night before, and taken all the supplies of her cupboard, except some Indian meal, which she had mixed up with water, and boiled into a consistency, by the Dutch called suppon. This with the addition of some milk from a single cow they had left her, was the only fare we could procure, and of this we made a good meal, our appetites being keen from having been supperless the preceding night. While at breakfast I mentioned my determination to proceed no farther. Having discharged the bill to the woman, in the local money of the county, my companion (Major André) requested me to lend him some, and I cheerfully supplied him with the half of my pocket amount, although I was afraid it was not current below that place; the bridge being accounted the south boundary of the American lines. He was affected at parting, and offered me a valuable gold watch in remembrance of him, as a keep sake, which I refused. The horse was furnished by General Arnold; the saddle and bridle were borrowed of me, with the promise that they should be returned, or the value of them paid to me.

“Having given him directions about the road he was to take upon crossing the bridge, with a message to my brother, the chief justice, whom he knew, we parted, and I proceded on my way to Fish Kill.”

FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:

[45] Trial report says Cahoon, Smith Calquhoon.

[46] Report says Keirce.

[47] Probably Major Franks.

EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE

Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as it was almost certain they would be encountered there.

THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ

Few persons realize how closely identified this event is with the history of our country. Col. Trumbull is recorded as saying: “But for that event the Declaration of Independence might have proved abortive, and the blood of so many of our countrymen shed in vain.”

* * * * *

John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding says:

“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock, the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer, he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that, he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further. Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business. Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades, though I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however, he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers, and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from that time until I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let him go.

David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse, saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said, ‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was to that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not stir one step.’”[49]

There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family. In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of the “Cow Boys,” that with all the force they could get together they secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy, who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.

* * * * *

Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January 29th, 1783, the following account:

“On Saturday last (Jan. 25,) a party of militia, thirty-three in number, commanded by a Captain Williams, generally known by the name of Skinner’s Party, made an attempt to carry off, from his house at West-chester, Colonel DeLancey, of the Royal Refugees, but missing their aim, they plundered the house of wearing apparel. &c. and retreated with precipitation to Croton Hill, near Croton Bridge, where, thinking themselves safe, they exposed their plunder for sale; but a party of Loyal Refugees soon surprized them, killed one man on the spot, wounded several, and took seven prisoners. The prisoners were brought to town on Sunday; one badly wounded was sent to the General Hospital to be taken care of, and the rest safely lodged in the provost. John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major André prisoner, is among the number, and slightly wounded. This design on the person of Colonel DeLancey is said to have been planned by Colonel Drake and Mr. Vantassel, who were sure of success, as they kept it a secret from all but Captain Williams, and he only informed the party of it when they came near to the Colonel’s house.”

A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full this document reads:

Head Quarters 6th Feby, 1783.

Sir. In a late excursion of the militia on the other side under a captain Williams, John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major André, was made prisoner with some others. His friends, apprehensive for his safety have made intercession with the Commander in Chief on his behalf, and, tho His Excellency does not approve the excursions of these people, yet, in consideration of the former services of Mr. Paulding and as we have in the Provost Guard four Prisoners taken by them some time since, he has been pleased to consent that those four Prisoners be sent in on Parol with a request to send out Paulding and the others mentioned hereon. The prisoners to be sent in will go from hence tomorrow morning.

I have the honor to be Sir, Your very obedt. Servant, Ben Walker, Aid DeCamp.

Addressed to Lieut. Coll. W. S. Smith,
commanding at Dobbs Ferry.

John Paulding
Pero Faller
Richd. Dusenberry
James Mandeville

On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those taken with him at Croton.”

* * * * *

Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr. Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy, but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to Headquarters he promptly sent him.

* * * * *

Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks, carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th. He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor, and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent, I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my Detachment, I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart, who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September, 1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.

“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.) at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet General Washington, then on his return to West Point.

“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in this business, and did not fail to state the glaring inconsistency of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J. would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold—The letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters, and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem, it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington, dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army. When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”

In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I had disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening. After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.

“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I well remember that he expressed great confidence in him as I believe was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....

“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity. The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”

* * * * *

What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by members of his military family during the months of July, August and September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to join his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for duty on August 13th.

As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House, on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold, Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike. Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13. Varick told Arnold in the presence of Franks that he considered him a liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of him.

On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia. They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.

Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and staunch whig.

It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it with warmth,” says Varick.

As much as has been preserved of it follows:

Mrs. Arnold (to servant). A little more butter please.

Servant. There is no more, Madam.

Arnold. Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia; it will do very well with this salt fish.

Servant produces the oil.

Arnold. That oil cost eighty dollars.

Smith. Eighty pence, a dollar is no more than a penny.

Varick (in a voice meant as an affront). That is not true, Mr. Smith.

Franks, Arnold, Smith, Varick, all join in a hot dispute, until Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language for affronting him.

Arnold. If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my family should be civil to him.

Franks. Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a rascal.

Varick. It was I who affronted Smith, not Franks.

Franks (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he remains over night.]

The dispute continues between Arnold and Varick.

Varick (to Arnold). Smith is a —— —— rascal, a scoundrel and a Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and also merited your resentment instead of countenance.

Arnold. I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my family, but by —— I will not be dictated to by them. I think I possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.

That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson, of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.

We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast Arnold entered his room and inquired:

Arnold. Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly Robinson?

Varick. No sir, I am sick and am not able to.

Arnold. [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.

Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs. Arnold’s room.

Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s servant comes to the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand. Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West Point and will return in about an hour.

Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point. Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.

Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable and unwarrantable even to suppose it.

Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy. They made him understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]

General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened. One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General Washington says:

“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find him there, I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down to the barge he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners.

“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action, set them at liberty.”

“WE ARE TOO LATE.” HAMILTON’S NOTE TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. Reproduced directly from the original.

See page 178.

* * * * *

On p. 100 in the Diary of Hugh Gaine is this entry: “Sept. 26. This day Gen. Arnold came in from West Point, to the great surprise of every person who was not in the secret.”

* * * * *

It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was held.

* * * * *

The letter to William Heath is dated

Robinson House, Sept. 26, 1780.

Dear Sir: In the present situation of things, I think it necessary that you should join the army; and request that you will do it. You will come to headquarters yourself. The route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for you, on account of security, and you may direct your baggage to halt at Fishkill, for your further orders. I write to the Count de Rochambeau by this conveyance; and I trust that your coming away now will not be attended with any material inconvenience to him.

I cannot conclude without informing you of an event which has happened here, which will strike you with astonishment and indignation:—Major General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He had had an interview with Major André, Adjutant General of the British Army, and had put into his possession a state of the army of the garrison at this post, of the number of men considered as necessary for the defense of it, a return of the ordinance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in case of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, Major André was taken in returning to New York, with all the papers in General Arnold’s hand writing; who, hearing of the matter, kept it to himself, left his quarters immediately, under pretext of going over to West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour before my arrival; then pushed down the river in the barge, which was not discovered until I had returned from West Point in the afternoon, and when I received the first information of Mr. André’s capture. Measures were instantly taken to apprehend him, but, before the officer sent for the purpose could reach Verplanck’s Point he had passed it with a flag, and got on board the Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the Marquis, the north and middle redoubts; and from the circumstances was so straightened in point of time, that I believe he carried with him but very few, if any, material papers; tho he has very precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The gentlemen of General Arnold’s family I have the greatest reason to believe, were not privy in the least degree to the measures he was carrying on, or to his excape.

Go. Washington.

Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life? A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all. Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”

Benedict Arnold

We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death, on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict, the traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741; and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called, Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship Outram from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs, before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death, which occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.

FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:

[48] Bancroft, vol. 10, p. 388 says: When they had delivered André to Col. Jameson they “went their way not asking a reward for their services or leaving their names.” John Jameson practically confirms this in the letter he wrote to General Washington at the time. In full it reads:

North Castle, Sept. 27th, 1780.

This will be delivered you by John Paulding, one of the young men that took Major André and who nobly refused any sum of money that he should demand. The other two young men that were in company with him are not yet found; as soon as they arrive they shall be sent on. I have just seen L. Kennecut. He thinks it will be impossible for him to go below again; he begs your instruction and assistance; almost all his furniture, clothes and money are below. Some of the slanderers from above have stole his horses which makes him very poor; he has gone down between the lines to try to get out some of his things and to give notice to some people that have assisted him in his business.

I should take it as a particular favour if you would use your influence with Governor Clinton to have some board appointed to enquire into and determine the horrid practice of plundering that is carried on in this part of the country. I have no doubt but that the plunderers above and below are connected. If some proper board could be appointed or the commanding officer on the lines vested with proper authority from Governor Clinton many petty villains near the lines may be detected I make no doubt who hold a correspondence with DeLancey’s Cow Boys. I am very sorry that I wrote to G— Arnold. I did not think of a British Ship being up the River and expected that if he was the man he has since turned out to be that he would come down to the troops in this quarter in which case I should have secured him. (I mentioned my intention to Major Tallmadge and some other of the field officers all of which were clearly of opinion that it would be right) until I could hear from your Excellency. The Queens Rangers I am informed marched from Oyster Bay last Saturday for Kingsbridge, the 17th on Sunday and some others ordered to hold themselves in readiness. Two British Officers went on board the Vulture just above Tarrytown they were out in the country cloathed in mean ragged country cloaths and at the river side changed them for fine laced regimentals. Some gentleman came out from Kingsbridge about a fortnight ago with a handkerchief full of gold; changed his clothes for an old sack coat and pushed up the North River. I am with regard and esteem Your Excellency’s most Obedient and very humble servant

John Jameson.

[49] Paulding died in 1818, and in 1827 the Corporation of the City of New York placed a monument over his grave in the old cemetery just north of Peekskill, reciting, “The Corporation of the City of New York erected this tomb as a Memorial Sacred to Public Gratitude.” Van Wart died in 1828, and in the Greenburgh church-yard the citizens of this county erected a memorial in “Testimony of his virtuous and patriotic conduct.” Williams died in Livingstonville, in Schoharie County, in 1831, and was buried with military honors. In 1876 the State erected a monument, and his remains were re-interred in the old stone fort at Schoharie Court House. On the spot where André was captured the young men of Westchester County, in 1853, built a cenotaph in honor of his captors.

[50] Jameson addressed another letter to headquarters on the very day of André’s execution. It is dated from Northcastle, New Purchase, Oct. 2nd, 1780, and reads:

“Sir, I have just received information that about six thousand men are embarked and embarking, some say they are destined for Rhode-Island, some for Pennsylvania, and others that they are going to Philadelphia. It is said that all the Pennsylvania refugees are to go on board the fleet. It is also said that part of their Cavalry are to go. The man I wrote to you about in my last letter, is up in this neighborhood. He tells me that he has been informed that most of the people that were friends to America in New York are confined. He is very desirous to move his family from the lines, but says that he is not able. A party of the inhabitants and some of my men have killed two of DeLancey’s men and three prisoners. One of the prisoners was so badly wounded that he was left on Parole. The inhabitants are very desirous to have the prisoners exchanged for some men of their own company that are prisoners now in the sugar-house. I am with esteem, Your Excellency’s most obedient, and very humble servant.

“John Jameson.”

[51] Colonel Richard Varick was born in New Jersey, on March 25, 1753. Making law his profession, he entered the office of John Morin Scott, in New York City, with whom he served his law apprenticeship in 1772, 1773 and 1774, and who from friendship and personal confidence embarked him in professional business as soon as he attained the years of maturity and responsibility. The Revolutionary troubles coming on, he took up his sword, being appointed sixth Captain of McDougall’s regiment on June 28, 1775. A day or two later, July 1, Schuyler made him his Private Secretary, and when the General resigned in 1776, Congress appointed Varick, September 26, Deputy Muster Master General of the Northern Department, giving him the rank, November 7, of Lieutenant-Colonel. This office he held until January 12, 1780, when all the mustering officers of the department were discharged. Varick was then on the point of retiring to civil life, when he received Arnold’s invitation to become his Secretary. Nor was he long off duty after the traitor’s family was broken up, as he favorably impressed the Commander-in-Chief, who appointed him Recording Secretary under resolution of Congress in the spring of 1781, for the purpose of arranging his military correspondence for preservation; and this office he retained to the close of the war. Resuming his law practice in 1784, Varick rose to influence, became Recorder of the city, Attorney-General of the State, and finally Mayor, which office he held for twelve years, from 1789 to 1800. His death occurred July 30, 1831. He left a widow, formerly Miss Maria Roosevelt, of New York, who survived him a number of years. They had no children. The above, written by H. P. Johnston, will be found on p. 733 of the Magazine of American History, November 1882, copied from the original papers, then in possession of the Mercantile Library, New York City.

[52] The name of Mrs. Arnold’s baby, born that fall, was Edward Shippen Arnold. He died Dec. 15, 1813.

AFTERMATH

None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile, his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11, 1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:

“The conduct of Arnold, since his arrival at N. Y. has been such, that though he knows not a single link in the chain of my correspondence, still those who have assisted us in this way, are at present too apprehensive of Danger to give their immediate usual intelligence. I hope as the tumult subsides matters will go on in their old channels.

“Culper, Junr. has requested an interview with me on Long Island on the 13th inst, but in the present situation of affairs I believe it would be rather imprudent. What makes it peculiarly so at this time is the swarm of Refugee Boats which cruise along the shore of Long Island. I have wrote Culper, Junr. assuring him that his name or character are not even known by any officer but myself in the army, tho should your Excellency wish to have me meet Culper, Junr. I will appoint an interview at any time, with great Regard Regard[54]

Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient sert.

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

In reply to this General Washington wrote:

“Dear Sir, I recd. your favr. of the 11th, with C. Senior’s enclosed. I think you were right in declining an interview at this time, as the enemy would act with more than common rigor just now should an officer be taken under circumstances the least suspicious—I should be exceedingly glad to hear from C. Junior, because all my accounts from other quarters are very defective as to the number of troops to be embarked, or, indeed, whether an embarkation is seriously in contemplation. The last account was of the 13th, and it was then said the expedition was delayed for some purpose or other.”

General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress (No. 20645):

“Unluckily, the person in whom I have the greatest confidence is afraid to take any measures for communicating with me just at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly have some knowledge of the connection and may have him watched.”

Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq., replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:

“729. 462. 20th, 1780

“Sir, Yours of the 30th of Sept. & 6th of October are now before me. In answer to the first, W-s assurances are as much as I could expect. When I conclude to open another route you shall be informed of it. I do not choose that the person you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.

“I am happy to think that Arnold does not know my name. However, no person has been taken up on his information. I was not much surprised at his conduct, for it was no more than I expected of him. Genl. Clinton has introduced him to the General officers on parade as General Arnold in the British service, and he is much caressed by General Robinson. This will tend to gloss his character with the venal part of the enemy, but the independent part must hold him in contempt; and his name will stink to eternity with the generous of all parties.

“I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom I knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did for Major André. He was a most amiable character. General Clinton was inconsolable for some days; and the army in general and inhabitants were much exasperated, and think that General Washington must have been destitute of feeling, or he would have saved him. I believe General Washington felt sincerely for him, and would have saved him if it could have been done with propriety.

“The long time I have been out of town prevents my giving you any information of consequence. The army which embarked last week are generally supposed intended to make a diversion in Virginia or Cape Fear in North Carolina, to favour Lord Cornwallis—They take but few horses, but a number of saddles with an intention to mount a number of dismounted dragoons who are going with them. The Cork and English fleets are, I expect, arrived by this. I hope and expect that all my letters are destroyed after they are perused. I am yours &c.

“Samuel Culper Junior.”

Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,(129) in which he says: “C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on October 17th, and in a note of his own(130) says: “As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.”

* * * * *

Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington, saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he would give attention to the Culper messages.

* * * * *

The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as translated, it reads:

“Dear Sir. Your favour of the ee instant came to hand, and observe the contents. Your desire to have a shorter conveyance opened hath been repeatedly urged from time to time. I have this day returned from New York, and am sorry to informe you that the present commotions and watchfullness of the Enemy at New York hath resolved C. Jur. for the present to quit writing and retire into the country for a time.—Most certainly the enemy are very severe, and the spirits of our friends very low. I did not think myself safe there a moment, and as nothing is like to be done about New York, perhaps it may not be much disadvantage to drop it for a time, and if need requires C. Junr. will undertake again, and in the interum if anything in particular is wanted to be known, shall be ready to serve and faithfully transmit what I may know. The enemy’s Fleet left the Hook on the 17—and very probable this moment are landed in Virginia. They were in case of a separation to rendezvous in Hampton Roads. Another embarcation is thought will take place soon, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, and is thought will proceed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. The sum of their intention is you may depend, to exert their whole force against the Southern Provinces. The Militia together with their ships and about four thousand regular Troops are to defend New York this winter. The English fleet consisted of about fifty sail the better half merchantmen. The best information that can be collected says the recruits do not exceed twenty five hundred men with one general officer. They have had a short passage and are not very sickly. A Cork fleet is daily expected, and the enemy are in fears about them. Should they not arrive it would ruin them and the inhabitants of Long Island. The French have taken twenty six sail of outward bound East and West Indiamen, five of them were bound to the East Indies. The 17th Dragoons in about five days will be at Musqueto Cove, handy to take some of the gentlemen. They are now at Cedar Swamp—The enemy are foraging in these parts, with a very small guard of Militia Troops. I yesterday saw a guard of 17 men following one hundred and five Brigade Wagons. Most certainly they will be this way in three or four days, and expect they will go to South Hampton. Yourself with fifty men might do as you would with them. They are much off their guard. I think if you undertake and call on me you will do something handsome. Arnold is about to publish an address to his County Men, which am fearful may do you much harm, assuring all officers and men countenance and protection, that may come in, and have the same rank in the British service as they have now in your army. Thus sir, have communicated as much as possibly could—and in the mean time Remain your most obed. Humbl. Servt.

“Saml. Culper.”

The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those friends of their country were captured by the British in New York. Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:

“Setauket, November 12th, 1780

“Dear Sir.—Your favour of the k instant is received—and observe the contents—In answer to your first question I again inform you, that I was at New York about the 20th of last month. I then, with the advice of C. Junr. and others, transmitted you the most accurate account of the embarkation under Genl. Mathews that could possibly obtain, and assured you of their going to Virginia, as also of another embarkation bound to the Southward, then just in embryo—which were positively to sail three days ago. said to amount to 1300 men. I then informed you of the severity and watchfulness of the Enemy. Several of our dear friends were imprisoned, in particular one that hath been ever serviceable to this correspondence. This step so dejected the spirits of C. Junr. that he resolved to leave New York for a time. I earnestly endeavoured to prevent it but could not, so that I have no person there now that I can send the Express to that can rely upon.—In respect to the different corps and numbers that have embarked and those within these lines, I cannot ascertain, neither do I think it can possibly be done properly, for this reason. The Enemy make it a rule to supply every embarcation almost with draughts from every Regt in their army. The beforementioned reason, together with some other difficulties that attend me at this time, prevents me from making the attempt to give you a return of the enemy, and hope you’ll excuse my non complyance. Austin Roe returned from New York two days ago. The Cork Fleet was not then arrived. The Enemy in great fears about them. I think they must fall into your hands for the want of provision if the fleet should miscarry. The last accounts from England say that 23 line of Battle Ships belonging to the Russians and Danes were at Spithead—What can this mean. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead. The Hessian Yeagers at Jericho and Oyster Bay. There’s troops at Jamaica and Flushing, which is all I can say. Last Thursday there was a hot press in New York to man Admiral Rodney’s Fleet which is about to sail, said for the West Indies. There’s now 13 sail of the line besides Frigates Laying in Gardiner’s Bay at the eastward. There’s a very intelligent person gone to New York now, on the same account. Have taken the liberty to direct Brewster to cross again on the 19th instant when shall hope to hear from you. After that shall make one more appointment, as I intend to visit every quarter of the enemy if possible, and write you fully as I expect the winter will soon prevent the communication and in the Spring if need requires by some means or other will if possible open it again on a better footing. Depend my endeavours shall continue, as I hope never to lose sight of our cause, truly sensible our all is at stake. I greatly desire to see you but little hope of it at present, and conclude your affectionate Friend and Humble Servt.

“Saml. Culper.”

In homely words Brewster modestly records one of his brave exploits on a sheet accompanying the above letter, which reads as follows:

“Fairfield, November 13th, 1780.

“Dear Sir. Returned this evening from the Island. I left on Saturday. Culper was not at home and had to weight till this morning for him.

“Forrage is at Corum yet in stack where tavern is kept. Their remains about forty Ruffigeus yet at Mastick on Mr. Smith’s place. They have no connon, nothing but muskets.

“I took a prize a coming across today. A fine large boat from New Haven, which had been to carry passengers over. We run up long side of them and made them believe we came from Lloyd’s Neck. They enformed me who secreted the persons in New Haven four weeks and their connections, and I wrote it all down before they found out their mistake. We up sail and came off together and they engaged to pilot us to a gard on the west side of New Haven harbour to take them. We got two thirds across the Sound before they found out their mistake and I got them safe under guard. I am Dear Sir, your most obedient humbil servant,

“C. Brewster.”

Major Tallmadge quickly responded to the advice of Culper and Brewster. Indeed, so quickly that Fort St. George was captured sooner than Woodhull expected it would be.(131)

A TYPICAL WASHINGTON LETTER

See page 191.

Years afterwards, Major Tallmadge’s account of this expedition was written for his “Memoirs.” Another officer, one of the party, who had accompanied Brewster on several occasions, fresh from the smoke of the battle, wrote in detail to a friend an account of the expedition. As until now his account has never been published, it is here carefully copied:

“Fairfield, November 26, 1780.[55]

“My dear Friend—I am at a loss how the account stands between us respecting letters, but as it is immaterial at present if I am in debt to you, I now propose to myself the pleasure of paying it, and if it brings you in debt I am sure you will take pleasure in discharging it, however as this is a mere subject of ceremony, will quit it, and tell you a small story of a tour we have had to St. George’s Manor, on Long Island. We arrived in this town from North Castle ye 16th Instant. Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, myself, and 40 dismounted Dragoons. The weather and want of provisions detained us here until 21st, when we embarked on board 8 whale boats, and in a few hours landed at the Old Mans on the Island. A severe storm prevented our doing any thing until the evening of the 22d, when we began our march with the addition of about 20 men, boatmen, and at 4 o’clock in the morning of the 23d, attacked and carried Fort St. George, (on Major Wm. Smith’s Farm) in a few minutes without the loss of one man.

“It is a very pretty built strong place. The works was completed a few days before. They were completely surprised. We tarried there until about 7 o’clock, when we began the march back and on the return burned about 300 tons of forage at Coram, collected for the British Army. We arrived at our boats about 6 o’clock, and at eleven landed safe at this place, more fatigued and more pleased than I ever was in my life. In little more than twenty-four hours we marched 40 miles and crossed the sound 20 miles wide.

“The Fort is built right west from Mr. Smith’s new house, about the same distance that the old house is from the new. It is four square, about ninety feet square. The parapet from the bottom of the ditch is about 10 feet high, the ditch about 4 feet wide and 3 deep. Besides this is a strong row of Abbatis entirely around the Fort. From the N. E. corner of the Fort to ye N. W. corner of the old house to ye N. E. of the new house and from the S. W. (  ) the new house to the S. E. corner of the Fort (  ) of the fort is on the east side, and opens under cover of this strong stockade. Having fully described to you this post will just mention the mode of attack.

“When we arrived within about three quarters of a mile of the place, I was ordered to the command of 15 men to gain the front of the Fort and there lay concealed until the alarm was given from the other way, by the main body under Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, and Lieut. Brewster. I came very close to the Abbatis undiscovered and as soon as the alarm was given, pushed over the Abbatis ditch and parapet, with little opposition, without the loss of one man and without discharging one musket on my part, and met Lieut. Brewster just entering the gates. He came through the entry of the house, followed by the main body, except a small party which filed off and attacked at the same time the old house. The poor dogs had not time to rub their eyes, or gasp before they were obliged to cry Quarters. A musical sound. Here was a scene my friend, of war my eyes never beheld nor description cannot equal. The cries of the wounded in the agonies of death. The screeching of the women and children while the parent and friend were entreating pity and compassion, called forth every tender feeling, yet add to these the shouts of the veterans it gives a pleasing lustre to the triumphs of a soldier.

“We had one man wounded. The enemy about 7 killed and wounded. Prisoners: 1 Lt. Coln. and 1 Capt. half pay. One lieutenant and 50 rank and file. Some were paroled and we have about forty, which I move off to West Point with tomorrow. This tour will take me 7 or 8 days, soon after which I hope to see you, as it grows time for winter quarters and very probably we shall come some where in Connecticut.... You must excuse inaccuracies as I write in haste. Adieu.

“Thos. Tredwell Jackson.”

There was too much transpiring in the fall of 1780 to permit using all the intelligence in its chronological order. It is therefore necessary to return to the closing days of September to examine the rest of the correspondence. On September 27th Woodhull wrote, saying:

“Inclosed you have C. Junr’s Blank, which I trust contains all that may be known in and about 727. And have only to mention the departure of the en Dragoons from Smith Town and are now at Jericho. None but Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, is at Lloyd’s Neck, nor none except the en Dragoons eastward of Jamaica. A number of Refugees have built a Block House on Jesse Arthur’s Farm for the purpose of cutting wood on the lands of Mr. Treddle and Platt. Queens Rangers is at Jamaica. Let 725 come again 462 the 5. In the interim am yours,

“Saml. Culper.”

Again on the 8th of October he wrote:

729—462—0th, 1780.

Sir. 708—356 of the fi of 616 came to hand, together with the enclosed blank, the lines of which were easily discovered and some sentences could be read. The paper being so bad I judge is the reason. To prevent the like for the future have forwarded you some good paper which please make use of for that purpose alone. The 174 return’d last night from 727 but without a blank from C. Jur. The present commotion that hath risen on account of that infamous Arnold, together with little or no intelligence at this time was the reason that he did not write. That have only to say the Enemies embarcation goes on but slow. They don’t seem to act with spirit about it. Culper Junr. is to be with me on the ef instant, if no unforeseen accident doth prevent. If possible, and think proper, come and see him. It may be of mutual advantage. There appears nothing in the way but the dangers of the Seas, and hope this invitation will come to hand timely for the purpose. Have just heard that Capt. Cornelius Conklin with a boat’s Crew hath fell into the hands of the refugees near Treadells Banks with the loss of Lieut. Ketchak Killd Dead. Their misfortune is owing to Abijah Tooker of Seatauket. Have nothing further to ad, and am yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

Comparatively few letters from this period to the end of the war have survived. The next is Woodhull’s, as follows:

“New York, December 24, 1780.

“Sir. I yesterday returned from New York and shall now communicate all that have been able to collect. General Arnold saild on the 20th instant, from Sandy Hook, with a detachment not exceeding sixteen hundred men, consisting of British, Germans and volunteers. Arnold is intrusted with the command of a Military Chest where he may give and take thousands. Coll. Simcoe with part of his regiment is gone with him. Various are the conjectures concerning their destination. Some say to the West Indies, some to the Carolinas, some to the Floridas, others to Virginia. The latter the most probable, as a very noted Refugee, (I think by the name of Charles Williams) formerly an inhabitant of the beforementioned place, is gone with a large quantity of goods suitable for cloathing negroes. I am told Arnold’s having the command is displeased many of the independent gentlemen of the Army, and is called by some the Rebel Fleet. The enemy have certain accounts of a large fleet sailing from France, and in consequence thereof, four thousand Troops may be expected to arrive shortly at New York or to the Southward.... Admiral Rodney hath sent a considerable number of prisoners, both masters and seamen, to England, a step unheard of heretofore, which drew tears from our unfortunate countrymen. I hope you’ll endeavour to exchange as many as possible, for the prisoners will suffer more this winter than ever, as the tender and well disposed inhabitants are debarred from sending them any assistance without endangering themselves....

“Samuel Culper.”

A mystery concerning the next letter remains unsolved. It appears to have taken three months to get to Tallmadge. It is an invitation from Arnold, inviting him to become a traitor, like himself. In forwarding a copy of it to General Washington Major Tallmadge says:

Wethersfield, Jan. 28th, 1781.

Dr. Genl. Enclosed your Excellency will receive a copy of a letter from B. Arnold[56] which has this day come to hand. I am equally a stranger to the channel through which it was conveyed, the reason why it was so long on its way, or the motives which induced the Traitor to address himself thus particularly to me. I have determined to treat the Author with the contempt his conduct merits, by not answering his letter, unless Your Excellency should advise a different Measure....

Benj. Tallmadge.

Woodhull’s letter of February 8th, 1781(132), predicts success. He thinks it is not far distant, but nevertheless he urges vigilance and activity. He pleads in behalf of Samuel Townsend[57] who as a British prisoner is suffering severely. He calls to mind that all the money General Washington has been able to send him in the last twelve months is 29 Guineas.

Brewster had a letter to accompany this on its way to General Washington.(133) He captured a boat and with it eight persons, whose names he forwarded. They reached Fishkill and from there General Parsons also reported to Headquarters, but mentions only six men instead of eight. He suggests the exchange of two of the leaders of the British crew for Major Brush and Captain Conklin. General Washington from New Windsor, on Feb. 23d, questions Brewster as follows:

“Sir. I have recd. yours of the 14th. Your return mentions the names of eight persons sent to the provost Guard—General Parsons says(134) only six were committed. You should enquire of the corporal who had them in charge, how this happened. You will dispose of the Boat and what you took in her for the benefit of the captors.”

Culper Senior’s next letter, dated March 18th, 1781,(135) mentions that “C. Junr. is again in New York and entering into business again as heretofore, and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches,” but his letter following(136) on April 23d, states that they have found it necessary to employ another man to collect information. He says that Culper Junior has recently visited him, but that he will not send a letter out of New York on any account. It might have discovered them to put in a letter the reason for this. In fact Robert Townsend preferred the risk of the long trip to putting on paper the information for Woodhull. At that moment the British had information that might lead to their identity. William Heron, otherwise known as “Hiram, the Spy,” clever agent for Sir Henry Clinton, and good friend of our General Parsons, had reported to British Headquarters in a communication dated February 4th, 1781, that “Private dispatches are frequently sent from New York to the Chieftain here (George Washington) by some traitors. They come by the way of Setalket, where a certain Brewster receives them at, or near, a certain womans.” Townsend must have trembled when he discovered that Clinton had this information and perhaps his trip to caution Woodhull was made none too soon.

If the secret service was to be continued money was now badly needed. In another chapter will be explained the efforts General Washington was making to procure it. Doubtless Major Tallmadge explained this to Culper Senior, who thereupon agreed to finance the work. From Newport, Rhode Island, on April 25th, 1781, Major Tallmadge sent this information to General Washington in the following note:

Sir. In my late interview with Cr. the matter of a future Correspondence, to be rendered more regular and advantageous, was fully discussed. The plan which he has consented to adopt, on certain conditions, is for him to remain for the most part on Long Island and C. Junr. whom he thinks might be engaged again, to reside constantly at New York. That some confidential person must of course be employed to carry dispatches as it would cause suspicions which might lead to detection if either of the Culpers should be frequently passing from New York to Setauket, &c. they being men of some considerable note. What he will of course want will be a sufficient sum of money to defray the contingent expenses which as living at New York and traveling an Long Island is very dear, the expenses accruing must be considerable. C. Senior observes that he is already considerably in advance for the business, which from its situation and other circumstances he is sorry to believe has been of but little service to your Excellency the last campaign. He further observes that if in the present state of our public affairs it should be found difficult to furnish money for the purpose, he will advance 100 guineas or more if needed, receiving your excellency’s assurance that it shall be refunded by the Public, with reasonable interest, after the War. This money to be expended and properly accounted for whenever demanded. These are the outlines of the plan which Culper proposed, and which I promised him to communicate to your Excellency. If the whole or any part of it should be satisfactory, I shall immediately communicate the necessary instructions....

Benj. Tallmadge.

Promptly before the end of the month came orders to Major Tallmadge to re-engage the Culpers. From Headquarters at New Windsor General Washington wrote:

Your two favors of the 24th and 25th have been duly received. Fully impressed with the idea of the utility of early, regular and accurate communications of the kind in contemplation, I shall make no difficulty in acceding to the proposal contained in your private letter from New Port of the 25th. But at the same time I am engaging in behalf of the United States a liberal reward for the services of the C——s, (of whose fidelity and ability I entertain a high opinion) it is certainly but reasonable, from patriotism and every other principle, that their exertions should be proportionately great, to subserve essentially the interest of the Public. All the interior and minute arrangements of the Correspondence, I request you will settle with them as expeditiously and as advantageously as may be: and especially that you will urge, in very forcible terms, the necessity of having the communications as circumstantial, frequent and expeditious, as possible. The great object of information you are very well acquainted with—such as, Arrivals, Embarkations, Preparations for Movements, alterations of Positions, situation of Posts, Fortifications, Garrisons, strength or weakness of each, distribution and strength of Corps, and in general every thing which can be interesting and important for us to know. Besides these, you are also sensible there are many things, upon a smaller scale, which are necessary to be reported: and that whatever intelligence is communicated ought to be not in general terms, but in detail, and with the greatest precision.

At present I am anxious to know (for the reports have been very numerous vague and uncertain) whether another embarkation is preparing, and if so to what amount, and where destined. What the present force of the Enemy is; particularly on Long Island, in New York and at King’s Bridge. What Corps are at the latter place, how strong, and where posted exactly—and indeed what the situation, prospect, and designs of the enemy are, so far as they can be penetrated into.

The need of this information was anticipated both by Major Tallmadge and by the Culpers. Therefore much of it was in the intelligence forwarded by Culper Senior on May 8th.(137) That trip was quickly followed by another, from which he returned on May 19th, and wrote:

Sir. Your very pressing letter of the 3d inst. came to hand. And it is a matter of grief to me that I cannot completely execute your request. When at New York myself, together with Culper Junior almost racked our invention to point out a proper person and made several attempts but failed—no person will write. The enemy have got some hint of me for when passing at Brooklyn Ferry was strictly examined and told some vilian supported a correspondence from this place. I do assure you am greatly alarmed—and wished to be relieved from my present anxiety. I shall not think it safe for me to go to New York very soon—and can only supply you with verbal accounts as hath been the case for some time. If that will answer let me know as shall continue as heretofore until I hear from you. Austin Roe came from New York yesterday, who saith, Culper Junior informed as is the following.—Admiral Arbuthnot together with the troops mentioned in my last, sailed on Sunday last supposed to stop up the Delaware. And is something expected that Admiral Arbuthnot will soon appear at Block Island. The enemy have impressed 300 of your prisoners and put them on board of the ships of war—this is fact—Nothing material from any other quarter except a late arrival from Europe, and brings a prospect of peace. See the paper, and private accounts declare that the Russian Ambassador hath left the Court of Britain. I believe this is fact. I intended to have wrote you a very long letter but have not time now, but have neglected nothing that is of importance. Capt. Hazard with a party of refugees are about to take up their quarters again at Fort St. George. In haste am Yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

The above was followed by his letters of May 27th(138) and June 4th(139) and then on the 27th of June he wrote, saying:

Your letter of the 23d instant was handed me yesterday by Mr. S. and observe the contents. Sorry it had not arrived one day earlier, that might have directed Austin Roe, agreeable thereto. I cannot think I would be safe in going to New York for reasons mentioned heretofore and the most can do in complyance with your very urgent request, is, have engaged a faithful and capable friend to report to me agreeable to your queries, on the 4th of July. Sooner could not obtain it.

Below is the report of Austin Roe this moment returned from New York and communicated to him by our late correspondents. A Cork Fleet just arrived at the Hook, numbers and particulars unknown—Arbuthnot’s Fleet cruising off the Hook. Accounts from the South favorable. Coll. Ludlow’s and the Jersey volunteers have left Lloyd’s Neck and are now at Jamaica. The Yeagers and Anspach Regiment amounting to about 800 men crossed Hell Gate yesterday on to York Island. The 17th Dragoons and mounted Yeagers are about Islip South. The enemy expect an attack and are contracting their lines, and collecting in force at the Bridge. There appears a greater number of Transports in full view about New York now than some time past but no Ships of force. Inclosed you have the papers, and believe me to be yours Sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

N.B. The Enemy have no more than six sail of the line.

It would be possible to name several who were at this time trying to commit to paper the intelligence the Culpers found it too dangerous to attempt. Probably not more than three or four letters from any one of these individuals was written, and that mostly from information furnished verbally by the Culpers. Little appears to have survived of that which must have reached Headquarters during the Yorktown Campaign. Among the shortest and most welcome intelligence was a note inspired by verbal information furnished by Robert Townsend with the preliminary announcement of peace. This reads:

May 5th, 1782.

Sir. Your correspondent being absent which occasions my writing you the news here, which is as follows, just come to hand through the first channel. A cessation of arms is ordered, to take place within these lines both by Land and Sea—and terms of peace are given to Congress, but the conditions is here unknown, but generally supposed Independence is offered. The Enemy still continue to fortify, nevertheless, both on York and on Long Island. I have nothing further to inform you of but hope soon to have peace in our land—And am yours, &c.

Samuel Culper.

Written on the same day of the month two months later a long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s clears what has been a mystery to some members of the Townsend family.(140) With all his ingenuity Dr. Peter Townsend, the nephew of Robert, never succeeded in getting from him a syllable as to the part he played in the struggle for American Independence. It was common for him to relate experiences of others but his own were never mentioned. One day during his lifetime the young folks discovered among his effects a uniform looking suspiciously British. They knew him to be in sentiment a Whig and an uncompromising Federalist, and in amazement they questioned him as to the uniform. He admitted that at one period during the war he was obliged to stand on duty in the front doorway of British officers headquarters. Frequently thereafter the family would tease him by referring to this but although it appeared to greatly embarrass him he never gave them further enlightenment on the subject. Woodhull in this letter says: “Carlton’s called a Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them do Soldiers duty in the city without distinction. The first Gentlemen in the City stand at Officer’s doors Soldier like.”

* * * * *

From Newburgh on August 10, 1782, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

“I wish you without delay to open again, or at least to renew effectually, the channel of intelligence through the C..s. I know your correspondents have heretofore, in general, been well informed and that the only great difficulty has been in the circuitous route of communication.”

The answer to this is dated Newtown, August 18, 1782.

“Sir: I have had the honor to receive your Excellency’s letter of the 10th inst. in consequence of which I immediately repaired to Fairfield, and effected an interview with S. G. to whom I communicated the purport of Your Excellency’s letter. At the same time I forwarded, by him, similar instructions to S. C. Senior and Junr. The absence of Capt. Brewster on a short cruise to the eastward, may perhaps occasion some delay, but I cannot but believe my correspondents will exert themselves on this occasion, as I have wrote pressingly on the subject.

“From some intimations I have reason to believe that a certain Character, in great repute among the Refugees and very particularly intimate with Col. Upham A.D.C. to Genl. Clinton, would be happy in an opportunity to render important services to the State and army. His character is by no means notorious, but very sagatious. I have ventured to write him on the subject of intelligence, and have great hopes from his services.

“I must again repeat to Your Excellency the necessity of having a sum of money, as well as a little stain, forwarded for the use of this Communication—to the want of both these articles I presume may be attributed in some measure, the declination of this correspondence.

“I have the Honor to be, With the highest esteem and regard, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient servant,

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

Repeated requests that his letters be destroyed was now probably complied with, for with one exception only stain letters can be found and they cannot now be deciphered.

This last of the Culper Junior letters to survive contained welcome news for weary soldiers: It was carried by Robert Townsend into Westchester County, where he met Major Tallmadge, who forwarded it to Washington. Dated September 19, 1782, it reads as follows:

“The last packet, so far from bringing better news to the loyalists, has indeed brought the clearest and unequivocal Proofs that the independence of America is unconditionally to be acknowledged, nor will there be any conditions insisted on for those who have joined the King’s Standard.

“It is said that an Expedition is now forming at N.Y. and by many conjectured to be against the French Fleet &c. at Boston; a number of British Troops were embarking when I left the city on the 14th and 15th inst. But I conversed fully with one of Carleton’s Aides on this subject, who told me that I might depend they were bound to the W. Indies or Halifax. For my own part I have no expectation that they think of any offensive movements. The above gentleman, with whom I am most intimately connected, informed me that it is now under consideration to send all the B. Troops to the West Indies and to garrison the City with the jagers and new raised corps for the present.

“A fleet is now taking in water at Staten Island and another at White Stone—various conjectures about their destination. It is a fact that a fleet is going to Charlestown to bring off that Garrison.

“A packet is just about sailing for England and another will follow very shortly, and Sir Guy himself says that he thinks it not improbable that the next Packet may bring orders for an evacuation of N. York.

“A fleet is getting ready to sail for the Bay of Fundy about the first of October to transport a large number of Refugees to that Quarter. The Aide above referred to informs us that he thinks it probable he shall go there himself. Indeed, I never saw such general distress and dissatisfaction in my life as is painted in the countenance of every Tory at N.Y.

“The Beef Contractors had orders a few days past to cease purchasing any more for the Navy and from the appearance of things the whole fleet are getting ready for a movement.

“I am myself uncertain when the Troops will leave N.Y. but I must confess I rather believe if the King’s Magazines can be removed, that they will leave us this fall.

“The King’s wood yards are tolerably supply’d but they have no Magazines of forage.”

ENTRANCE OF GENERAL WASHINGTON INTO NEW YORK, NOV. 25TH, 1783

Major Tallmadge confirmed Townsend’s statement in his letter of March 31, 1783, and asked to be permitted to be one of the first to enter New York.(141)

At the request of the General, he sent from Litchfield on August 16, 1783, an account of the incidental expenses that had been incurred in the Secret Service work, which account is missing. One that Culper Senior submitted on July 5th, and which formed a part of it, is still preserved.

* * * * *

Accompanying this was the following letter, dated:

Brookhaven, July 5th, 1783.

Dr. Sir. Your favour of the 14th June was handed me this day—and agreeable to your request have enclosed my account for your inspection. I am unable to particularize dates for I only kept the most simple account that I possibly could,[58] for fear it should betray me, but I trust it is a just one—and I do assure you I have been as frugal as possibly could. I desire you would explain to the Genl. the circumstances that attended this lengthy correspondence that he may be satisfied that we have not been extravagant....

Saml. Culper.

It is worthy of note that both the Culpers lived for over fifty years after the war began. Some day someone may wish to put in type the story of those interesting years.

(Original in the William L. Clements Library, by whose permission it is used.)

Masked letter sent by Sir Henry Clinton inform Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany.

See page 215.

FOOTNOTES to “AFTERMATH”:

[53] 1778 it is written, but undoubtedly in error. Major Tallmadge must have had something else on his mind. He plainly meant to write 1780.

[54] Regard is repeated in the original, as above.

[55] This letter is in the Long Island Collection at East Hampton.

[56] Major Tallmadge, Dear Sir: As I know you to be a man of sense, I am convinced you are by this time fully of opinion that the real interest and happiness of America consists in a reunion with Great Britain. To effect which happy purpose I have taken a commission in the British Army, and invite you to join me with as many men as you can bring over with you. If you think proper to embrace my offer, you shall have the same rank you now hold, in the Cavalry I am about to raise. I shall make use of no arguments to convince you, or to induce you to take a step which I think right. Your own good sense will suggest everything I can say on the subject. I will only add that the English Fleet has just arrived with a very large reinforcement of Troops. I am, Sir, Your Hmbl. Servt.

B. Arnold.

N. York, Oct. 25th, 1780.

[57] This is the other Samuel Townsend. Not Culper Junior’s father, although both lived in the same community. Both had John Townsend 1st. for common ancestor, but Culper Junior’s ancestors were John, James, Jacob, and Samuel, as will be found on another page; while this man’s ancestors were George who married Mary Hawxhurst, then George who married Rosanah Coles, then Squire George who married Rosanah Youngs, the last named being his parents. He was 36 years of age at the time and was married since 1773 to Sarah Horton.

[58] This book is now in the collection at East Hampton, Long Island, where it may be examined by historians.

CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE

The necessity of transmitting information in a private manner taxed the ingenuity of many during the Revolutionary War. Clever ideas were experimented with, but none were more practical than those used by General Washington’s spies. True, when they first realized the necessity of secrecy a very crude method was adopted, originating with Abraham Woodhull and used first in his letter of April 10th, 1779. This was the use of the figures 10 for New York, 30 and 40 for Post Riders and 20 for Setauket. By July of that year Major Tallmadge had prepared pocket dictionaries for the General, the Culpers, and himself. These consisted of closely written columns of figures and words, arranged on a double sheet of foolscap paper. The words were those they would be most apt to need, extracted from a copy of Entick’s Dictionary and written in columns in alphabetical order. Then opposite each word was placed a number and this number was thereafter used to designate the word. Then there were proper names, beginning with General Washington 711, General Clinton 712, Tryon 713, Erskine 714, Vaughan 715, Robinson 716, Brown 717, General Garth 718, Lord North 719, Germain 720, John Bolton 721, Sami. Culper 722, Culper Junr. 723, Austin Roe 724, C. Brewster 725, Rivington 726. Then 37 places have numbers assigned them, and there is an alphabet for words not listed and letters for numerals. These tables were used to the close of the war.

Much more important to the Secret Service of General Washington was the use of an invisible stain which required developing with another chemical before the writing became visible. It reached the Culpers about the time the above dictionary was prepared but was first proposed to General Washington in a letter from John Jay, a facsimile of which is opposite page 52. In another chapter his brother, James Jay, tells how he invented this stain, and its practical use. It was an important factor in the success of the service and it is regrettable that no one ever sufficiently thanked the Jays for it. The Culpers were frequently asking for more of it, and General Washington, low in funds, had to depend upon James Jay to furnish it. Becoming a tax upon his resources he found it necessary to explain the situation to General Washington in the following letter:

Fishkill, Septr. 19, 1780.

Dear Sir: I am extremely sorry it has not been in my power to supply you sooner with the medicine. The disagreeable situation which I have hithertoo been in, owing to a very considerable loss I am likely to sustain by the new System of Finance, deprived me of that pleasure; for I am always happy to have an opportunity of showing that I am, with great esteem and respect, Dear Sir, Your most Obt. & hemble Servt.

James Jay.

At times, because of lack of funds to purchase it the Culpers were without the Counterpart to develop the letters from Headquarters, and sometimes they had no stain with which to write their intelligence. They guarded well its discovery, in fact so well that the matter was never mentioned historically until now although several incorrect guesses were made as to the method they used to convey their messages.

More clever than those written between the lines were their letters addressed to prominent Tories. These could be sent with fair assurance of safety. The messenger knew of course that they were not to be delivered to the party addressed and discovery of them in his possession would only have disarmed suspicion. Their only rival in cleverness was the British Headquarters, where André and DeLancey exerted themselves. Like the early attempts on the American side those used by the British were sometimes more ingenious than efficient, as exemplified in the silver bullets which were used to convey messages between Generals Burgoyne,[59] Clinton, and Howe. Experiences of several of these messengers are historically recorded. One courier being cautioned that upon no account was the message to be delivered to anyone besides General Burgoyne unless it was General Clinton himself, suspecting that he was in territory occupied by the British, was surprised when challenged, but declared himself to be a friend of General Clinton’s and asked to be taken to him. He had no knowledge that there was a Clinton on both sides and not until he found himself in the presence of General George Clinton did he discover his mistake. Then he swallowed the silver bullet, but it was too late. His action had been observed and he was immediately taken into custody, when being interrogated as to what business he had with General Clinton, and discovering some embarrassment in his answer, it was proposed to administer an emetic, to ascertain what he had swallowed with such precipitation. The idea was adopted, and the consequence was that he threw up the silver ball; which being unscrewed was found to contain important intelligence. The courier was of course hung as a spy.

General Washington believed more could be accomplished by strategy than by bullets. He was careful to conceal his plans during the war but when peace came he permitted to be published in the “Columbian Centinal” a letter which he wrote from Mount Vernon, dated July 31, 1788.[60] The following extracts from this letter give an interesting angle to the campaign around New York:

“It was determined by me, nearly twelve months before hand, at all hazards, to give out, and cause it to be believed by the highest military as well as civil officers, that New York was the destined place of attack, for the important purpose of inducing the eastern and middle States to make greater exertions in furnishing specific supplies, than they otherwise would have done, as well as for the interesting purpose of rendering the enemy less prepared elsewhere. It never was in contemplation to attack New York, unless the Garrison should first have been so far degarnished to carry on the southern operations as to render our success in the siege of that place, as infallible as any future military event can ever be made.... That much trouble was taken and finesse used to misguide and bewilder Sir Henry Clinton, in regard to the real object, by fictitious communications, as well as by making a deceptive provision of ovens, forage, and boats, in the neighborhood, is certain: Nor were less pains taken to deceive our own army; for I had always conceived, where the imposition does not completely take place at home, it would never sufficiently succeed abroad.... Your desire of obtaining truth, is very laudable; I wish I had more leisure to gratify it as I am equally solicitious the undisguised verity should be known. Many circumstances will unavoidably be misconceived, and misrepresented. Notwithstanding most of the papers, which may properly be deemed official, are preserved; yet the knowledge of innumerable things, of a more delicate and secret nature is confined to the perishable remembrance of some few of the present generation. With esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

“Go. Washington.”

Many deceptive letters were forwarded by General Washington, and of extreme interest were the experiences of those who carried them. The almost instantaneous success of those he prepared in July 1780 is mentioned in the chapter on Secret Service Secrets. Another that was equally successful Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes Smith, one time of Patchogue, Long Island, recalls in her book “Hugo.” This little work was written after a visit to the Iron Furnaces in northern New Jersey and New York, owned and operated by Peter Townsend whose daughter married the brother of Culper Junior. Mrs. Smith says:

“It was here, adown these glens, that the intercepted messenger of Washington passed with dispatches meant to delude Sir Henry Clinton into the belief that New York was the point of attack designed by the combined French and American forces. At the moment these intercepted documents were published in New York and the city put into careful state of defence, the whole forces of Washington were rapidly and silently on their route to Yorktown. This politic stroke of Washington’s is told with much spirit by many of the older inhabitants of the valley. The author heard it from the lips of Mr. Pierson, a gentleman of eighty-seven, with a mind still clear and vigorous, who had the incident from Montaigne, himself the intercepted messenger. When Washington gave him the package he carefully pointed out the route designed for him to take, and then resumed his writing, for the great man was busily employed at a small table. Montaigne saw at once the way would lead him directly under a battery of the enemy, who at that time held what is called the Clove or Ramapo Pass. He remained at the door, hesitating to obey, and fearful to explain the difficulty. Washington lifted up his head—‘What, not gone, sir!’ he cried. Montaigne then said: ‘Why, General, I shall be taken, if I go through the Clove!’ Washington bent his eyes sternly upon him, and brought his foot down heavily upon the floor—‘Your duty, sir, is not to talk, but to obey.’”

The Political Magazine in London printed the sequel to the above on page 343 of their June, 1781, issue. It is copied from the New York Gazette of April 4, and reads: “On Saturday another rebel mail was brought to this city taken last Thursday with Montaigne the post rider, who was in person brought to town by the captors. It contains a great number of letters.”[61] Several are published in full, including Washington’s, in which it is hinted that he is preparing to attack New York.

* * * * *

Masks were also used by British Headquarters to disguise the contents of important intelligence. These required two sheets of blank paper through each of which an oblong opening was cut. One of these sheets was deposited with the recipient and the other kept by the sender. A letter was then so written that the message to be conveyed could be read through the opening when the mask or cut out sheet of paper was laid over the letter. Without the mask the letter was so worded as to convey an altogether different meaning. On another page is illustrated the masked letter sent by General Clinton to inform Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany. Another illustration shows a code letter that Moody, the British spy, assisted Benedict Arnold in preparing. It is addressed to John Anderson (Major André), advising the British commander that he (Arnold) has accepted the command at West Point and will betray it. The full text of this letter will be found on page 127.

* * * * *

Besides the Stain, John Jay had a code that General Washington was familiar with, but it appears not to have been used by the Culpers. In a letter to a friend he explains its use briefly, as follows:

“I cannot omit this opportunity of giving you a cypher, Viz. Entick’s New Spelling Dictionary, printed at London in 1775, which you will easily find at Philadelphia. I bought mine at Bell’s book-store. Add twenty to the number of the page, and ten to that of the word you use. Distinguish the first column by a dot over the first figure, and the second column by a dot over the second figure. For instance, the word duration is the first word in the first column of the 139th page, and must be thus written, 159 11. Again, the word beauty is the tenth word in the second column of the 60th page, and must be thus written, 80 20. But as it may often happen that you may want to write names or words which you will not find in the dictionary, use the following alphabet in such cases:

“a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z
n m l k i h f i e d c b a l y v x t u r p w s z o y

“The design of this alphabet is obvious; use n for a, m for b, &c.”

A CODE LETTER FROM ROBERT MORRIS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON

See page 216.

The code letter that may have given General Washington the greatest thrill required still another dictionary to translate it. It was that used by Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution. On another page the closing half of one of his letters is illustrated. Historians tell us how Washington had appealed to Morris for funds to conduct the war. Sometimes he was fortunate in raising a sufficiency but at a critical period it seemed to Robert Morris that his only prospect was to obtain the needed sums from a wealthy Quaker. “How can I, friend Robert, who am a man of peace, lend thee money for the purpose of war? Friend George is, I believe, a good man and fighting in a good cause; but I am opposed to fighting of any sort.” This was the Quaker’s plea, but Morris recalled that Washington had also mentioned the urgency of funds for the secret service. That appealed to the Quaker. “The gold was dug up from his garden and handed over to Morris to forward to General Washington. His adopted son Custis says: ‘Its application to the secret service produced the happiest effects upon the cause of the Revolution in that critical period of our destiny.’”[62]

The code used by the Culpers covers too much space for reproduction here. However some of the words most frequently used have been collected and will be found on the page following, and a section of the original code prepared by Major Tallmadge for General Washington is reproduced on page 218.

This is part of the secret code used by General Washington, Benjamin Tallmadge, Robert Townsend, and Abraham Woodhull, during the Revolutionary War.

USE OF | MEANS | USE OF | MEANS | USE OF | MEANS
e | a | 711 | General Washington | 15 | advice
f | b | | | 28 | appointment
g | c | 712 | Clinton | 60 | better
h | d | | | 121 | day
i | e | 713 | Tryon | 156 | deliver
j | f | | | 151 | disorder
a | g | 721 | Major Tallmadge | 178 | enemy
b | h | | alias John Bolton | 174 | express
c | i | 722 | Abraham Woodhull | 230 | guineas
d | j | | alias Samuel Culper | 286 | ink
o | k | 723 | Robert Townsend | 309 | infantry
m | l | | alias Samuel Culper, Jr. | 317 | importance
n | m | 724 | Austin Roe | 322 | inquiry
p | n | | | 345 | knowledge
q | o | 725 | Caleb Brewster | 347 | land
r | p | | | 349 | low
k | q | 726 | Rivington | 355 | lady
l | r | | | 356 | letter
u | s | 727 | New York | 371 | man
v | t | | | 476 | parts
w | u | 728 | Long Island | 585 | refugees
x | v | | | 592 | ships
y | w | 729 | Setauket | 660 | vigilant
z | x | | | 680 | war
s | y | 745 | England | 691 | written
t | z | | | 708 | your
341 | January | e | 1 | 73 | camp
215 | February | f | 2 | |
374 | March | g | 3 | |
22 | April | i | 4 | |
373 | May | k | 5 | |
336 | June | m | 6 | |
337 | July | n | 7 | |
29 | August | o | 8 | |
616 | September | q | 9 | |
462 | October | u | 0 | |
427 | November | | | |
154 | December | | | |

A SECTION OF THE CODE PREPARED BY MAJOR TALLMADGE FOR GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES

FOOTNOTES to “CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE”:

[59] Of ten messengers sent out by different routes to Howe, not one returned to Burgoyne.—Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. VI, p. 312.

[60] In full a copy of the letter from which the above extracts are taken may be examined in the collection at East Hampton, L. I.

[61] The boldness with which some of the English magazines mentioned affairs in America during the Revolution is surprising. How many of these were inspired by Robert Townsend it would be interesting to know. In fact even Rivington might have been surprised had he discovered how often among the news items he had troubled Townsend to prepare and mail for him to the English magazines there were extra items written by Townsend that he had never seen. One that was published after the surrender of Cornwallis, calculated to destroy the morale of the troops, appears on page 676 in the December, 1781, issue of the same London magazine. It reads: “By only showing themselves one morning for a few hours near Kingsbridge, and sending the French baker boys round, to make a rattling among the broken bricks and rubbish, at the mouth of the Rariton. This was enough for him (Clinton). He instantly sent off express upon express, demanding assistance ... from Lord Cornwallis, who, at that very instant was besieged, at the distance of nearly 500 miles from New York, by that very army which still kept him in such alarm.”

[62] See Recollections of Washington by G. W. P. Custis, p. 294.

A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED

The spies were never safe; to them sometimes friends were as dangerous as foes. The British and Americans upon several occasions captured their own men, but perhaps only once was the same whale boat captured by both sides. The discovery that they were detaining their own men certainly embarrassed the British officers in this particular instance. It was no less than William Heron who by capture they were not only detaining but from him their own men had taken the boat and outfit and it was necessary for them to get his things together again. William Heron’s home was in Reading, Connecticut, and he was at the time a member of the state legislature.

Hiram he called himself in correspondence with British Headquarters, and as Hiram he was known to Washington’s secret service. Perhaps none, aside from General Parsons, knew that Heron was their most active spy, even Governor Trumbull being deceived into giving him a commission as a privateersman. His trips across the Sound with messages for British Headquarters were frequent and he was most active particularly during the weeks of Arnold’s treason. When he visited West Point he was entertained by Arnold and slept under his roof. Parsons gave him a letter of introduction in which he vouches for him and Arnold trusted him with letters he wished to reach British Headquarters.

At the time of his capture which was in April, 1781, he was negotiating to make a second Arnold of Parsons.[63] Matters were progressing nicely when he crossed the Sound and landed near Oyster Bay with messages for Headquarters. Soon he was surrounded by British troops and found himself and crew prisoners. His actions must have appeared suspicious for that they claimed to be bearers of a flag did not deter their captors from making away with the boat and all that was in it. The available correspondence on the subject is interesting. First is a letter dated Westbury 21st April, 1781.

To Major Kissam. Sir, I had the honor to receive yours this evening and have forwarded the letter to Major DeLancey immediately. The bearers of flags of truces agreeable to General Orders are to be sent back as soon as they have delivered their dispatches, but if Wm. Heron has to transact business in his private affairs on this Island, he must first obtain his Ex. Gov. Robertson’s particular leave for that purpose; and shall therefore have the honor to wait upon you, Sir, tomorrow morning at 10 o’clock, in order to see whether Heron’s request is likely to be granted, and till that time I beg to detain him at your house or any other proper place. I am with great regard, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servant,

DeWurmb, Lt. C.

Another dated Westbury 23d Apl. 1781 reads:

To Major Kissam, Cowbay. Sir, I enclose a passport for Mr. Heron, and should wish for his return to Stamford whenever the wind will permit of it. I have not yet received an answer from New York but as soon as those things wanted by Gen. Parsons shall arrive I will not fail to forward them to the General by another flag.—I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir, Your most Obedt. humble servt.

DeWurmb, Lt. C.

Probably Heron feared he would not be able to reach Headquarters. He therefore from his place of confinement addressed a long letter to Major DeLancy which unfortunately for General Parsons has been preserved. This letter explains the progress he had made since his last visit. It is dated April 24th, and reads:

“The business I had to negotiate with Genl. P——s after my return home, I paid the utmost attention to, and in order to break the ice (as says the vulgar adage) I found myself under the necessity of summoning what little address I was master of, in order to secure myself a retreat should the matter I had to propose prove disagreeable to P——s. Therefore after giving him a satisfactory account of my commercial negotiation (which I knew would be alluring to him) I introduced the other branch of the business in the following manner. I told him that in justice to the confidence he reposed in me, I conceived myself in duty bound to conceal no material circumstance from him. Impressed with this sense I begged leave to communicate the substance of a conversation I had with a gentleman at New York, whom I knew to be in the highest confidence with the Commander in chief.... ‘The terms offered by the parent state’ continued the gentleman, ‘are so liberal and generous, that I wonder at any gentleman of an enlarged and liberal mind, giving his assistance in prolonging the calamities of his country, and as General P——s is well known to possess these talents as well as great influence in the army and country, Government would wish to make use of him for the laudable and honorable purpose of lending his aid in terminating this unhappy war in an amicable Re-union with the parent State: should he undertake it, Government will amply reward him, both in a lucrative and honorary way and manner, besides, I super-added, making a provision for his son.’

“... During this conversation I observed that he listened with uncommon attention, and as it grew very late, he said it was a matter which required deliberation, he therefore postponed it to another opportunity,

“Next morning he sent for me and resumed the subject of our last or preceding nights discourse. He said he had weighed the matter and found himself, upon the strictest examination, disposed to a reconciliation and to effect which he would use his influence and lend his aid to promote it, but that he saw the embarrassments in his way in regard to inculcating such principles in the army, though he did not doubt, but in time, he could bring the officers of the Connecticut line over to his opinion. That in order to effect it he thought he could do it more to the purpose by resigning his commission, which would save every appearance of those honorary ideas, inseperable from the military profession; that he would draw after him the officers above referred to, who look up to him as a father, and that their joint influence would be exerted among the citizens, which would turn the tables in favor of Government in our State: but in consideration of those services, he must have a reasonable and meet compensation for his Commission, it being all he had to depend upon.”

Filed with the above are other papers which show that he was permitted to reach Headquarters. They are dated 25th April, 1781, and read:

“Memorandums taken of a conversation with Hiram.

“He promises to get from Genl Pa——s the following information.

“The exact state of West Point.

“What troops.

“What Magazines.

“What new works and how many Guns.

“Who commands.

“If there is a boom below Fort Clinton.

“He is to let me know what P——s wish is, how we can serve him and the method he means to point out himself. He is to tell him he can no way serve us so well as continuing in the army; that the higher his command, the more material service he can render—he is to promise him great rewards for any services he may do us. He is to hold up the idea of Monk to him, and that we expect from his services an end to the war. That during the time he continues in their army, he shall have a handsome support and should he be obliged to fly, to remind him of the Example & situation of Arnold.”... Twelve additional questions by Major DeLancy were filed on the 20th of June. The first reads: “Is it your opinion that Genl. P——s will enter so heartily as to make us hope he will take an open determined step in our favor? Should that be the case you can hold up the situation of General Arnold and say it is in his power to place himself in one equally conspicuous; and as he must loose his present property for a time the Commander in Chief will, for every man he puts in our possession pay three guineas; or should he choose it, he will specify the sum that shall be paid on such event as we shall wish taking place. In the meantime should he exert himself to give us intelligence, he need only name the recompense, and most punctual attention shall be paid to it.”

The correspondence continues:

Brooklyn, Ap. 26, 1781.

To Captain Poers, Commander of His Majesty’s Brig Argo, &c.

Sir, Major Gen. De Riedesel begs you will in compliance with the directions from Head Quarters, as you will see by the enclosed extract of a letter from the Deputy Adjt. General, order Mr. Wm. Heron’s boat which you took possession of a few days ago, back in all haste to the place where you first found her; and the men who navigated her will be sent without any delay to that place to receive their boat; and it is requested, Sir, that you will please to give such particular directions to your people, that she and everything belonging to her, may be restored to them as complete as she was found, without any further detention whatever. I have the honor to be with all respect, sir, Your very obedient humble servant.

—— ——.

Then from Westbury, under date of April 27th, 1781, the following note was forwarded by the detained men, who found upon their arrival Heron and the boat waiting for them:

“To Major Kissam. Sir, The enclosed papers will inform you that the people belonging to the Flag of Mr. Heron are to be sent to the other side as soon as Mr. Heron returns. The prisoners I hereby send, and beg you will be kind enough to guard them until they leave the Island; and in case of necessity to furnish them with provisions which shall be paid for whenever you will let me know the price thereof. The boat which was taken by the Argo brig will perhaps arrive at Hempstead Harbor to-day. I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,

“DeWurmb, Lt.C.”

Without delay they set out for Stamford and reached there just in time to fall into the hands of our General Waterbury, who treated them just as the British had on the other side of the Sound. We know now what they never suspected, that one of them, namely Heron, had recently furnished British Headquarters with information intended to enable Sir Henry Clinton to capture the spies of General Washington. Perhaps he had not quite sufficient detail. More likely the Culpers saved themselves by refusing to work as soon as the discovery was made that they were about to be betrayed. Employed with this crew of Heron’s were two whaleboat men who were also in Washington’s service. One was able to persuade General Waterbury to send him express to Headquarters. Promptly came word to release the crew and return their boat, just as the British had done on the other side. The letter was addressed to General Waterbury, Stamford, and reads as follows:

Head Quarters, New Windsor, 29, April, 1781.

Sir. Captains Scudder and Dean inform me that you had, from not being acquainted with circumstances, detained a Boat in which they had been over to Long Island. These Gentlemen were employed under my order at that time and will have occasion to cross the Sound every now and then as the business upon which they are engaged may require.—You will therefore be pleased to give them up the boat, and as I have now, in a confidential manner, intrusted you with their business, I shall hope that you will not only keep it a secret, but endeavour to assist them in the prosecution of a plan in which the public goods much interested. I do not mean to protect or countenance them in any manner of trade should they attempt to carry it on. I am, &c.

P.S. It may very probably lay in your way to obtain intelligence from New York. Should any thing material occur, you will oblige me by communicating it to me.

It was the William Heron above who made a farce of the engagement at the Setauket Church in August 1777. Putnam’s orders to Parsons were to destroy the enemy at Huntington and Setauket, bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army on Long Island, and destroy all the stores; and what he did was to capture a number of horse blankets and a dozen mounts. On page 108 of the life of Parsons will be found a part of what follows, including the original orders:

* * * * *

In August, 1777, Colonel Richard Hewlett, with two hundred and sixty Queens County Loyalists, had fortified himself in the Presbyterian Meeting House at Setauket, on the Long Island shore nearly opposite Fairfield and at the head of the little bay of that name. About the middle of the month, General Parsons prepared an expedition to surprise and capture this force. The following are the orders issued to him by General Putnam, the commander of the Connecticut Division:—

Headquarters, August 16, 1777.

You are hereby required to take under your command a detachment from the Continental Army and proceed to the sea coast near Fairfield and procure a number of boats to transport four or five hundred men, and small armed or other vessels as you find necessary and proper.

You are to make a descent on Long Island and deplete and destroy such parties of the enemy as are found at Huntington and Setauket or other place on the Island, and, if you find it practical without too great hazard, you are to retake and bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army now on Long Island.

If any military stores, magazines, provisions, forage or naval stores are found on the Island, you are to bring off and destroy them. You are to procure such information before you attempt to go on as will render the descent possible and the design practicable. If you find the position of the enemy on the Island or the ships in the Sound such as you judge will not facilitate the carrying the design into execution, you will not attempt it. This is left to your judgment. If that should be the case you will return by way of White Plains and receive further orders. You will take such men from the militia or the troops necessary for the defense of the State of Connecticut, in addition to the Continental troops, found necessary, and also a field piece. From the sea coast you will be careful to secure the return of your men to the Main in such manner and from such place as you judge most effectual after having affected the business you were sent to perform.

Wishing you success, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

Israel Putnam.

Parsons’ order of August 16, to Colonel Samuel B. Webb of his brigade, was as follows:—

Sir.—You will have your command parade in the street in front of Colonel Wyllys’ regiment at 12 o’clock, provided with arms, thirty rounds of ammunition and three days’ provisions, and march them to Crompound where you will open the enclosed, which will give you further directions. This you will communicate to no one until you march forward.

* * * * *

Fairfield, August 21, 1777.

Order of Brigadier General Parsons:

On the present expedition, ’tis of the first importance to the success of the enterprise and the credit, honor and safety of the troops, that the most exact order and discipline be observed, and the honor of our arms and the righteousness of our contest will be made manifest to the world and our enemies by the regular and orderly behaviour of the officers and soldiers. ’Tis not from base and mercinary motives, ’tis not to distress the helpless women and honest citizen we draw our swords, but from the noble and generous principle of maintaining the right of humanity and vindicating the liberties of freemen. The officers and soldiers are therefore most earnestly exhorted and strictly commanded to forbear all violation of personal property; not the least article is to be taken but by orders; we are to convince our enemies we despise their practices and scorn to follow their example. But should any person be so lost to all virtue and honor as to infringe this order, he or they may depend on the most exemplary punishment.

No officer is to suffer a soldier to leave his ranks on any pretense whatever and the greatest silence on the march is to be observed.

Saml. L. Parsons.

These orders effectually tied the hands of the men who accompanied him.

“Landing at Crane’s Neck very early in the morning, General Parsons demanded the surrender of the Post; but ‘by means of some infernal Tory’[64] says the Boston Gazette, ‘which shows how much we suffer from internal foes who get knowledge of our most secret movements and find means to convey it to the enemy’ Hewlett had obtained intelligence of the intended surprise, and protected the church so effectively by breastworks six feet high, thrown up thirty feet from the building, in which were mounted four swivel guns, that, with the means at hand, the Post was practically impregnable. The enemy refused to surrender, Parsons opened on them with his guns, but failing to make any considerable impression, and fearing that the British fleet on the Sound might be attracted by the firing, he withdrew, not, however, without capturing a quantity of blankets and twelve or thirteen horses belonging to the British, and returned to Connecticut the next day in safety.”

This expedition had long been contemplated; at least as early as March, at which time the Connecticut Legislators were in session. Parsons had received instructions from General Washington which he took with him and read in the presence of William Heron. The British, therefore, had ample time to prepare themselves.[65]

* * * * *

Henry Onderdonk in his Revolutionary Incidents of Suffolk County publishes on p. 66 the letters that passed between Parsons and Hewlett, as follows:

August 22d, 1777. Brig. Gen. Parsons, the Commanding officer of the troops of the United American Army, now investing the enemy’s Post at Setauket, to prevent the effusion of human blood, requires the immediate surrender of the Post; the officers and soldiers, and those who are under their protection, shall be entitled to their baggage, and treated with that humanity which prisoners are entitled to. Your answer is desired in 10 minutes. I am fully sensible of your condition, and as my whole strength and artillery will soon be here, if your refusal should oblige to the effusion of blood you must charge it to your own obstinacy.

The flag brought this reply: “Col. Hewlett’s compliments to Gen. Parsons, and requests half an hour to consult his officers on the subject of his summons.”

Then Parsons sent another flag: “Gen. Parsons’ compliments to Col. Hewlett, and grants 10 minutes only for consideration—longer time will not be granted.”

And back came this: “Col. Hewitt presents his compliments to Gen. Parsons, and is determined to defend the fort while he has a man left.”

The final message in this battle of words reads: “Gen. Parsons’ compliments to Col. Hewlett, and should have been happy to have done himself the pleasure of paying him a longer visit, but the extreme heat of the weather prevents him.”

In Vol. I, page 182 of Thomas Jones’ “History of New York during the Revolutionary War,” a paragraph will be found covering this exploit. It reads:

“In July (should read about August 22d) 1777, General Parsons, with 1000 men (should read about 500) and several pieces of cannon, passed from Fairfield in Connecticut to Long Island, and laid siege to a small fort at Brookhaven, in Suffolk County, garrisoned by about 300 men of DeLancey’s brigade, under the command of Richard Hewlett, Esq., of Hempstead in Queens County, Lieutenant Colonel of the 3d Battalion of that Brigade; a bold, spirited, resolute, intrepid man. He had served as an officer in the New York provincials to the preceding war, with honour, credit, and applause. Parsons took possession of some high ground at no great distance from the fort, and having mounted his cannon, he sent a summons to the garrison requiring its immediate surrender, in which case he promised honourable terms, but in case of refusal a storm should be the consequence, in which if attended with success, no quarter was to be expected. To this summons Hewlett replied, that though his garrison was not large, he had men enough to man all his works; that he had provisions and stores enough to stand a longer siege than the enemy could possibly carry on by regular approaches, with any possibility of success, before relief could be had; as to the threats of a storm, he minded them not, his garrison consisted of loyal subjects who were determined to spend the last drop of their blood in the cause of their Sovereign rather than submit to a rebel banditti commanded by a shoemaker. This answer irritated the General. He began his cannonade. It was as warmly returned by the fort ... the rebel General, after sustaining a considerable loss, drew off, embarked, and returned to Connecticut. Hewlett’s garrison was so small, and the rebels so numerous, that a pursuit would have been a piece of madness. It was therefore declined. In this expedition the rebels lost about thirty men, the garrison one.”

FOOTNOTES to “A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED”:

[63] In folio 212 of the William Smith papers in the New York Public Library a memorandum in Smith’s Diary dated August 23d, 1781, reads: “In an interview with Sir Henry Clinton this day ... he said a late letter of General Parson’s said the Rebels dealt out 10,000 Rations—He allowed for 3000 less—but I recollect that Parsons made both armies but 8000 as Henry Van Schack had it from Colo. James DeLancey who saw and delivered the Letters.”

[64] This “infernal Tory” was William Heron, a good friend and close associate of Parsons.

[65] See R. R. Hinman, Connecticut during War of the Revolution, page 419.

NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION

(101) For ten years an endeavor to discover a handwriting that corresponded with the existing documents written by Samuel Culper Junior, was continued without success, until, upon examining a chest of old documents, once the property of Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay, Long Island, a startling resemblance was discovered. This led to a critical examination of the letters written under the alias of Samuel Culper Junior, still preserved among the papers of General Washington, and it was found that the paper upon which they were written was identical. The same watermark, the same shade, the same weight, the same laid marks minutely varying one from the other on the same sheet, but corresponding exactly with all the little variations and flaws with other sheets among the Townsend Papers. The handwriting, looking so similar, was not declared identical until the world’s greatest expert, Albert S. Osborn, had examined it. The books showed accounts with Abraham Woodhull, who had already been identified as Culper Senior, and with several others known to be engaged in the secret service work. The movements of Culper Junior corresponded with those of Robert Townsend as revealed in his documents, and the stain invented by James Jay had been twice tested on documents still carefully preserved among Townsend’s effects. Long before all the evidence was discovered, it was certain that the identity of Culper Junior, that most active spy of the Revolution, had been revealed. Everything since gathered adds to the confirmation of that identity.

Handwriting that discovered Robert Townsend to be General Washington’s Culper Junior.

(102) Robert, although not yet of age, like his brother, Solomon, traveled extensively before the Revolution. From Wilmington, North Carolina, on November 22, 1774, he addressed his father as follows:

“Honored Father: I wrote you a few days since from Brunswick. Have now to advise you of my arrival here the 18th. Instant.—I am much afraid whether I shall be able to purchase any Flaxseed being very little yet come to markett.—There is considerable to come from the country, which they cant yet bring owing to the waters being so very low in river.—I am with Duty to Mother, love to Brothers & Sisters,

“Your Dutyfull Son,
“Robt. Townsend.

“P.S. Expect we shall sail about the 1st. of Decr.”

(103) Besides what will be found in these pages regarding Nathaniel Woodhull, there is much of interest that appears to have escaped the historians in the Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York. There are still preserved many letters written by cousins of Abraham Woodhull, among the most interesting of them being those from the Reverend John Woodhull, son of Culper Senior’s uncle John, and therefore one of his first cousins. In writing to his wife, he describes the Battle of Long Island as he witnessed it from a distance as follows:

“Near Midnight, Aug. 27, 1776.

“My Dear Sally:—The solemn Day is come at last,—Long Island is made a field of Blood—now the cannon & small arms make a continued roar, even at this time of Night: Day before yesterday the battle began, and with some intermission has continued till now, yea now is roaring in my ears and God only knows when it will end.

“Yesterday morning it was very hot, as yet we have no account which may be fully depended on, only that in general that Howe has landed with most of his men upon Long Island. Small parties engaged till yesterday morning, when they made an attack upon us, they were beat back three times, the last time our People pursued them too far, when a strong reinforcement of the Enemy endeavored to cut off our retreat and did us a good deal of damage, tis reported that General Sullivan and Stirling are missing. Tis also said we have made great havoc amongst them—but I can tell but very little for certainty as yet, except that there is a mighty Battle which is continuing—May a good God grant that it end in our favor and for the glory of his Name! Goodnight!”

* * * * *

“Aug. 30th, 1776.

“My Dear Sally:—Thro’ divine goodness I am very well as are our congregation in general that are here. Adam Woods has the ague. General Washington has thought proper to draw his men from Long Island, this was done last night.

“The enemy are now firing upon New York, from Long Island; our men here are drawing up to be in readiness, in case we are needed.

“How many were lost upon the Island is yet uncertain, some say we have 700 missing and that we have killed twice as many of the enemy, tho I believe it is but guess work as yet.

“Generals Sullivan and Stirling who are missing are said to be prisoners, it is also said general Grant on the other side is killed, they talk of another General of theirs Killed.

“It is reported that Col. Atly is wounded and a prisoner. Think it likely that our people will burn New York, and retreat into the chain of Forts which are above it—when that is done am in hopes our Enemies will get no farther. Poor Long Island! I know not what will become of my Relations there. May God help them. They are left to the mercy of our Cruel Enemy.

“Our men are in high spirits and I trust we shall, thro’ ye help of God soon break the power of our Foes.

“My Love to the Girls, my little son, and the Neighbors. Remember me to Elsy and the boys—and accept yourself the best affections of your....

“John Woodhull.”

(104) Abraham Woodhull meets with the inhabitants.

November 23, 1778.

Sir. The enclosed will explain to you a meeting of the inhabitants, at which I was present, and with satisfaction beheld their dijected countenances. The Commissioners sales this day in the Roebuck, it is sd. Lord Cornwallace is a going with them. The second division under Brig. Genl. Cambell that have laid some time at Sandy Hook, on the account D’Estaing sailing consisting of about three thousand troops, are to sail this day. Two ships with Troops drove to sea in a violent gale of wind from the northward about the 10th inst. and have not been heard of since. A friget sent yesterday with all expedition to Rhode Island said for transports, The Bedford in the Harbour lost her fore and Missen Mast, is to go home under Jurey Masts with expedition. She was one of four in A. Byron’s fleet that was missing after the gale of wind the beginning of the month. With her came in the Richmond Friget dismasted. The cannon and field pieces are removed from the common to Fort George. Some of the cannon on that Fort and the Battery near it are put as ballace on board several transports, on the 19th Inst. Some Capital Merchants were very buisy the day and night following in packing and putting their goods on board ships. The whole of the Kings Troops on York Island includeing out posts, doth not exceed three thousand five hundred men, and not much to be feared from the inhabitants. The whole City seaged with a Panike and a general dissatisfaction taken place.

(105) Woodhull’s longest letter.

Setauket, Feby. 26, 1779.

Sir. No. 8.

Your No. 4 and 5 came to hand. The former forgot to acknowledge the receipt of in my No. 7. The latter have carefully observed and will follow your directions. I shall now endeavour to give you as an authentic of affairs and transactions that hath past since my No. 7 (together with the state of the enemy) as I possibly can. The troops within these lines have not been augmented by any arrivals from Europe. The number consequently remaining the same, save two companies of Light Infantry from Rhode Island landed on Long Island and marched immediately for Southampton, about fifty came down to New York, said to be deserters from General Burgoin’s Army. The force of the enemy on this, Staten, Powles Hook and York Island are as follows: and think you may very safely rely upon it as I have been for some time engaged to find out the true state of the Enemy, and to correct my former accounts. The 44, 57, 63, Colls. Robinson’s and Emmerick with three German Regiments all commanded by Governor Tryon, are cantoned from King’s Bridge to and within four miles of the city. From these posts to and within the City are two Battallions of Guards, 28 Regm. Welch Fusileers, The Volunteers of Ireland, called Lord Rhoden’s Regm. and four German Regm. Also in the City are Genls. Clinton, Jones, Mathews, DeLancey, Knyphousen, with one other German Genl. think his name is Smyth—64th Regm. Powles Hook, 26, 37, one German, Colls. Buskearks and Barton’s, with Genls. Leslie and Skinner on Staten Island, Long Island and Brooklyn ferry one German Regt. 33 at Bedford, a small part of the 42 and 71 with three companies of Germans commanded by Genl. Vaughn are at New Town. One German Regm. Yaigers at Flushing, Queen’s Rangers Coll. Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment under Genl. DeLancey New Levies at Lloyd’s Neck. The 17th Regm. Dragoons, Coll. Burch and Lord Cathcart Legion are at South Hampton together with all the Grenadeers and Light Infantry belonging to the enemy within these lines, except about two hundred left at Jamaica. Their several movements to South Hampton make that body about two thousand men. They have lived upon the miserable inhabitants of Suffolk County ever since they have been in it and there is a great probability of the inhabitants wanting the necessities of life. They give receipts for cattle, hay and etc. but are not paid. They have been out of money nearly two months. I compute the whole force of the enemy to be thirty four Battallions, equal to two hundred and fifty in a battallion, and believe it to be a very just computation. I saw a private letter from London brought in the Packet that left Falmouth the 20th of November and arrived here the 24th January, which I think you may rely on, that Spain and the two Sicily’s have followed the steps of France in favour of America which compleets the whole family of the House of Bourbone. The Dutch have demanded satisfaction of his Brittannick Majesty of all damages sustained on their shipping by seasure ever since the year 1734, and His Majesty hath complyed with their request. Bergoin a discarded Lord and General Howe are both to undergo parliamentary examinations. 15 Privateers and 300 sail of Merchantmen and 2 ships of War have been lately taken by the French. No prospect of any troops being sent to America but a great probability of the King giving up the contest. This sir agrees in substance with the English papers, which I have seen up to the 3d of November. Other accounts say his Majesty will continue the war and that a large body of troops will be sent to America in the Spring, but I doubt if any troops comes, but begin to be fearful that these troops here will stay longer than some time ago I expected. I can positively inform you that Genl. Clinton had liberty from his Majesty to leave New York the first of November last on which a council of war was held and concluded it was not for the interest of the Crown to do it. I think if it had not been for the sake of the Tory’s they would have quit America then. The cannon that was taken from the Battery near Fort George and put on board the Lord Townsend transport was some time ago relanded. On the first instant a Cork Fleet, consisting of eleven sail arrived with provisions but brought no news. On the 8th six transports arrived from Hallifax under convoy of the Delaware Frigate. Same day some ships from Rhode Island with the troops before mentioned. On the 14th Instant his Majesty’s Speech was handed us from Jersy, it appears very mild and not very pleasing to the enemy; it is all we have had from England since the November Packet. It is said the December Packet is taken. There is a fleet of Victiallers and private adventurers preparing for Georgia. It is said some Troops will go in the Fleet. I think it very likely. Their convoy will certainly be weak. I do not know to be but three or four ships of war in and about the city, their ships of war are all gone to the West Indies. Six ships of the Line could now very easily block up the Port and reduce New York. It is reported fifteen hundred troops have sailed from Rhode Island for Georgia but it wants confirmation. On the 15th Inst. a fleet sailed for Ireland consisting of about ten or fifteen sail. The enemy will shortly be in great want of forage, which they will endeavour to get a supply from the Jersey’s before long, their flat boats in the King’s yard have lately been put in good repair. I frequently see General Clinton amongst the Carpenters, in particular viewing the boats. Ther’s upwards of Seventy Privateers and Letters of Marque from this port and have been very successful. A large French ship arrived here on the 15th with upwards of 500 hhd. of Sugar and 5 tons of Indigo, with some specie and other articles. Sir William Erskin is a fortifieing at and about Southampton and building flat boats, probably they intend to cross and do you some damage. On the 17th it was said a fleet was at the Hook from England but being obliged to leave the city that afternoon I can give no further account about it. Their movements puzzles the greatest politicians and I am at a loss to judge whether we shall have peace or war this Spring. I think upon the whole there is a greater prospect of war than peace. I believe now that the King will endeavour to see if his fleet can get the better of the French Fleet. If they should not he will then make peace with France and quit America. I don’t doubt but by the next appointment we shall know the determination of Parliament and give a better guess. Their success in Georgia under Campbell and as they say Adml. Byron blocking up Count D’Estaing in Martineco and Genl. Grant defeating the French with great loss at St. Lucea, hath given the Enemy fresh spirits. I cannot bear the thoughts of the war continuing another year, as could wish to see an end of this great distress. Were I to undertake to give an account of the sad destruction that the enemy makes within these lines I should fail. They have no regard to age, sex, whig or tory. I lament to hear the depreciation of your money and in particular the civil dissentions among you at Philadelphia. I think them very alarming. It sinks the spirits of our suffering friends here and pleases the enemy. Cannot the disturbers see that they are working their own ruin. Is there no remedy to apply. Better had they be cut off from the land of the living than to be suffered to go on. There’s nothing will give the enemy greater courage than Civil dissentions, and as long as there’s any hope they will endeavour. Thus sir, I have wrote you as fully and clearly as is in my power at this time, and please excuse any imperfections that you may discover. Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole the 16th. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget it. I am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred Pounds by the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have received from you. Board is £3 pr. week in New York besides other necessary expenses, postage, &c. I now conclude with my sincere regard and desire for your health and safety.

Samuel Culper.

(106) Tallmadge finds Woodhull ill from fright.

Sir. Fairfield, April 21, 1779.

Agreeable to your Excellency’s instructions I have forwarded the Vial delivered me and the directions for C——s future conduct. In answer to which he wrote, but as I wished to see him to communicate many things, I appointed an interview at Brook Haven, Long Island, where I met C. on the 16th instant, and was detained on the Island till this morning by a violent storm and contrary winds.

In addition to what C. informs by the enclosed, he has given me some memorandums. You may perceive in the close of his second letter No. 10 he mentions something respecting the transport lately arrived at New York from Rhode Island. He assures me that the business of their mission is a proposed feint, and that by diligent attention and enquiry he finds they are taking on board the remaining baggage of the troops now at Rhode Island. The conjecture among them is that they intend to evacuate that post, and by their taking their baggage from New York they cannot be returning there.

He thinks there never has been such a prospect of peace as at present. Bets are now laying 2 to 1 that there will be a peace in less than 2 months from this. Many of those who have been particularly active against us are selling off their estates. General DeLancey and Mr. McAdams in particular have proposed their estates for sale, neither of them in want of money. In England Government takes up money at most enormous interests, from 10 to 14 per cent.

The Troops at the East End of Long Island are ordered to supply themselves with forage for 14 days, and by the beginning of next month it is thought they will move westward. Most of the flat boats have moved thro’ South bay for New York.

In addition to the 20 Guineas acknowledged to have been received by Culper in the enclosed, I have handed him 30 more. He informs that his expenses are necessarily great, but whenever your Excellency may wish him to discontinue his present correspondence he will most cheerfully quit the employment, as he proposes no advantage to himself from the undertaking. I have urged by letter and verbally the plan of forwarding letters by some shorter route to Headquarters. C. wishes as much as your Excellency to hit on some more speedy mode of conveyance, but finds such a step difficult and dangerous. That same Brown at Bergen, whom your Excellency mentioned to me, C. informs is now in provost on suspicion of having given information of the late movement of the enemy to Elizabeth Town. If he should soon get released C. thinks he would be a very proper man for the business. He will in the mean time pay the greatest attention to the proposal. He says a man may be engaged to reside on Staten Island (if he can be supported) who will receive his dispatches and forward them at all times. In this case some person must be appointed to go across with a boat to an appointed place.

I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I forwarded Cr. Much pleased with the curious Ink or Stain and after making some experiments with the same, he was set down to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished the enclosed when suddenly two persons broke into the room (his private apartment). The consideration of having several officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant fear of detection and its certain consequences made him rationally conclude that he was suspected, and that those steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat, snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial. This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they were, or even to which sex they belonged—for in fact they were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so wrought on poor C. that he has hardly been in tolerable health since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much pleased with the Ink, and wishes if any more can be spared, to have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines.

Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.

There are some men on this side the Sound who conduct most villionously towards the inhabitants of Long Island by lying on the road and robbing the inhabitants as they pass. Cr. was the other day robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was glad to escape with his life. I know the names of several, some of whom under sanction of Commissions for cruising in the Sound land on Long Island and plunder the inhabitants promiscously.

I have now put the Correspondence with Cr. on such a footing that any letter he may forward by the old conveyance will be sent to Capt. Grinell of this place, on whom I can most implicitly depend. He will forward them to Genl. Putnam agreeable to instructions. Any instructions which your Excellency may wish to communicate to Cr. you will please to forward to me as usual, no other person being appointed in this quarter with whom he would be willing to correspond.

The bearer having some business to transact and wishing to see his friends, will return in 4 or 5 days, when your Excellency’s commands and in particular the above mentioned Ink, may be forwarded with safety. I am, with profound Respect, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Servt.

Benj. Tallmadge.

(107) Culper Senior near capture by Colonel Simcoe.

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779.

“Dear Sir, Your No 7 came to hand and have observed its contents. I Purpose this only to informe you of my Misfortune. On the 24 of April. John Wolsey returned from Connecticut being Paroled by the Company of Prisoners (although taken in a Privateer). And Lodged information against me before Coll. Simcoe of the Queens Rangers who thinking of finding me at Setauket came down but happily I set out for N. York the day before his arrival, and to make some compensation for his voige he fell upon my father and plundered him in a most shocking manner. I hearing of it and his intentions, used every endeavour to defeat his designs which I happily did in a measure by a friend of mine makeing interest with the Genl Aid and only that saved me. But I am very obnoxious to them and think I am in continual danger you will see the contents of the other letter and the proposals there made and at once see the necessity of destroying these letters after perusull.

“I was in town that night you was. I wish I had a known it. I am with esteem Yours &c.

“Samuel Culper.”

(108) Woodhull fears handwriting may betray him.

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779—  12

“Sir, Your No 7 came to hand and have duely observed the contents. It is now a long time since I have wrote you, And do assure you not through neglect but owing to the difficulty I have laboured under ever since I saw you—In my other letter I have stated the particulars. And I dre say you will be filled with wonder and surprise, that I have had the good fortune to escape confinement. And am sorry to inform you that it hath rendered me almost unservicable to you. I purpose quitting 10 and residing at 20. As I am now a suspected person I cannot frequent their camp as heretofore. And think only just residing at 10 and be obliged to take up with common reports will not answer your purpose, or make by any means compensation for the expense—I have truely the interest of our Country at heart[66] and could not wish to spend one shilling useless—I shall visit 10 as often as I can with any degree of safety—and have not as yet stoped the channel of intelligence and shall anxiously wait your directions—Weather I shall endeavour to establish a confidential friend to step into my place if agreeable direct in your next and forward the ink—When I have effected this most probable I shall come to you. And shall wish to joyne in the common defence—I shall now endeavour to give you an authentick account of the principle arrivals and departures of all fleets—foreign intelligence, and the temper and expectations of the enemy and movements since the 14th of May, all before hath been forwarded. The latter of which I am sensible can be of little or no service now but may be some satisfaction. About the 15th May sailed a Cork fleet and on the 18 arrived 12 sail from Cork with provisions and serveral private ships have arrived at different times from Europe one bringing the news of the surrender of Pondicherry in India, but I do not believe it yet. you may depend that the Cutter that said to bring the news saild some time from Ireland and of course before the last Cork fleet and they brought no such account. Provisions are very plenty at 10 and a Cork fleet is expected also a large fleet from England with ten thousand troops is said to be expected in, in about ten days. The troops that went from hence last fall for West India and Georgia it is said are about returning. I think it probable for they are very sickly in those quarters. I hear some tell us of Peace amongst you. God grant it may take place on honourable terms. But I must tell you thers less appearance of Peace here now than some time agone—And thers nothing we can hear from Europe that demonstrates it. The spirits of their troops is high, and the expectation of the Tory’s is great to admiration. I hope you will not trust to an uncertainty, but prepare for the worst. I have a long time expected to hear of your appearing in force near the Bridge and keeping them in their strongholds and hope that their present expedition may serve to further convince them of the impracticability of subduing this country. And call your army together and be upon your guard and be very industrious to find out the schemes of the Torys amongst you. Almost every action is handed down by them and men is said to pass (and I believe they do) from hence to the enemy on the frontiers. The enemy have almost intirely quit Long Island and the whole of the force on Long Island does not exceed three hundred only a few individuals left at their different stations they have likewise taken all their baggage from Long Island and on the 29 arrived their Virginia fleet with about 30 prizes mostly small schooners and a number of negroes and some white females, upon the whole that expedition is thought but little of and as the 30 sailed immediately up the river about 20 transports the Raisonable of 64 guns and 2 frigats on the 28th the army and troops in general left 10 together with all their train of artillery that stood on the common. There was not on the 3 instant one thousand troops in and about the city only one Batallion of guards and two small German Regt. to do duty in and about 10 There orders for to raise a number of men for the terme of six months out of the Militia of Kings and Queens Countys to do duty as occasion may require. This is very disagreeable to the inhabitants. On the 3 instant there was only 3 frigates in the river except those before mentioned—Thus sir I shall conclude with this request that you would upon sufficient Perusual consume it for if by any accident this or any other of my letters should fall into the enemy’s hands very probable my handwriting or some circumstance mentioned might be the cause of detection. And conclude with my great desire for your success and welfair. I remain your most obet. H. Servt. Samuel Culper. Just as I was about to seal this I saw a gentleman from 10 that said every sixth man in 10 and the before mentioned places were immediately to be Draughfet I purpose waiting at 20 until I receive an answer from you.

“S. C.”

(109) Robert Townsend now becomes chief.

Sir. No. 14. 20   June 20 1779.

Your No. 8 on the 16 found me at 20 anxiously concerned for our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out of my power to perform what I proposed in my No. 13, which I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I returned on the 19th, and my success hath exceeded my most sanguine expectations.—There hath been no arrival of any fleet from any quarter since my last—and the enemy hath not been strengthened. On the 18 Gen. Clinton went out of 10 in person to go to his camp. You may depend their whole force is up the river, and that can’t exceed 8000 men. I expect they are evacuating Rhode Island, if not all part of their troops are coming to 10, it is said four Regiments, this I have from good authority, likewise that it is certainly Gen. Clinton’s positive order and determination to burn all the fields of wheat as soon as they are dry, and intends to exert himself in that to the utmost. They have brought in many cattle. If you don’t exert yourself the country will greatly suffer. A considerable force to march towards the Bridge would make them quit the River and country, for they are very fearful of your getting New York and have frequently said they have in all but just a garrison, it is the admiration of all friends that they can hold their ground up the river. Their strength by sea is trifling. Much the same as mentioned in my last only it is said you have taken the Delaware of 28 guns. It is currently reported in New York that the enemy are entirely defeated near Charles Town, and is believed by some, and the enemy in general trembles for fear if it should be true they acknowledge that it will ruin them. In answer to yours concerning the strength of the enemy at Lloyd’s Neck and what saw mills were sawing for the use of the enemy I cannot give so satisfactory an account about the above questions as I could wish. The former shall endeavour to refer you to Capt. Cornelius Conklin, Major Brush, Capt. Rojers and some others mostly residing at Norwalk that frequently cross near there, the latter shall advise—Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment is very small, don’t exceed 150 men. The Refugees that are there are all armed and take their turn as guards with the regiment, how many I cannot tell but readily conclude they exceed the number in the regiment. I cannot tell whether there’s any cannon in the fort nor how it is situated. Coll. Hulet that commands is a brave officer. Many deserters and refugees that know they will be hanged and think they will make a desperate resistance, and think if it is done at all it must be by surprise.

Tillotson hath a Saw mill at the County House, Havens one at Moriches, Seth Worth one at Fire Place, Humphry Avery one at West Neck, Nichols and one Willets each one at Islip, Edmond Smith at Stony Brook, Samuel Phillips, Caleb Smith, Botts at Smith Town. All alike in serving the King and all professed friends to the country except Havens and Nicols. And it is the nature of the people here, they will do any thing to get money. The navigation of South Bay is now entirely stopped by Whale Boats. I am entirely against destroying property if can be avoided. Saw mills are built with little expense and if torn down no great loss to build again. If people are a mind to be obstinate the following I do not doubt will answer the desired effect. Print in hand bills, let them be conveyed over in all quarters if possible and be posted up, entirely forbidding every saw mill on the Island from stricking a stroke under penalty of destruction of their property, it will most certainly be adhered to, they never will saw no more.

They are determined to raise 400 men out out of the Militia of Long Island. The people in general much against it, and certainly will quit their homes before they will comply.

I have communicated my business to an intimate friend and disclosed every secret and laid before him every instruction that hath been handed to me; it was with great difficulty I gained his complyance, checked by fear. He is a person that hath the interest of our country at heart and of good reputation, character and family as any of my acquaintance. I am under the most solemn obligation never to disclose his name to any but the Post who unavoidably must know it. I have reason to think his advantages for serving you and abilities are far superior to mine.

I must call on you for ten Guineas which will about defray my charges with what I have received. If what I have done is disaproved of it can be dropped, but if mine was worth attention this will not certainly be of less value. You will receive a letter from him in a short time beginning at No. 1. He will expect an ample support, at the same time he will be frugal. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can. In the interim I remain Your Most Obt. Huml. Servt. Samuel Culper.

(110) George Washington to Major Talmadge.

“New Windsor, June 27th, 1779.

“Sir, Your letter of yesterday came safe to my hand, and by the Dragoon who was the bearer of it I send you Ten guineas for C——r.—His successor (whose name I have no desire to be informed of provided his intelligence is good, and seasonably transmitted) should endeavour to hit upon some certain mode of conveying his information quickly, for it is of little avail to be told of things after they have become matter of public notoriety, and known to every body.—This new agent should communicate his signature and the private marks by which genuine papers are to be distinguished from counterfeits.—There is a man on York Island living on or near the North River, of the name of George Higday who I am told hath given signal proofs of his attachment to us, and at the same time stands well with the enemy. If upon enquiry this is found to be the case (and much caution should be used in investigating the matter, as well on his own account as on that of Higday) he will be a fit instrument to convey intelligence to me while I am on the west side of the North River, as he is enterprizing & connected with people in Bergen County who will assist in forming a chain to me in any manner they shall agree on.

“I do not know who H—— employs, but from H—— I obtain intelligence, and his name and business should be kept profoundly secret, otherwise we not only lose the benefits desired from it, but may subject him to some unhappy fate....

“I wish you to use every method in your power through H—— and others, to obtain information of the enemy’s situation—and as far as it is to be come at, designs. C——r speaks of the Enemy’s force up the River as now exceeding 8000 men, but as I know he is mistaken if he comprehends their whole force I should be glad if his successor was cautioned against giving positive numbers by guess.—this is deceptions—let him ascertain the particular Corps which can be no difficult matter to do, & he will soon by taking a little pains, indirectly come at the strength of them and where they lie.

“I am Sir with esteem and regard, Yr. very H. Servt.

“Go. Washington.”

(111) Townsend’s first official letter.

“No 1 New York, 29th June, 1779

“Sir, The present offers nothing material, save that of the arrival of Capt. Mernaid, who left Plimouth the first of May, at which time the Grand fleet for this place had not sailed, and was quite uncertain when they would, and likewise that some Troops now coming out—say not more than three thousand. However as he is a Rebel we do not entirely believe it, but are much afraid that its too true.

“I was this day informed that 2 British Regts. 1 Regt, of Amsuch, Col. Fanning’s Corps & the associated loyalists, is now at white Stone, where they arrived yesterday from Rhode-Island—This I have no doubt of, as it was told me by a person who came passenger with them—He thinks they are to make excursions into Connecticut—and from what I can collect I believe they are, and very soon.

“Most of the Troops are come from Verplanks Point, and are now near and about the Boats. Several Transports are ordered to be in readiness, but no troops embarked.

“We are much alarmed with the prospect of a Spanish war—Should that be the case, I fear poor old England will not be able to oppose the whole but will be obliged to sue for a peace.

“Wou’d wish to write you more particularly, but the person going sooner than I expected prevents.

“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,

“Samuel Culper.”

(112) Townsend’s second letter.

“No. 2 10, July 15th, 1779.

“Sir, I did not mean that No. 1 shou’d be sent as it was wrote, I intended it as hints for my friend S. C. Senr., and expected that he would have wrote you more particularly—the shortness of the notice, and not at that time being sufficiently acquainted with the Character of 30, prevented my writing so particular as I wou’d have wished—However I flatter myself that it was of some service. I saw S. C. Senr. a few days ago, and informed him of the arrival of 10 sail of vessels from the West Indies, with Rum, &c. and a small fleet from Halifax, but no Troops. 12 sail of Cork Victuallers arrived on Sunday last—2 which were then missing are since arrived. Also a ship from Theneruffe loaden with wines—A Fleet, say about six sail, from Jamaica laden with Rum &c. is daily expected; they are to take the advantage of the June Convoy for England. The Romulus of 44 guns fell down to the Hook this day. The Daphni and Delaware Frigates are to fall down tomorrow, with some eight Transports which are said to be bound for Halifax. The Romulus, Daphni, & Delaware are to cruise in Boston Bay for the purpose of annoying their trade, and to intercept a number of Privateers and armed vessels which it is said are now fitting out of Boston. I have conversed with some of the most intelligent of the Masters of the Cork Victuallers, and from what I can collect from them, there will be but few Troops from England this season. Some say, who I am certain do not wish it, that there will not be more than 4 Regiments to this place. Ireland is almost to a man against the present administration, and that most loyal of all Countrys, Scotland, has been for some time past in the greatest confusion, said to be occasioned by a motion made by Lord North for to pass some Laws in favor of the Scotch Roman Catholicks—they have gone so far as to burn that Ministry in Effigie—This is fact.

“I have recd yours of the 10th Inst, and note the contents—The instructions shall be followed as far as in my power. 30 came unexpectedly this evening, and says he must go out tomorrow morning, which prevents my being so particular as I could wish. I did not expect him till saturday. The situation of the army I cannot give you with any exactness; but will endeavour to send it by next opportunity. You may rest assured that I will not give you any intelligence as fact, but such as I am certain is so. I will not intentionally deceive you, as I know that it may be attended with the most fatal consequences. I gave S. C. Senr. some hints concerning a Christopher Duyckenik, formerly Chairman of the Committee of Mechanicks of this place, and hope he has transmitted. This much I will inform you, that he has acted as agent for David Mathews from the commencement of the war. The particulars must be kept a profound secret, as few persons but myself know them, and it is known that I do. Note a paragraph in Rivington’s paper of the 10th Inst. under the N.Yk. head, and you’ll observe that something has either leaked out or they have conjectured very right.

“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,

“Samuel Culper, Junr.”

(113) Townsend’s fourth letter.

August 6, 1779

Since my last the number of the enemy within these lines have not been augmented by arrivals. I have received your favour of the 30th of July with the vials 1 and 2—The contents shall be duly observed. The Raisonable with four frigates sailed from this the day I mentioned—but did not sail from the Hook till a few days ago. The Rainbow with two sloops of war are said to be cruising off the Delaware Bay. The Romulus with two frigates are supposed to be cruising in Boston-bay—and the Greyhound is cruising alone. I am sorry that I cannot give you an exact account of the situation of the troops. You may think that I have not taken sufficient pains to obtain it. I assure you that I have, and find it more difficult than I expected. It is in some measure owing to my not having got into a regular line of getting intelligence. To depend upon common reports would not do. I saw and conversed with two officers of different corps from Kings-bridge from neither of whom I could obtain an account of the situation of the army there. I was afraid of being too particular. I saw a person who had been throughout all West Chester and came in yesterday, who told me that there were 2000 troops out from Kingsbridge. This I by no means give as certain. The number on Staten Island does not exceed 1000. The whole of the guards, two Hessian Regiments. The 54th and some of the 46th in town. A detachment of 100 from the Hessians are at Brookline, and the 3d Battalion of G. DeLancey’s brigade consisting of about 200 are at Lloyd’s Neck, Long Island, near half of which are acting as marines on board armed vessels, and a guard of about 20 men are at Jamaica, where G. D. resides. These are all on Long Island. They have begun to fortify at the narrows on the Staten Island side and to refit the fortifications at the battery in this city. They have done nothing more than lay the platforms and not but one gun mounted, which has been there for a long time past. The cannon for the forts are expected in the fleet. We have positive accounts of the French having taken the Island of St. Vincent and Grenada, and that there has been an engagement between Byron and D’Estaing in which according to public reports Byron came off victorious. But from many circumstances we have reason to believe he had the worst of it: and indeed all the most intelligent of the tories think so. This with Stoney-point and the uncertainty when the fleet from England will arrive, discourages them very much. Admiral Arbuthnot certainly did sail for this port, but hearing that the French had landed on the Island of Jersey, went there, where he may meet with such diversion as may detain him for some time. There appears no prospect of a speedy movement from this. But it is generaly reported and believed by the most knowing ones that there will be a detachment sent from this to the southward as soon as the works are put in a proper state of defence. However some think that no troops can be spared at any rate till a reinforcement arrives.

Arrivals: A small fleet from Rhode Island a few days ago. The Renown from same place on Wednesday evening, and last evening a privateer brig of 14 guns belonging to New London taken by the Greyhound off the east end of Long Island. A fleet of four or five armed ships will sail in about a week for the West Indies. The guard boats are still kept out which makes it impossible to send any letters by a shorter route. As soon as I can find an opportunity you may depend that I will embrace it. The Renown and Daphne are the only ships of war in port. In my next will if possible give you a particular account of the situation of the troops. Yours,

Culper, Junr.

(114) Would have Townsend give up business.

“722 to 721. No. 23   729 August 12, 1779.

“Sir, Your several Nos. 13, 14, & 15, are before me. The contents have duly observed and communicated them to Culper Jur. and he hath in general replyed, that have only to add, That your fears of the Queens Rangers crossing the Sound, I think must be groundless. I think the main reason of their being stationed ther’s to Succor Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, on Lloyd’s Neck if need should require, and to recruit their Horses and men, that are much worne down with service. Agreeable to your request, shall endeavour to gain every intelligence from that and every other quarter and communicate. Your observations concerning the bad tendency that might follow the Capture of certain Persons mentioned heretofore, is worthy of due consideration. And perhaps it will be best to let them fill up the measure of their Sins, and ripen for greater ruin. If it had been done instantly after the capture of some persons here I should have feared no danger that might have risen from such a step. You could have stoped plundering here nevertheless—To have taken two for one then, matter not wheather Whig or Tory, would have been pollitick in you, and a glorious barrier in favour of our Country, and Nutrallity, for as they are continually pressing us to be active, and daily cursing of us for not complying, and laying at your mercy and unprotected by them; and suffering for so small an affair, perhaps would induce them to think more favorable of us, and consider our situation, and treat us with more compassion.—I say if ever such an opportunity should present again, I shall beg that it may be embraced, and would be highly favorable to this unhappy country, now universally throughout attended with the greatest sickness and frequent deaths that ever was remembered by the oldest man now living. And dayly threaten’d by that Judas Tryon. Devastation or banishment for not complying with their exorbitant demand enclosed when striped of Items, and out of our Power to fulfill—don’t let the inclosed be published in News Paper.

“Your desire that no time may be lost after dispatches arrive hath ever been complyed with, at appointed times, I always attended. When he comes unexpectedly it hath been unavoidably attended with some loss of time, once in particular, owing to a certain persons family being sick, and attendance there which debared him from making himself known. A step on purpose to acquaint me. I received a message from a person that I intimated in my last was an acquaintance of Hamiltons, three days ago, that 4 or 5 Regts. were embarking, generally said for Quebeck had taken altogether thick clothing, yet nevertheless he thought most likely for Georgia, and believed they all had but a short time to stay here.

“I have had much discourse with Culper, Jur. Contrary to his intimation and my expectation, he continues in business, that engroseth some part of his time, and interfereth with the important business he hath undertaken. I do assure you he is a sincere friend and capable of rendering service to our country. And as such a one I have again most earnestly endeavored and beged him to disengage himself from all concerns that may intefere with the Public business he hath undertaken. His reply in substance was this, that he feared his inability. He was willing to do all he could to serve his Country, and not leave himself entirely out of the line of business, and be destitute of a support.”

(115) Use of ciphers by the Culpers.

“No. 21 72929   15th 1779.

“Sir, Dqpeu Beyocpu agreeable to 28 met 723 not far from 727 & received a 356, but on his return was under the necessity to destroy the same, or be detected, but have the satisfaction to informe you that theres nothing of 317 to 15 you of. Thers been no augmentation by 592 of 680 or 347 forces, and everything very quiet. Every 356 is opened at the entrance of 727 and every 371 is searched, that for the future every 356 must be 691 with the 286 received. They have some 345 of the route our 356 takes. I judge it was mentioned in the 356 taken or they would not be so 660. I do not think it will continue long so. I intend to visit 727 before long and think by the assistance of a 355 of my acquaintance, shall be able to out wit them all. The next 28 for 725 to be here is the 1 of 616 that it is so prolonged. It may be better times before then. I hope ther will be means found out for our deliverance. Nothing could induce me to be here but the ernest desire of 723. Friends are all well, and am your very Humble Servant, 722.”

(116) Samuel Culper tells of dangers.

“729   Sepr. 19, 1779.

“Dear Sir. Agreeable to the few lines in the inclosure of the several dates of the 11 & 12, I parted with 725 and expected his immediate returne to you, But next day understood he was waiting for the enclosed dispatch, replying his boat must have a repair before he could come again—Perhaps it is best, as the former dispaches hath been so long detained I judge they have nearly lost their value, if any. The inclosed written with the stain, I am ready to believe contains something of importance. By the report of Pevbep Yqqhbwmm, who hath just returned from 727 he tells me there’s a council of war holding of all the General Officers and every thing appears to be much confused on account of an Express from Genl. Prescot that a Sloop arrived at Rhode Island sailed two days in sight of a large French fleet stearing North West course in latitude 25 or 35 he cannot remember certain which. That a large number of troops were embarking, Transports prepared to receive one thousand and those on board. He was one of the Petitioners but got nothing but hard words, that infernal Tryon saying we would never raise any men for government, and now the Spanish and French had combined against them and in difficulty would grant them no assistance. It would be no matter he said if we were all laid waist and those that were sick he would put in their hospitals. I hope a foreign fleet is at hand and that some thing may intefere to our advantage—I have just heard from Oyster Bay that Coll. Simcoe is a going to leave that place. They are selling their horses that is their own private property and are loading all their baggage, his destination unknown but believed they will all leave us soon.

“I yesterday was waiting for the Express with the enclosed dispatch at Stony Brook, when about one o’clock warning was given out from Capt. Woodhull for his Company to meet persuant to an order from Coll. Floyd to the several Capts. of this Township, to pursue and lay wait for Ebenezar Dayton and his companions, that last night plundered two houses at South. I immediately took a confidential friend and went in search of 725, and after passing by one boat hid in the woods, found his, and him, and advised him the necessary steps for his safety. I then repair’d to the place of rendezvous, and found the Militia just in motion to drive mount misery, to prevent which I was obliged to open myself to the several Capts. and had the good fortune to order matters to my mind. These things you will readily conceive lays me open, and I desire you to take such measures to prevent the like again. Plundering makes as much difficulty with us as perhaps taking of some persons. Dayton’s[67] excursion heretofore, was the sole cause of the loss of C. Jur. No. 5. The Refugees and some Troops were filling the road that the express was to pass.

“Culper Junior hath appointed no time. I therefore appoint the 30th Instant for 725 to cross, and am yours &c. 722. N.B. If you think well of it send several phials of that stain and I will place it in two or three confidential persons hands in New York that will do their endeavour.”

A Townsend stain letter translated.

New York, Sept. 29th, 1779.

Sir, In my last I informed you that a number of the enemy were under orders for embarkation part of which consisting of about 3000 embarked in the fore part of last week, and sailed from the Hook on Friday last but returned the next day. It is said and generally believed that it was in consequence of some intelligence they got from some vessel at sea, some say from a Spanish prize, the master of which reports that he left the French Fleet on the Bahama Banks and that they were steering for the Continent. This is certain that a number of transports were immediately ordered for Rhode Island, part of which sailed on Monday, 27, and the rest sailed this day. It is positively asserted that it will be evacuated immediately. The troops returned not yet disembarked. The works at the Battery are nearly completed and a number of guns mounted. The forts on Bayard’s Hill and back of Jones’ House nearly completed. The Gorge of Fort Kniphhousen (or Washington) very strongly fortified. The Militia of Kings and Queens County are still at work on the fort at Brooklyn. All the operations of the Enemy indicate their fears of a speedy attack—The fleet under convoy of Sir Andrew Hammond arrived the 22d inst. The number of troops does not exceed six hundred, mostly Hessian Recruits. I am Sir, Yours &c.

C. Junr.

(117) A typical Townsend letter.

“October 9th, 1779.

“Sir, In my No 9 I informed you that the first division of Troops had returned—They disembarked on Long-Island & Staten Island that day. The next morning about 100 of the inhabitants went on Governor’s Island, and began to repair the works there, and have continued going every day since.—The works are now nearly completed. About that time the Garrison was much alarmed, as by a number of coroborating documents they had great reason to expect D’Estaing. All the Men of War and a number of arm’d Transports were ordered down to the Hook, with several old hulks to sink in the Channel in case D’Estaing should appear. They had also two or three fire ships prepairing, and are building a very strong Fort at the Light House. The ships do still continue there, tho their fears are now in some measure abated. The transports destin’d for New York are still at White Stone, and it’s now thought quite uncertain whether it will be evacuated this Fall. The vessels belonging to private people sailed this day, and are to stop at Huntington to join the wood Fleet, and proceed from there immediately. From this circumstance I think it will not be evacuated. It is now said that the first division of Troops are to re-embark immediately, and it’s generally believed that they are destined for Georgia. The last accounts from the West Indies say that Byron was at Barbadoes about a month ago. There positively is a letter from his Secretary to a gentleman in this place dated the first of Sept: which says that Byron was going home and that the Fleet was taking in water, and preparing with all expedition to go down to Jamaica, expecting that D’Estaing had gone against it. A vessel from Tortula which left it the 10th. Septr, the Capt of which says that it was reported there, and generally believed that D’Estaing had come to this Continent.—He likewise says that the English trade in the West Indies, is almost ruined by the number of French & Spanish Cruisers. Tortula has already been plundered, and it’s expected that all the rest of the English Islands will share the same fate in the course of the winter. The Spaniards, he says, are even fitting out privateers at St. Thomas’ & St. Croix.—Some say that Pensicola is invaded by the Spaniards. Accounts from England, via Rhode Island, as late as the 10th of August, say that there has been no engagement between the French and English Fleets.—No late accounts from Georgia; Some begin to fear that all is not well there.—A considerable number of Troops are on the West end of Long-Island—The 17th Dragoons at Hempstead—The mounted Legion of Queens Rangers at Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion are at Oyster Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except those mentioned. The Spirits of the Tory’s Flags much, but still some flatter themselves that there is yet a probability of England’s rising superior to all her enemies. There does not appear the least prospect of this place being evacuated this fall. Tho’ I believe thay would be glad to have them at home, as from the best accounts they are in a very critical situation—if we were only to judge from Sir Joseph York’s memorial presented to their High Mightinesses, they are low enough.

“Large Magazines of Hay is already collected, and more collecting. The expense of transporting letters has already amounted to the money sent;[68] I am therefore under the necessity of requesting that you will send me 20 Guineas by next conveyance.

“I am, Yours, &c.

“Saml. Culper, Jun.”

(118) Culper answers Bolton’s eighteenth letter.

“No. 25 October 26th, 1779.

“Sir: Your No. 18 with the enclosed came to hand, and was immediately forwarded to 723. And the inclosed blanks are his returns, which hope may be satisfactory at this conjuncture. I have again heard Count D’Estaing with his whole fleet are in Delaware Bay. This Glorious assistance together with the dejection of our Enemies, bids fair for our delivery, the pleasing hopes of which hath almost transported all our friends. But here much may be done toward our destruction within the space of a week, and to the great advantage of the enemy, to prevent which requires your immediate operations. From the effect of that Infernal Tryon’s expedition into this county last year and branding a number of cattle that he left behind, last week a demand for 198 was made, not one quarter of that number was ever marked; and about 30 head was drove up but are not satisfied, and insist upon the whole number, and are now at Smith Town with carts from Lloyd’s Neck and a number of wagons are hourly expected with a number of Troops at that place, for hay. They have nearly collected all the forage in Queens County and carrying it to Brooklyn; in one word, every preparation is a making for their defence—I hope you will not forget to grant us assistance as soon as possible. Your letter to Mr. C——r, Junr. was instantly forwarded, forgot to mention it in my last, then being in such haste, as I had not time before dark and 725 I expected was a waiting. I received 20 Guineas from 725 which I sent to 723. I have nothing more to say—and may God grant us Success. And am

“Your very Humble Servt.,
“Samuel Culper.”

(119) Big guns at Battery.

“New York, October 29th, 1779

“Sir. I have made inquiry concerning the quantity of provisions on this Island, and am well convinced there is sufficient to last this Garrison 6 months. Several vessels have not discharged. The packet arrived the 23d Inst. The accounts by her are very alarming to the Tories. They are now convinced that the English fleet dare not engage the united fleets of France and Spain. The Ardent is taken, and some say that they chased the English fleet into Portsmouth—This is certain that they lay off there several days, which caused the greatest consternation, as they expected to be invaded. The troops from Stoney and Verplanks points got down on Sunday evening. The troops which I mentioned to have embarked sails for Halifax this day with all the heavy ships of war except the Europa. The Daphne Frigate with Sir George Collin and Col. Stewart sails at the same time for England. Another Fort is erecting near Harrison’s Brewery on the banks of the North River. That on Long Island will not be completed in some time. The Battery will be completed in a few days. Eighteen 24 pounders are now mounted. We have no late accounts from Georgia but it is generally believed that the Garrison there is taken. The fleet with the garrison from Rhode Island arrived the 27th, Inst. The Rainbow arrived at Sandy Hook from Halifax the same day. The enemy are daily collecting forage and have lately been about Oyster Bay and took all the hay in that quarter, notwithstanding the Legion quartered there. From this they mean to contract their lines very soon. No prospect of any speedy movement. The transports which I intimated are taking in Water and Ballast was for the use of the ships at Sandy Hook. The pilots say that it is now very difficult to bring a vessel in, owing to the hulks which were lately sunk there. A fleet of Victuallers were to sail from Cork the latter part of September. A fleet of Store ships and Merchantmen were to sail from Spithead at the same time. I shall want some more of the Stain immediately as I am now quite out.

“I am Yrs, &c.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

(120) Woodhull meets British Foot and Horse.

“No. 28 427 eg 1779

“Sir. Your No. 20 & 21 came to hand pressing an immediate answer to sundry questions. It not being then in my power to send a person, to make the necessary inquiry, and the next appointment very short, and dispatches waiting, thought it best to order his return. Accordingly on the 7th sent a person, who visited every quarter between this and Hempstead Harbour, and on the 9th returned to me, and reported: No piles of wood on any Necks or Shores. As soon as it is cut it is put on board and carried to New York. Lord Cathcart Legion are stationed at Jericho and Oyster Bay. In Huntington and Lloyd’s Neck are Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, Coll. Fanning’s Regiments. New Levies, 43 of foot 17 Dragoons, one Regt, of Hessians, all commanded by Genl. Leland if I do not mistake his name. However I am sure it is similar to such a name, and are collecting large magazines of wood and Forage near the house of Nathl. Williams—The whole number is computed to be sixteen hundred men.—On the 10 was to see C. Jur. at a house he appointed twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my letters to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed place I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 Horse and 200 foot and about a hundred wagons. Was much surprised but after answering a few questions passed them unmolested. This party were draughts from the 17, 43, & Coll. Burch of the 17th. But to my great mortification Culper Jur. did not come that day. I waited all the next, and sent a person westward to several houses where I thought likely to find him, but could hear nothing of him. I am much concerned, fear some accident hath befallen him, but yet wish to entertain a favorable thought that he may be sick.

“The wagons went from Smith Town yesterday, loaded, but am informed the Troops all stayed behind waiting their return. We have 20 Horse and 4 foot bilited about in houses, but no wagons have loaded here yet, they are exceedingly afraid and keep a very strict guard at the foot of Seaton’s Neck. Coll. Floyd, E. Jones, above the Mill, J. Thompson’s, P. Lions, John Bayles is Head Quarters Main guard in Kelly’s House. They are not expected to stay here more than 10 days, some say not longer than a week. It will be precarious to attack them, they may be reinforced in one day’s time. They are continually reconnoitering the shores and the weather is very uncertain. I am told the New York Paper saith Admrl. Parker hath taken 5 ships of the line from the French. I think something is the matter or they must have been here before now. I give over all hope of their coming to our relief this winter, and it is a killing thought to me. We shall see more distress this winter than ever since the war began. The inhabitants of this Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily judge when having the refuse of three kingdoms and thirteen States amongst them. Plundering and rapine increaseth at no small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal of trouble, especially when disappointments happen. Could not consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an Enthusiast for our success.—I am perfectly acquainted with a full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea of but those that experience, and not long since there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death—but so long as I reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be wanting. 725 loudly complains of his fatigue and declares he will not come so often. Should the enemy be stationed here this winter it will be very dangerous for him to come. You say you will take all the pains possible to secure Coll. Floyd and Mr. Seaton’s goods. I hope they may be saved and the public get the benefit. I have no love for Coll. Floyd nor for no Tory under Heaven, but in my present situation am obliged to cultivate his friendship, and for that reason dare not mention to him what you purposed. I do not doubt he would be glad to hear it and perhaps keep it entirely secret for his own interest, but yet he would view me with an Evil Eye. I have not as yet heard of 725 arrival but as the weather is now favorable expect him this night, and shall expect his return on the 20th Instant, when shall hope to be ready for him, and shall if no accident hath befallen C. Jur. hope to see him soon. And in the interim remain your most obt. H. Servt.

“Saml. Cullper.”[69]

(121) British counterfeiting money.

“No. 14 New York, 27th Nov. 1779.

“Sir. It is now said by the most knowing ones that a considerable part of the Army is to go to Georgia as soon as it is known that D’Estaing has left the Coast, and some think that several Regiments will be sent to the West Indies. Charlestown is fixed on as the grand object this campaign and winter.

“The spirits of the Tory’s is amazingly elated with the reports of the Army in Georgia. It has been repeated some time past that Parker has taken seven sail of French Men of War in the West Indies, and on Friday an account was brought by a Cartel from Boston that there had been an engagement between the grand Fleets in the Channel, in which the combined fleets of France and Spain were defeated with the loss of .. ships sunk and taken. The former account is now thought premature, and the latter improbable, as it is said to have happened on the 2d. of September and the packet left Falmouth the 7th, and brings no such account.

“The Tories are extremely anxious for the fate of the British Fleet. They think that the success of the contest depends entirely on it. They have hopes that England will be able to form some alliance this winter, which will enable them to carry on the War here another campaign, which they flatter themselves will end in their favour, as they think America will not be able to keep an Army together another campaign. Truth reasons that their currency will be entirely depreciated, and that there will not be provision in the country to supply an Army another campaign. That of the currency I am afraid will prove true, as they are indefatigable in increasing the quantity of it. Several reams of the paper made for the last emission struck by Congress have been procured from Philadelphia. I have taken much pains to find out some of those concerned, but could not accomplish it. But that there is such paper brought in you may depend on as a fact. A large ship was sent into the Hook yesterday but it is not known where she is from. The Men of War at the Hook have taken in water for several months and on Friday the Admiral went down with all his baggage. A Fleet for Cork and a number of vessels for England will sail in a few days, some of which are loaded with valuable cargoes. However, some think that they will not sail till D’Estaing has left the Coast, or till there is some arrival from England. Privateering is now almost over, not more than six now out and few fitting. There has not any prizes of value arrived for some time past.

“I am, Your humble Servt.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

(122) Woodhull would kill Simcoe.

“No. 30 729   December 12, 1779.

“Sir: Inclosed you have a blank just come to hand from C. Junr., which I conclude contains some important intelligence, and as this is the appointed night, and very good hope it will soon reach your hands. On Monday last the Foraging Party left us, after collecting the Forage in general as far Eastward as this township extends, some from South Hold and South Hampton. The Forage collected in this county is all carried to Huntington; and are as fast as possible sending it to N. York. As soon as they get it all from that place the enemy will most certainly leave there, except the Garrison on Lloyd’s Neck. We are not a little comforted after our distress, with the pleasing hope that the Enemy will not trouble us any farther this winter, and glad our correspondence will not be interrepted or subject to greater danger than usual. The said misfortune attending our endeavours to the Southward hath greatly lifted up our Enemies and dejected our friends, and deeply affected me and allmost ready to conclude that the day of our deliverance is farther distant than we ever glanced a thought, and that all the Carolinas will fall into their hands, as is most certain a large embarcation destined for Charles Town is about to take place, and believe Clinton will go himself. But yet hope such measures will be adopted that they may be spaird and protected. Culper Junior is entirely out of the Counterpart, and unable to read any future blanks that may come. Don’t fail to forward it next opportunity, and we cannot get any person to run the risk written with common ink. C. Jur. is to be with me on the 25th, hope if the weather is favorable you will incline to come as we greatly desire to see you. We would gladly if possible meet you half way. I have the pleasure to inform you my fears are much abated since the troops have been with us. Their approach was like death to me. Did not know wether to stand or fall. Had they been the Queens Rangers or legion should have been with you before now. Were I now in the State of New Jersey without fear of Law or Gospel would certainly 344 Gqm. Ucngqi for his usage to me. I have nothing further to say at present, and am

“Yours sincerely,
“Saml. Culper.”

(123) British sail for Charleston.

“No. 17 729 Dec. 27th, 1779.

“Sir, In my last I informed you that a considerable number of the enemy were under orders for Embarkation. The number does not exceed seven thousand. I have now to inform you that they have all Embarked, and part of the Transports fell down to the Hook a few days ago. They were to sail the 26th Inst. under Convoy of the Russel, Robust, Europa, Defiance, Raisonable, Roebuck, Renown, Romulus & Perseus. Genl. Clinton goes in the Romulus. The time that it will necessarily take for this to get to hand makes it almost useless to inform you that they are positively going to Charlestown. Governor Martin with a considerable number of North Carolina Refugees, and all the Officers who have been on furloe from Georgia, goes with the expedition. Five vessels are loaded with ordnance stores, and they have taken fifty chests of Arms for the purpose of arming the Tory’s and Negroes. It is said that they are to act on a very different plan from what they formerly have, i.e. to settle the Country as they Conquer it, by securing all those whom they may suppose dangerous; and to give the most noted Tory’s a considerable command. It is said that Clinton will go home immediately after taking possession of Charlestown, and leave the command to Lord Cornwallis. The most sanguine of the Tory’s flatter themselves that the British army will be in possession of both the Carolinas May next. I sincerely hope that such measures will be taken as may disappoint their expectations, even to the taking of Charlestown. If the Garrison destin’d to defend it will have a Retrospect to Georgia, and immitate them I think they may hold it. Clinton will make a vigorous push for it, for I believe he thinks that it is necessary to do something to distinguish himself before he returns to England.

“The Garrison at New-York is left under the command of Tryon & Knyphausen. It is now entirely out of wood, and can get none but what they bring from a considerable distance by land. A considerable number of teams are ordered from Queens County to Brooklyn Ferry, each to carry a load of wood, and to continue there for six days to cart wood from the nearest wood land for the use of the Army. If the creeks continue shut any time, the inhabitants will be greatly distressed for the want of fuel. The Markets are well supply’d with fresh provisions of every kind, and will continue so while there is any cattle in Connecticut & New Jersey. A considerable number of cattle and other provisions is daily brought over from Connecticut to the East end of Long Island, and from thence conveyed to New York; and there has ever been regular supplies from Shrewsbury, Middletown, and every other part of East Jersey. It is almost needless to mention Kings Bridge, for it has been, and ever will be a practice to get supplies in that way.

“No arrivals since my last, and none from Europe since the September Packet. The Fleet for Europe, consisting of near one hundred sail, sailed from Sandy Hook the 23d Inst. under convoy of the Solebay & Lioness, Frigates.

“The expense of conveying letters obliges me to request that you will send me Twenty Guineas pr. next conveyance. I am now entirely out of the Counterpart of the Stain.

“I am, Yours, &c &c.

“Saml. Culper, Jun.”

(124) Prison ship set on fire.

“729   374   eg   1780.

“724 returned from 727 last night with a blank for 711 which I have inclosed and forwarded, together with the Newspapers. The papers declare the willful burning of the Prison Ship by one Woodberry of Connecticut, on the 5th inst. No account of Sir H. Clinton yet. Verbal accounts sent me from a person thats had the perusal of the English papers say the debates run much higher than ever, some having fought duels. Lord Charles Gorden declared in the Parliament he had in Scotland 150 thousand men ready to take vengeance on the present ministry. Hope it may be true.

“Saml. Culper.”

(125) Robinson quotes Rivington.

Esteemed Friend.

I enclose for the amusement of yourself, our friend Wistar &c three New York Papers—Yesterday about Forty transports full of Troops, sailed up the North River, and at three in the morning the troops at Elizabeth Town moved out, when there was an abundance of firing, which continued till ten. It is supposed that those in transports are designed to take possession of the strong country above, and that the movement from Elizabeth was intended to draw off the attention of the Rebels—I was just now informed by Rivington that the troops returned to Elizabeth Town last evening—but there is yet no account from them.

The Rebels affect to console themselves for the loss of Charlestown, by attributing it to the want of Provisions—this indeed gives the affair a better appearance than if it had been timidly surrendered amidst a plentiful supply of every thing necessary for its defence, and I find their well wishers here are somewhat comforted by this circumstance, and say that had the garrison been properly supplied they would have laughed at all the efforts that Clinton could have made against them—so strong by nature and well fortified by art, was that Capital—and people who were there say that no deficiency of skill or courage appeared in the besieged. Its fall they say must be attributed to some fatality which prevented their being properly furnished with Provisions. Ten days before the Capitulation the Garrison and Inhabitants had nothing but Rice, and on the 12th of May there was only two days allowance of that left. The Rebel officers are outrageous against their Commisary, and say he will be hanged. When they reckoned upon three months provisions there was only twenty days in store.

The malcontents build great hopes upon a French Fleet and Troops that is expected—and indeed we are not clear of apprehension on that account. They are expected at the eastward—and as several Flags which have been due for some time, do not come, we fear they are detained on that account. My Respects to both families. I am with Esteem,

Your assured Friend,
Wm. T. Robinson.

June 24th, 1780.

(126) Code words here freely used.

“729   29   fn   1780.

“Sir. I have now to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the ff Instant—and one of an earlier date, as also eu 230. The 121 I 691 my last before had time to 156 it. Was taken very cmm with the 73 151, but am now 60, though very 349. My 151 hath put it out of my power to make any 322 about the 178 in these 476. Genl. 712 hath returned to 727 some 121 ago. The en Regt. D. is in 729. ei Companies of 309 are at Smith Town. Queens Rangers and Fannings Regts. are yet East of here, where know not. The whole number is about 1500. It appears probable they will continue in these parts some time. Their wanton waste of the necessities of life (which will occasion people to perish for want of subsistance unless can be procured elsewhere) hath given rise to a prevailing opinion that this is the last visit we shall ever have from them, and that they will leave 727 soon. I was told so when at 727, but could see nothing that looked like it. There’s the same accounts in 727 from 745 as mentioned in your 356. Hope the flame begun may increase, and fill with horror all those cursed destroyers of mankind. The 585 keep up a constant communication with your courts, and carries large sums of counterfeit paper currency of every emission and puts it into the hands of Tory’s for to pay their taxes with. This I do assure from undoubted authority is their practice. I shall at a more convenient time write you further on the subject of treachery, and some discoveries that I hope soon to make. Inclosed you have a blank from C. Jur. just come to hand, and yours enclosed to him shall be delivered into his hands on Wednesday next. On the f 616 let 725 cross again. In the interim am yours sincerl.

“Saml. Culper.”

(127) Major Tallmadge deciphers Townsend’s letters.

“Bedford, Aug. 28th, 1780.

“Sir. I have the Honor to enclose a letter from C. Junr., & one from Lt. B...r which have just come to hand. I have also recd. a letter from C... Junr. of which the following is an extract:

N. Y. Aug. 23d, 1780.

“C. Senr. was in Town & wrote you by the last conveyance. The present offers nothing material. Clinton seems now preparing to act on the defensive. He is fortifying on L. I. opposite Frog’s Point, the Heights of Harlem, & the Island eastward of Hellgate. However some of our most knowing politicians say that Rhode Island is still the object, & that he is only waiting the arrival of three Regts that are expected from Carolina, and some Hanoverian Troops that are expected some time in September, and that Arbuthnot is to keep off N. Port till that time. Others think that this garrison will be put in the best state of defence & that Arbuthnot will go to the West Indies.

“A fleet of Transports, Victuallers, & some private vessels under convoy of the Renown, will sail for England in a few days. The 22d, 76th, Robinsons, and two Hessian Regts, do duty in Town. Forty two pieces of Cannon are mounted on the Battery.

“C. Senr. will furnish you with the situation of the troops on Long Island.

“I was obliged to decypher C... Junr. letter, as I was convinced it referred to the future mode of our correspondence. After his next arrives, I hope to have no further occasion to decypher his letters, as I hope by that time our plans will be finished. After sending several times across the Sound to open a new communication with Culper Junior, without success, I have finally referred the whole matter to him, who I expect will appoint such place and pick on such persons for his confidential friends, as will best answer our purpose, and inform me thereof.

“Lt. B...r informs of several boats with Continental Crews, being along the Sound, which were appointed by Genl. Officers. Possibly Major Humpreys knows more about this matter. If they are not wanted on their present duty, one of them would be of very great service to Lt. B...r. I have the Honor to be, with great regard, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Sert.

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

(128) Genealogy.

Samuel Townsend and his wife Sarah, parents of Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior, had eight children; Solomon, Samuel, Robert, William, David, Audrey, Sarah, and Phebe. Only the descendants of his son Solomon have survived to the present day.

* * * * *

Solomon,[70] son of Samuel and brother of Robert Townsend, also had eight children, namely, Hannah, Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel, Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.

* * * * *

Hannah, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Isaiah Townsend, of Albany. When he died, February 17, 1838, the merchants met and resolved to close all the stores and to attend his funeral. She died November 1, 1854. Her children were Isaiah, Anna, Robert, Franklin, who was Mayor of Albany in 1850–51, Howard, Frederick, and Mary. Isaiah married Harriet Townsend, Anna married Henry H. Martin, Robert married Harriet Monroe, Franklin married Anna King, Howard married Justina Van Rensselaer, Frederick married Sarah Rathbone, Mary married General William H. Walker.

* * * * *

Anna, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Effingham Lawrence, one-time first judge of the County of Queens. He was a son of Phebe Townsend, of Orange County, who in 1764 married Joseph Lawrence. His grandfather, Richard Lawrence, born in 1691, married Hannah Bowne, daughter of Samuel Bowne, and granddaughter of John Bowne, of Flushing, and his great-grandfather was Joseph Lawrence, who in 1690 married Mary Townley and inherited from his mother a large estate at Flushing and Little Neck. His great-great-grandfather was William Lawrence, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard “Bull” Smith, patentee of Smithtown. The town of Elizabeth, New Jersey, was so named in honor of this lady. Anna (Townsend) Lawrence had eight children: Townsend, Lydia, Henry, William, Effingham, Robert, Mary, and Edward. She died October 11, 1845.

* * * * *

Mary, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Edward Holland Nicoll, son of Henry and Elizabeth (Woodhull) Nicoll, and grandson of General Nathaniel Woodhull. She was born in 1789 and died in 1849. Her children were: Henry, born October 23, 1812, and died November 28, 1879; he married Anna Townsend Thorne, daughter of James and Phebe (Townsend) Thorne; Solomon Townsend Nicoll, born November 13, 1813, and died December 23, 1865; Edward Holland Nicoll, born December 25, 1815, died January 26, 1820. Solomon Townsend Nicoll, above, married Charlotte, daughter of Samuel Benjamin Nicoll, of Shelter Island. Their children were Annie, DeLancey, Benjamin, Mary Townsend, Edward Holland, and Charlotte. DeLancey Nicoll above, the well-known lawyer of New York City, is therefore a grandson of Robert Townsend’s niece.

* * * * *

Phebe, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married James Thorne, of Albany. They had children: Sarah, Anna, Robert, Mary, Edward, John, James, and Martha.

* * * * *

Samuel and Jacob died unmarried.

* * * * *

Peter S. Townsend, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of Solomon, died March 26, 1849. His activities would fill a volume and are worthy of careful preservation.

* * * * *

Solomon, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of Solomon, was born October 8, 1805, and died April 2, 1880. He resided at “Raynham Hall,” Oyster Bay, married Helene, daughter of Dr. Charles Townsend, of Albany, and had six children: Solomon, Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward, and Maria.

(129) S. Culper urges Howell’s imprisonment.

“729   462   ei   1780

“Sir. Your favour of the k Instant hath been duly received, and observe the contents. I am pleased with your intention of apprehending Aiqlai Bqyim. Pray be active and vigilent to secure our Country. No man’s character stands in better light with the Enemy and hath been a particular friend of Tryon’s. And whilst resided at his native town held a constant correspondence with Tryon & Coll. Burch. He never faild in his request for favors when asked for. Could obtain permission for five hundred pounds worth of goods at one time, when others could not for fifty. You may rest assured that B. & J. Nwcluqp are his bosom friends and know his heart. Not long since, B. Nwcluqp told me he was very uneasy about him. Said he had been expected back for some time, asked me if I had not heard nothing about him and desired if possible to enquire after him. Said this was the second time he had been out in the service of Government and was afraid he would be found out. He is largely in debt at 727 and his departure appeared like one fleeing for refuge but it was all to cloak his villany. Arnolds affair hath now become an old story, I am sorry for the death of Major André but better so than to lose the post. He was seeking your ruin. C. Junr. is now with me and shall refer you to his letter for intelligence. I was in hopes you might have come and seen him. I have enclosed you receipt for fifteen Guineas. The other five pieces were too light and could not be of any service to me, two of which were Quarter Joes, and have sent them back again.

“S. Culper.”

(130) Bad money is returned to Washington.

“Pine Bridge, Oct. 17th, ’80

“Sir. I have this moment recd. the enclosed from the C. .s. As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.

“C. has returned me five of the Guineas which I recd. of your Excellency at Tappan, for reasons which are mentioned in his enclosed letter. I will forward them to Hd. Qrs. or otherwise dispose of them as I may be directed.

“With respect to the person mentioned in C. Senior’s letter, I really believe he is a very dangerous man among us, and from the charges adduced against him by C. should suppose he ought to be apprehended. I am informed he has lately been to Rhode Island; his business may be guessed at. The person mentioned in C. Senior’s letter as friends to Aiqlai Bqyim are the brothers of the person who had a permit from Genl. Parsons to cross with Lt. Brewster, but has since been prohibited agreeable to your Excellency’s order through me. I am very confident Genl. Parsons was much deceived in the man....

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

(131) Woodhull congratulates Tallmadge.

“729   427   fo   1780

“Dear Sir. I congratulate you on your success within the bounds of 729. The burning the forage is agreeable to me and must hurt the enemy much. It cannot be replaced and was what I advised 725 to do some time ago but was opposed by a person of some consequence in this place and so gave up the matter. In order to continue your success and endeavours I rode yesterday above sixty miles, and now can inform you that the 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, about 200 grenadiers at Newtown, 1000 Hessians at Flushing. Some few at Jamaica, 900 Yeagers and Anspach Germans cantoned from Herrick along the north side of Hempstead Plains and some to Oyster Bay. About sixty occupies the fort at the last mentioned place, about 200 consisting of Ludloes. A Major Coldens Volunteers at Lloyd’s Neck. There about 50 Refugees at and about Tredles farme near Smiths Town possess a small fort, two field pieces, but are under no command each man thinks himself equal to their Capt. Luke, and are disagreeing continually. Good judges say they can be taken at any time with ease and is thought they will leave that quarter soon, if they should not be attacked. The woods afford a cover almost to their works. Last week the enemy lost a Frigate going through Helgate bound to the fleet at this east end, and sunk immediately. To serve you I purpose if possible to ride the circuit of these lines and return on the 20th day of December, at which time let 725 cross again. Perhaps you may think the time long but cannot well be sooner. If you should think proper to send him about the 10th it will be agreeable and will write you all I can. Perhaps may hear something of importance, or you may wish to give me some instructions which is ever agreeable. I have had but a few minutes to write and please excuse the imperfections you may discover. The intelligence is the best concerning the enemy and am

“Yours Sincerely,
“Saml. Culper.”

(132) Culper Senior pleads for Samuel Townsend.

Setauket, Feby. 8th, 1781.

Sir, I returned from New York yesterday but have nothing of much importance to communicate—The English Fleet of Transports and Merchantmen of about seventy sail left Sandy Hook about the middle of last week—A private ship arrived from England on Friday last, with the king’s speech (see the papers enclosed) and an account of Admiral Darby with thirty four sail of the line being in sight of the combined fleets consisting of fifty sail—The Enemies papers gives a large account of Arnold’s success in Virginia but is not fully believed. Genl. Clinton is said to be dissatisfied with Arnolds conduct—we have nothing from the Carolinas or any other quarter worthy of notice. The prisoners are used very hard, numbers are confined in the Dungeons, and condemned rooms supported only on bread and water. In particular one Mr. Saml. Townsend, said to be one of your Commissary’s, who suffers beyond expression. I can say but little about the situation of the army. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead, Coll. Ludlow’s Regt. of DeLancey’s Brigade and the Jersey Volunteers is at Lloyd’s Neck. A very considerable part of the Yaugers and Anspack Regiments are cantoned from Oyster Bay to Herricks—Three Battallions of Hessian Grenadeers are cantoned from Jamaica to Flushing, and think the 37th Regiment is also at Flushing. All the grenadeers and infantry are cantoned at Bedford and Newtown—the 17th of Foot is at Flatbush. There’s one Battallion of Hessian Grenadeers on York Island near Kings Bridge which is all I can say with any certainty. To conclude, the Enemy expect a large French Fleet in the Spring—and their spirits are very low—The principal inhabitants that are most obnoxious to you still continue to offer their property to sale. It appears to me that we need not doubt of success, and that it is not far distant—But, nevertheless must urge you to be vigilent and active. In particular be watchful of the Enemies among you who are daily forwarding supplies to the Enemy. I could mention numbers that I know are guilty and many circumstances that might detect others but am fearful it would lead to a discovery. At all hazards, I will mention one Robert Bown, of Shrewsbury in Jersey that I assure you keeps up a connection with the Refugees and hath frequently had them at his house. I have given you such information as this repeatedly but could never hear you made any use of it. It was not long ago that I declared to you of a certain person being in your lines and in the Enemy’s service, and but a few days ago he found his way into New York and waited on the Commander in Chief. It is now a full year that I have supported this correspondence and have forwarded frequent dispatches—and the expenses incurred amounts to one hundred and seven pounds eighteen shillings, and all I have received is 29 Guineas. The balance is due me and in want thereof, wish it could be forwarded soon. Agreeable to your request hope shall soon be able to place a person at 727 as heretofore, and am yours sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

(133) Brewster captures boat and crew.

Fairfield, February 14, 1781.

Sir. My appointment on the 6th Inst. was frustrated until the 9th by bad weather, when I crossed and from information found I would not accomplish my business without endangering particular persons, as there were numerous crews of Reffugees scattered in the town, which made it impossible for me to see the person I wished. I thought it most prudent to return immediately, and take with me an additional boat when I crossed again, both for my own safety, and to annoy them if they fell in my way. On the 12th, at night I crossed again with three boats, and affected my purpose, and on the morning following just as we were embarking to return I discovered a boat rowing from the eastward. I lay concealed till she came opposite to me when I detached one of my boats in pursuit; she discovering our strength immediately came on shore and proved to be a cruising refugee boat carrying eight men, a list of their names and character I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency. The interest of my country induces me to inform your Excellency that there is a constant communication kept up for trade and intelligence by the enemy boats, bringing over goods and taking provisions in return, and in such force that renders it impossible and many times makes it dangerous to transact my business with my present command. An addition of one or two boats will make my appointments certain, and when not on command should be able to keep the coast clear from any enterprise they would form. I am with Respect your Excellency’s most Humble Servant,

Caleb Brewster.

Joseph Easton Trowbridge, Capt. of the Boat. Henry Gibbs, Benjamin Prescott: These three are from New Haven and have been condemned to the mines for illicit trade but broke goal. James Smith, Capt. of the Kings Militia Volunteers. From the Block House on Tredwells Banks are Thomas Davis, Thomas Wilson, Christopher Young, Job Mosier. The above prisoners I have sent to your Excellency under a Couporal and six men and would wish your Excellencys directions with the boat, apparel and arms.

Caleb Brewster.

(134) Gen. Parsons wants Brush and Conklin released.

Camp Highland, 17 Feb. 1781.

Dear General. Last night six prisoners were brought to the Provost Guard in Fishkill, who belonged to the State of Connecticut. Three of them viz. Jos Easton Trowbridge, Henry Gibbs and Benjamin Prescott were sentenced last October to be confined in Symsbury Mines Eighteen Months. The two former escaped on their way and joined the enemy. Prescott, a brother in law to Roger Sherman Esq. made interest through his brother for a pardon, which he obtained and immediately fled to New York. One Willson, one of the number, has been guilty of putting of very large sums of Counterfeit money which I am able to prove against him but he has had no trial.

Major Brush and Capt. Conklin have been long confined in the Provost in New York and there appears very little prospect of their consenting to exchange them unless some characters of repute with them are given for them—these gentlemen are persons who deserve the attention of every Friend to his Country, and I am enclined to believe Smith, who is a Captain of their Militia and Trowbridge who has a commission for one of their Whale boats would be acceptable to them: If they may be offered for these two men, who are confined in a most vigorous manner and have long suffered in confinement, your Excellency will relieve the Distress of two numerous families suffering greatly by the absence of these gentlemen. I am sir, Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

Sam H. Parsons.

(135) Townsend back in New York.

“729   374   the eo   1781.

“Sir. Your several favours of the fo of 215 and of the ee instant have been received and observe the contents. I have but little to communicate at this time. Genl. Phillips hath embarked some days ago with all the infantry, the Seventy-Six Regiment and two German Regiments. The whole said to amount to sixteen hundred men, generally believed are bound to the assistance of Arnold. They had not sailed last Thursday and am of opinion they will not go. They certainly have not a sufficient convoy. A few days past a small boat arrived from Arnold in forty eight hours but nothing could be learned from her. There’s nothing from any other quarter, save Britain declaring war against the United States of Holland and their taking St. Estutias and one hundred and sixty sail of ships. See the papers inclosed. The enemy are very low on the same account. I think they must make peace shortly. The Memorial of Prussia mentioned in the News Paper is not thought to be genuine here. C. Jur. is again in 727 and entering into business as heretofore and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches. And remain your very Humbl. Servt.

“Saml Culper.”

(136) Woodhull reports a visit from Culper Junior.

Setauket, April 23d, 1781.

Sir. Inclosed I send you the report of a faithful person that I employed a few days past to visit the several places therein mentioned, and think you may place much confidence therein. I do assure you it’s more than I could possibly do. The number of men at Lloyd’s Neck is certainly not more than 500 nor less than 400 fighting men. There’s of the Yagers and Anspach Regt. about 800 cantoned from Oysterbay to Herrick’s. Sometimes a picket is at Dosons. I think some of them might be taken. I have made further enquire about the embarcation under General Phillips and am assured that better information respecting him cannot be procured than what have transmitted. The enemy on the Island to all appearance rest as easy as if they had no enemies to fear. Hope you may disturb them ere long.

A few days past I had a visit from C. Junr. and am sorry to inform you that he will not write any more on any account whatever. And as yet neither of us can think of a suitable person to establish. Yet nevertheless shall when receive your determination as proposed further endeavour. If should fail shall be exceedingly sorry. I can always procure verbal accounts from C. Junr. and other persons of good observation similar to the present, but it cannot be done without expense. A few days past a Spy left Rhode Island and went to New York in as much haste as perhaps ever any person traveled. Having nothing further to say at present I remain yours Sincerely,

Samuel Culper.

The person that procured the enclosed knows not the smallest link in our chain if need should require I mean to employ him at times knowing him to be capable, and much used to armies and fortifications.

(137) Woodhull finds no one will write from New York.

May 8.

Sir. Your favor of the 28th of April is before me and observe the contents. Agreeable to your request I immediately repaired to New York and have done all that in me lay to engage a proper person, but have failed as no one will write on any account. I can only obtain verbal accounts for you and that but seldom, as the enemy have lately been made to believe that a line of intelligence is supported here. They are jealous of every person that they may see from this part. I have received from you three English and seven French Guineas, the former have placed to your credit, the latter have returned, they being not permitted to pass and consequently are of no use to me.

You may now see the following intelligence. The latest accounts from Europe says that the Dutch have not declared war against Great Britain, but as one of the neutral powers have referred their situation to the Congress, sitting at Petersburgh, which is looked upon here as great wisdom and will soon be productive of peace. The British when I left New York consisted of 7 ships of the line, 2 of 50 and 4 of 44 Guns, and two or three smaller Ships, which on their arrival landed 7 or 800 sick and wounded, and have replaced them again with negroes, boys, carmen, fishermen—never was so warm a press in America before. Gentlemen’s servants going to market did not escape. The fleet have laid down Staten Island, and were to sail yesterday, supposed to cruise of the Capes of Virginia. The following regiments have embarked and are under orders for embarcation and said to be bound to Virginia. Regiment of Anspach, the 43d and 17th Dragoons and Infantry of the same; the remainder of the 76th and 80th. The whole Culper Junior says will amount to 2000 men and not more than 4000 will be left in Garrison. It is a matter of surprise that they will leave the Garrison so weak and gives reason to believe that some troops are expected from Europe, or that they are going to make some attack near at hand. It is reported the French Army are about marching westward, if they should the enemy will not leave New York on their expedition. I have directed 725 to cross again on the tenth inst. I am yours, &c.

Saml. Culper.

P. S. All hands agree that the Capt. of the Confederacy gave his ship away. The Crew have all been taken on board the British Fleet against their will. It is the opinion of some that ⅓ of the men on board the fleet had rather fight against them.

(138) British march troops towards N. Y. then back again.

Setauket, May 27th, 1781.

Sir. Your favour of the 13th instant hath come to hand, and note the contents—I have proposed the affair to the person mentioned in your last but can only send him down at times, he cannot reside there at present, and cannot procure any person as yet to do it. Austin Roe hath just returned from New York but brings nothing material. Pensacola is taken by the Spaniards and there’s a fleet preparing to sail for Europe, probably will be ready in about ten days, their said to be conveyed by five ships of war. The troops were all ordered to leave Long Island a few days past but before they got to Brooklyn were ordered to return to their quarters again. What this maneuver was for cannot say. It is reported that the second division of French have arrived at Boston. You desired to know the state of the enemy at Kingsbridge. I have directed an enquirie. They’re most certainly very weak there. But I think you cannot surprise them and were you to make any movement there you may depend they could move their whole force there in twelve hours. Their regular troops certainly doth not much exceed four thousand. And I am assured that the Militia and others that they could muster on an emergency would amount to five thousand more, some say six.

I have forwarded the papers regular and have expended the ten guineas. A few days past several men from New Haven were at Setauket. Two of them were named Thompson and Brother. Further cannot describe. They brought on Shoes and Flour and other necessaries of life. There’s a person been to New York this week, I suppose you are not unacquainted with his errand. Hope he hath rendered a good account. I am in haste. And remain your very humble servant,

Saml. Culper.

General Phillips is dead and General Robinson, commonly called Jimmy, goes to take the command in Virginia.

(139) Stephen Smith shoots up Port Jefferson.[71]

Setauket, June 4th, 1781.

Dear Sir. Your favour of the 23d of May is just come to hand—together with five Guineas. Austin Roe hath just returned from New York but brings very little intelligence. He says all is silence and no kind of movement about to take place. Admiral Arbuthnot is off Sandy Hook. And the Fleet for Europe mentioned in my last are in number near one hundred and are about to sail. The Confederacy is one of their Convoys. Further cannot say. The Enemy are much alarmed at so large a French Fleet arriving in the West Indies. See the papers forwarded with the Magazine. We think here that a peace must shortly take place.

A few days past a number of men commanded by one Stephen Smith a Deserter from Coll. Ludloe’s Regiment, much abused and plundered several houses at a place caled Drowned Meadow; broke their windows, fired into their houses, whipped and threatened both old and young. The like hath happened on the South Side of Long Island and eighteen out of forty two, by thirty men under the command of one Henry Nicol, were made prisoners. We live in daily fear of death and destruction. This added to my usual anxiety hath almost unmanned me. I must now (as painful as it is to me) disappoint your expectations, and out of my power to avoid if matters were ever so secure on my part which is the reverse. I dare not visit New York myself and those that have been employed will serve no longer, through fear. I am fully persuaded by various circumstances and observation that have made from time to time, that if it were in my power to continue it regular without any interval, should shortly be devoted to ruin, and it appears clear to me that it would be presumption to take one step further at present—And could not expect that protection from Heaven that have hitherto enjoyed. You must acknowledge and readily conclude that have done all that I could, and stood by you when others have failed, and have not left you in the darkest hour but when our affairs appear as clear as the Sun in the Heavens, and promiseth a speedy and I hope a happy conclusion. Inclosed you have an account of transports as requested and should be exceedingly happy to see you. And in the Interum wishing you health and prosperity I remain your ever mindful and Humble Servant,

Samuel Culper.

(140) Woodhull explains how Robert Townsend used British uniform.

Sir. Your favour was handed me some days past requesting some information relative to the Enemy. My circumstances would not admit me to undertake to visit the several quarters of the Enemy. I therefore dispached one of the usual carriers with the contents of your letter to our esteemed friends at —— and their return is as follows: Lloyd’s Neck is supposed to be in a weak condition, is commanded by Major Hubbel, their number doth not exceed two hundred men, without discipline and off their guard and daily decreasing. They subsist entirely by trading to your shore. Their protection by water is a Brig, Sloop and Gaily. At Success one mile or two from Herricks north side of Hempstead Plains Coll. Murray’s Horse, two Regiments of Yagers and Anspach in the whole about one thousand men. Encamped near Brooklyn Church Coll. Ludloe’s Regt. at Flatbush. That’s all can say with any precision with respect to Long Island. At York Island they are encamped from the City to the Bridge, and fortifying on the banks of the River near the City, and it is expected they will contract their lines and only attempt to defend a part of York Island near the town if they should be attacked. They have a number of ships ready to sink in the River if an Enemy should appear. There’s only two ships of any consequence in the Harbor, the Lion and Centurion. Their design appears only to act on the defensive and be as little expense to the Crown as possible. God grant their time may be short for we have much reason to fear within their lines that Carleton’s finger will be heavier than Clinton’s Thigh. He’s called a Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them do soldiers duty in the City without distinction. The first gentlemen in the City stand at Officers doors Soldier like. I believe the overturne and regulations that he hath made here was only to promote his favorites, and burden the inhabitants. I cannot be assured that they have sold any horses belonging to the Crown as yet, although it hath been reported so here fifty times. We have no accounts from Europe or West Indies lately. Many say the troops from Charlestown are expected at New York and that they have actually left St Augustine and Georgia. I am sorry to see trade flourish as it doth, Never was such an intercourse with your shore before. I believe not one day or scarcely an hour but live stock and produce of all kinds are landed on Long Island on vessels pushing into the Enemy’s posts. Capt. William Davidson of Milford is now selling a cargo at New York. Could mention numbers but forbear. Many that are called first characters with you are concerned in it. Most of our friends are encouraging it here and supplying them with goods. To prevent which I could earnestly advise the State of New York to issue a proclamation, declaring all within these lines Enemies to their country who shall procure any merchandise whatever from New York more than for their families use. I have not a doubt but something of this kind would do much service. I am convinced that if some measures are not taken to prevent it will be of bad consequence and occasion bloodshed on your shore, which hope may be prevented by some speedy measures. Wishing you Health and Success I remain your Humble Servt.

Samuel Culper.

(141) Tallmadge’s request to be first to officially enter New York.

“Greenfield, March 31st, 1783.

“Sir. I had the honor to write Your Excellency on the 29th inst. on which day I crossed to Long Island as then proposed, from whence I have just returned. From every enquiry & a variety of information, it appears to be reduced to a certainty that a general peace has been concluded on in Europe, an authenticated account of which great event I hope Your Excellency has received before this time.

“I saw several of my old correspondents from New York, who inform that although official information respecting a Peace had not yet reached N. Y. yet preparations were making for the Garrison to be ready to leave that place. They inform that a considerable number of the Loyalists are about setting off for Nova Scotia; that the foreign troops are preparing to embark as they are to sail first if there should not be transports enough to remove the whole & in that case the British Troops will remove on to Staten Island. They are in expectation of Transports from Europe, as they have only about eighty for that service at New York.

“From the present auspicious appearance of our public affairs and from a persuasion that the American Troops will soon be in possession of New York, I have to request that Your Excellency would be pleased to suffer me, with my detachment, to be among the first who may go into the City. I have many reasons for making this early request but the principal argument which I would offer, and which I am conscious will have due weight in Your Excellency’s breast, is that particular attention may be paid to certain Characters in New York, who have served us very essentially, and who may other ways be treated amiss. It is a favor which they will by all means expect, and some of them will not wish to have the nature of their services divulged....

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

(142) VALENTINE From Lieutenant-Colonel J. G. Simcoe to Miss Sarah Townsend; written and delivered at Oyster Bay, L. I. St. Valentine’s day 1779:—

Fairest Maid where all are fair,
Beauty’s pride and Nature’s care;
To you my heart I must resign;
O choose me for your Valentine!
Love, Mighty God! thou know’st full well,
Where all thy Mother’s graces dwell,
Where they inhabit and combine
To fix thy power with spells divine;
Thou know’st what powerful magick lies
Within the round of Sarah’s eyes,
Or darted thence like lightning fires,
And Heaven’s own joys around inspires;
Thou know’st my heart will always prove
The shrine of pure unchanging love!
Say; awful God! since to thy throne
Two ways that lead are only known—
Here gay Variety presides,
And many a youthful circle guides
Through paths where lilies, roses sweet,
Bloom and decay beneath their feet;
Here constancy with sober mien
Regardless of the flowery Scene
With Myrtle crowned that never fades,
In silence seeks the Cypress Shades,
Or fixed near Contemplation’s cell,
Chief with the Muses loves to dwell,
Leads those who inward feel and burn
And often clasp the abandon’d urn,—
Say, awful God! did’st thou not prove
My heart was formed for Constant love?
Thou saw’st me once on every plain
To Delia pour the artless strain—
Thou wept’sd her death and bad’st me change
My happier days no more to range
O’er hill, o’er dale, in sweet Employ,
Of singing Delia, Nature’s joy;
Thou bad’st me change the pastoral scene
Forget my Crook; with haughty mien
To raise the iron Spear of War,
Victim of Grief and deep Despair:
Say, must I all my joys forego
And still maintain this outward show?
Say, shall this breast that’s pained to feel
Be ever clad in horrid steel?
Nor swell with other joys than those
Of conquest o’er unworthy foes?
Shall no fair maid with equal fire
Awake the flames of soft desire;
My bosom born, for transport, burn
And raise my thoughts from Delia’s urn?
“Fond Youth,” the God of Love replies,
“Your answer take from Sarah’s eyes.”

An incident in the lives of the secret service men is detailed in Major Tallmadge’s letter, dated Greenfield, Feb. 21, 1783, and addressed to General Washington. Major Tallmadge says:

I am happy in having occasion to congratulate your Excellency on the success which attended a part of my detachment yesterday in capturing one of the Enemy’s armed Vessels on the Sound. In my letter of the 20th ulto. I had the honor to inform your Excellency that an attempt had been made to board one of the Enemy’s Gallies; since which, for some reason, she has been hauled up at Huntington and her Crew has left her. The detection of many boats belonging to this shore, has induced the enemy to employ their armed vessels in the Trade. Several loads of fat Beaves have been taken from this shore under cover of their guns.

About ten days ago I was informed that one of the Enemies Privateers had landed a large quantity of English Goods near Stratford, and that she was soon to return and receive a cargo of Beef. As this vessel was one of the principal cruizers in the Sound, and had been largely used in trade, I tho’t it my duty if possible to prevent her doing further mischief, accordingly a detachment of forty five men from the Light Infantry of the Legion, under the orders of Lieuts. Rhea and Hanly, together with Capt. Brewster’s Boat Crew of Continental Troops, were held ready for service. Yesterday the enemies vessel was discovered near Stratford Point, where at 2 o’clock p. m. the troops were embarked in a fast sailing vessel prepared for that purpose, which was cammanded by Capt. Hubbel, and at 4 p. m. they came up with her, when she gave a discharge of her Cannon followed by her Swivles and Musquetry, (our troops being concealed) till both vessels met, when the troops rose, gave the Enemy one discharge of Musquetry, and boarded them with fixed bayonets. The Captain of the Privateer was killed and only three or four of his men were wounded, two of them supposed mortally wounded.[72] Tho Capt. Hubbel’s Vessel was much damaged in her hull, spars and Rigging, yet not a man on board was killed or wounded. Capt Brewster who Commanded the Troops, as well as the other officers and soldiers on board deserve commendation for the spirit and zeal with which their service has been performed. The Privateer is called the Three Brothers, was commanded by Capt. Johnstone, mounting eleven Carriage Guns, four swivels, twenty five stand of small arms and navigated by twenty one men. The Prize now lies at Black Rock under a Guard, and we shall be glad of your Excellency’s order of Condemnation upon her. As there has been a particular agreement between Captain Hubbell and myself respecting the proportion of the Prize to be drawn by the Vessel and the Troops, I shall thank your Excellency to leave the division to us. The Prisoners who are able to march (except two negroes left with Capt. Hubbel) are on their way to camp.

I cannot but hope these successful attempts will have good effects and in some measure answer your Excellency’s wishes to prevent the Illicit Trade. I have enclosed a Protection from Admiral Digby taken on board the Prize, which proves that the same vessel was not long since loaded with Stock in Connecticut River. I have the Honor to be, With great Regard, Sir, your Excellency’s most Obedt. Servt.

Benj. Tallmadge.

P.S. Previous to the taking of Captain Johnstone, he had captured one of our boats with a crew of Continental Troops, who found a happy release. Last friday Col. Thompson’s Corps left Huntington, and marched Westward. They halted at Jamaica, but it is conjectured that they are soon to embark for the West Indies.

B. T.

CALEB BREWSTER

Caleb Brewster at the time of his birth had for near neighbor Samuel Thompson of Setauket, whose son the historian, Benjamin F. Thompson, left a carefully prepared sketch of his life in 1843. In full Thompson says:

“Among those who engaged in defence of their country, against the oppression of a foreign power, few have had as good fortune to be remembered by posterity, or to receive their due share of respect and gratitude. It therefore devolves upon the historian, when opportunity offers, to rescue from oblivion the memory of the virtue and services of those, to whose exertions and sufferings we are indebted for the many privileges we enjoy. Great were the sacrifices of those who aided in the achievement of independence, and the establishment of the happy form of government under which we live. In this array of zeal and suffering, the subject of this notice stands pre-eminent.

“Mr. Brewster was the son of Benjamin, grandson of Daniel, and great grandson of the Rev. Nathaniel Brewster of Setauket, who was the son of Jonathan, and grandson of elder William Brewster of Plymouth, one of those worthies who arrived in the May Flower in December 1620.

“The father of Mr. Brewster was a farmer, and, as was too often the custom of the day, gave his only son a limited education. He was born at Setauket, in 1747, and learned such branches as were taught in the country schools of that period, comprehending little else than reading, writing, and arithmetic. Being naturally of an ardent and enterprising disposition, and anxious to explore beyond the confines of his native town, he chose the life of a sailor; and at the age of nineteen, engaged himself on board a whaling vessel, commanded by Captain Jonathan Worth, bound to the coast of Greenland. His next voyage was to London in a merchant ship, and upon his return, he found his country involved in the Revolutionary contest. His enthusiasm in the cause of liberty did not allow him to hesitate, for a moment, the course which his duty called him to pursue, and he immediately volunteered his services in securing American Independence. He was honored, in a short time, with the commission of lieutenant of artillery, and from that time forward was eminently distinguished for zeal and intrepidity, possessing to the fullest extent the confidence of the officers of the army and that of the commander-in-chief. In short, such was the exalted opinion entertained of his integrity, courage, patriotism, and prudence, that in 1778 he was employed as a confidential and secret agent of Congress; and he devoted himself, through the remainder of the struggle, in procuring and transmitting the most minute, accurate, and important intelligence relative to the movements and intentions of the enemy at different points, and particularly in New York and on Long Island; for which he was uncommonly well qualified, as well by his intimate topographical knowledge of the country, as his acquaintance with the people on both sides the political question, and therefore knew in whom, of either party, he could venture to confide. He was among those who, under Col. Parsons, crossed the Sound to Long Island in 1777, for the purpose of capturing a body of British and tories, which, under Col. Hewlett, had taken possession and garrisoned the Presbyterian church at Setauket. On the 23d of June, 1780, he was appointed captain of artillery, and was frequently engaged with separate gangs of marauders, who sometimes extended their predatory excursions upon the main.

“In November 1780, he was a volunteer with Benajah Strong and Heathcote Muirson, in the expedition under Maj. Tallmadge, to the South side of Long Island, where they surprised and took prisoners a party of British troops encamped upon Smith’s Point at Mastic, and on their return destroyed a large quantity of hay and military stores at Corum. In 1781 he engaged with, and captured an armed boat with her whole crew, in the Sound, which he carried safely into Black Rock Harbor.

“On the 7th of December, 1782, Captain Brewster, with the whaleboats under his command, gave chase to several armed boats of the enemy in the Sound, and after a desperate encounter, in which most of the men on both sides were either killed or wounded, he succeeded in capturing two of the enemy’s boats. This action has generally been denominated, by way of distinction, the boat fight; and at the time was justly considered, in connection with its attendant circumstances, one of the most valorous and extraordinary engagements of that portentious period. It was indeed a truly perilous adventure; yet the contest lasted only twenty minutes, and some of his boats refusing to come up, he was compelled, from his peculiar situation, to engage with the enemy almost single handed. During the short but terriable conflict his shoulder was pierced by a rifle ball, which passed out at his back. His prudence and resolution enabled him to keep this occurrence a profound secret till the enemy surrendered, when he found himself exhausted from the effusion of blood. After reaching the shore, he was confined, under the hands of a surgeon, for some time; for the injury thus received, he was placed upon the pension roll of the army, and continued to receive a gratuity from his country for the remainder of his life. He participated in several other important and hazardous engagements, while attached to the line of the army, the interesting particulars of which it is impossible to ascertain, as none of his compatriots on those occasions are now living. On the 9th of March, 1783, he took command of a sloop at Fairfield, for the purpose of attacking the Fox, a British armed vessel in the Sound; and as soon as he came near, he ordered his men to board her with fixed bayonets, himself leading the way. In less than two minutes, she became their prize. Captain Johnson, of the Fox, and two men, were killed, and several others wounded; while Captain Brewster had not a person injured. This extraordinary exertion on his part was more than his then state of health could endure, and in consequence of which he was confined to his bed for several months. When he recovered, the preliminaries of peace had been exchanged, and his beloved country had assumed her appropriate station among the free nations of the earth. In 1784 he married Anne, daughter of Jonathan Lewis of Fairfield, Connecticut; where he continued afterwards to reside, when not in public service, to the close of life. In 1793 he was commissioned a lieutenant of the revenue cutter for the district of New York; and such was his well known skill and prudence, that on the death of Captain Dennis, soon after, he was appointed her commander, which he retained till 1816, with the exception of three years of Mr. Adam’s administration, to which he was opposed. In that year he retired to his farm at Black Rock, where he departed this life at the age of seventy-nine years, February 13th, 1827. In stature, Captain Brewster was above common size, of fine proportions, a commanding countenance, a constitution athletic and vigorous, and of extraordinary activity. His talent for wit and humor was almost unrivalled, and for relating anecdotes few men could be found more entertaining.

“His excellency Governor Tompkins, Dr. Mitchill, James Fairlie, Esq., and several other gentlemen, accompanied Captain Brewster in a voyage around Long Island, in September, 1809; and so highly gratified were they all with his polite attention to their comfort, that it was resolved to present him a silver cup as a token of their obligation and regard. The fort at Staten Island, where most of the gentlemen were present, was the spot chosen for delivering the cup, on which occasion Dr. Mitchill made an address in his usual able manner, and was happily responded to by Captain Brewster. On the subject of his military services, Mr. Knox, former secretary of war, on the petition of Captain Brewster, reported to the House of Representatives, the 21st of June, 1790, that ‘he was a lieutenant of artillery during the war, and was confidentially employed in an armed boat by the commander-in-chief, to keep open the communication between Connecticut and Long Island, for the purpose of obtaining intelligence. That he performed this ardous and hazardous service with fidelity, judgment and bravery, and to the entire approbation of General Washington, appears by his letters written to Captain Brewster, as well as his certificate, bearing date June 10, 1784.’

“By the zeal and activity which he manifested in this employment, he became, as a matter of course, a peculiar object of the enemy’s hate, who made many attempts, and in various ways, to take or destroy him. He, and those under his command, in the month of Dec., 1782, behaved with the highest gallantry, in an engagement with the enemy’s armed boats, the largest of which he captured, after an obstinate resistance, in which perilous action he was dangerously wounded, and was carried to Connecticut, at a distance from any hospital, where he languished for a long time under the pain of his wounds, from which he finally recovered.

“His widow survived her husband several years, and died in 1835, leaving a number of children, one of whom, Sturges Brewster, Esq., has been for many years attached to the New York Custom House.”

FOOTNOTES to “NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION”:

[66] Abraham Woodhull loaned money to the State, upon their request. See New York in the Revolution, vol. 2, p. 196.

[67] The east end of Long Island will always remember Ebenezer Dayton as the man who gave them the measles. He became known as a daring privateer during the early days of the Revolution, but, not satisfied to obey the rules of war, he made excursions on land that amounted to robbery. In retaliation the Tories crossed to his store in Connecticut and robbed him of £450 in gold and destroyed most of his effects. After the Revolution he became a peddler, and upon this particular occasion visited East Hampton with fancy goods for sale, arriving Saturday evening. On Sunday, although having symptoms of the measles, and against the advice of the hostess who had entertained him, he persisted in attending Church service, thereby notifying the public of his presence. News of his indiscretion was spread over the town and the indignation of the people was so obvious that he left in the early morning following. He was pursued by a few young men, overtaken, brought back to the village, ridden on a rail through the streets, ducked in the town pond, and submitted to other indignities. Nearly one hundred took the measles, and several died. Colonel Aaron Burr, then a young aspiring lawyer, advocated the suit of the peddler, and under his powerful presentation the jury rendered a verdict of one thousand dollars damages against the young men. Before the close of the war the men who robbed him in Connecticut were captured in Brookhaven, Long Island, and some of his effects recovered. One of the party was hanged and the others were severely punished.

[68] “The expenses already amount to the money sent.” All are familiar with the difficulties Washington had in obtaining money. However, he realized the importance of the Secret Service work and when they asked for it usually supplied small amounts. Woodhull seems to have feared Townsend would attribute this to lack of appreciation, and when sums came, forwarded all to Townsend, retaining nothing for himself. Townsend correctly considered himself an agent of General Washington, and expected him to meet the obligations it became necessary to incur, just as the General insisted upon being furnished promptly with sufficient to meet his own expenses. Like Washington, also, neither of the Culpers received money as a reward or hire for their personal services, and like him they were obliged to draw upon their personal funds. It may be roughly estimated that both men spent as much again as Washington sent them.

[69] Cullper instead of Culper it is written in Woodhull’s handwriting.

[70] A stone at the grave of Solomon Townsend, brother of Robert, is inscribed: “In Memory of Solomon Townsend, Member of the State Legislature from the City of New York, who departed this life on the 27th March, 1811, during the Session, aged 64 years 5 months and 2 days. The remains were transferred from Albany to this place Dec. 9th 1848.”

[71] Drowned Meadow is now called Port Jefferson, L. I.

[72] This letter says the captain was killed and only three or four of his 21 men wounded, while Coll. Tallmadge’s Memoirs, p. 75 says: “Nearly every man on board was either killed or wounded.” The fact that his memoirs were written fifty years after the event may account for this.

INDEX

Acker, Benjamin, 154
Almy, Deborah, 102
America shall be Mother of Nations, 104

Anderson, James, 117, written James instead of John, 117

Anderson, John, 117, 167
André, Maj. John, vi, 113, 114;
hides doughnuts, 114;
hanged, Oct. 2, 1780, 118, 123, 124;
letter to Simcoe, 124;
gets code letter, 126;
planned capture of Gen. Washington, 136;
returned to New York, 141;
his letter to Clinton, 142;
letter to Arnold, Sept 21, 1780, 143;
mentioned, 186

Arbuthnot, Admiral Marriott, 55, 85, 152, 202, 267;
off Sandy Hook, 278
Archdale, Capt., 96
Archibald, Capt., 141
Army’s situation, Feb. 1781, 272

Arnold, Benedict, 118, 144, 167, 177, 195, 195, 220, 223;
writes Tallmadge, 116;
influenced by British spies, 120;
treason carefully planned, 120;
asks Washington for real names of Culpers, 121;
letter to Gen. Howe, 121;
reply to Robert Howe, 123;
began plotting in 1779, 125;
writes code letter to André signed J. Moore, 126;
wants Sheldon’s help, 128;
sends Sheldon barrel of Rum, 128;
letter to André signed Gustavus, 130;
writes Sheldon and desires a meeting, 132;
reply to Sheldon, Sept. 10, 1780, 132;
starts to meet André, 135;
writes to Tallmadge, 137;
uneasy, 137;
addresses Anderson, Sept. 15, 1780, 137;
letter to Beverly Robinson, Sept. 18, 1780, 139;
tried to obtain names of those helping Washington, 171;
life at West Point, 171;
flight, Sept. 25, 1780, 175;
sketch, 181;
invites Major Tallmadge to become a traitor, 196;
success in Virginia, 272
Arnold, Benedict, Jr., 182
Arnold, Benedict, Sr., 181
Arnold, Betty, 182
Arnold, Edward, 177
Arnold, Elizabeth, 182
Arnold, Hannah, 182
Arnold, Henry, 182
Arnold, Mrs., 172, 176, 182
Arnold, Richard, 182
Arthur, Jesse, Block house on his farm, 194
Bad money returned to Washington, 270
Bancroft’s comment, 162
Barton, Gen., 236
Battery, guns mounted, 255;
mounts 42 pieces, 267;
refitting fortifications at, 250;
work at the, 57
Battle of Bunker Hill. Simcoe in Boston, 123

Battle of Long Island, described by eyewitness, 233

Bay of Fundy, 206
Bayard’s Hill, 64
Bayles, John, headquarters, 70
Bayside, L. I., 10
Beacons and signals on L. I., 84
Bedford, L. I., 56
Bedford, Westchester Co., 33, 66
Benson, Lieut. Colonel, 175
Bergen County, 246

Birch, Col., appointed commandant of New York, 96;
at Setauket, 95;
at Southampton, 236
Birdsall, Benjamin, 8
Birdsall, Margaret, 8
Black Rock, 284;
Brewster’s Farm at, 287
Black Rock Harbor, 287
Block Island, 202
Board in New York is £3 per week, 37, 238
Boatman forbid to cross, 99

Bolton, John. See Tallmadge, Major Benj., 11, 60, 83

Bown, Robert, of Shrewsbury, 273
Bowne, D., 10
Bowne, Hannah, 268
Bowne, John, of Flushing, 268
Bowne, Samuel, of Flushing, 268
Boyd, Ebenezer, relates the event, 155
Branch, troops there, 93
Brewster, Benjamin, 285
Brewster, Caleb, Letters:
Feb. 26, 1779, 38;
Aug. 18, 1780, 91;
Aug. 21, 1780, 92;
Aug. 27, 1780, 93;
Nov. 13, 1780, 191;
Feb. 14, 1781, 197, 273;
Advised of necessary steps for safety, 254;
attacked by Glover and Hoyght, 91;
Boat fight, 286;
captures another boat, 197;
carries important message, 116;
finds British works at Canoe Place, 38;
finds Erskine at Southampton with 2500, 37;
finds three redoubts at South and East Hampton, 37;
makes post at Fairfield, 33;
finds it necessary to kill a man, 91;
took a prize, 191;
takes 8 prisoners, 273;
mentioned, 11, 14, 16, 31, 33, 81, 94, 116, 190, 191, 267, 283, 288;

Sketch, 284
Brewster, Daniel, 285
Brewster, Hannah, 16
Brewster, Jonathan, 285
Brewster, Rev. Nathaniel, 285
Brewster, Sturges, 288
Brewster, William, of Plymouth, 285
British Boats mentioned by name:
Amphitrite, 87;
America, 87;
Ardent, 40, 258;
Argo, 224;
Bedford, 87, 235;
Camilla, 87;
Centurian, 280;
Colloden, 87;
Confederacy, 278;
Daphne, 52, 248, 250, 258;
Defiance, 63, 263;
Delaware, 52, 237, 244, 248;
Europa, 55, 57, 63, 87, 258, 263;
Experiment, 56;
Fox, 287;
Grand Duke, 85;
Greyhound, 53, 249;
Halifax, 38;
Hunter, 63;
LeBlond, 53;
Loyalist, 73;
London, 87;
Lioness, 264;
Lord Townsend, 237;
Lion, 280;
Oliver Cromwell, 73;
Perseus, 263;
Prudent, 87;
Rainbow, 40, 249, 258;
Raisonable, 53, 63, 243, 249, 263;
Renown, 57, 63, 250, 263, 267;
Richmond, 235;
Rising Sun, 87;
Romulus, 40, 48, 52, 248, 249, 263;
Roebuck, 63, 235, 263;
Robuste, 64, 87, 263;
Rose, 41;
Royal Oak, 87;
Russel, 55, 57, 63, 263;
Scorpion, 38, 86;
Shrewsbury, 87;
Solebay, 64, 264;
Swan, 87;
Towey, 64;
Vulture, 139, 141, 148, 151, 152, 179

British Fleet has sailed from Gardiner’s Bay, 94

Brookhaven, L. I., 16, 31, 239
Brooklyn, Large Fort at, 57;
work on the fort at, 58;
carrying forage to, 257
Brooklyn Ferry, 10, 35, 55, 236;
British carrying hay to, 66;
teams from Queens Co. ordered to, 264
Brown at Bergen in provost on suspicion, 240
Brown, Monfort, 69
Brown, Philip, 86
Brush, Major, 198, 245, 274
Buchanan, Thos. & Co., 8
Bunker Hill, Repairing Fort on, 57
Burgoyne, General, 171, 211, 235
Burr, Aaron, defends E. Dayton, 254

Burroughs, Major. His testimony regarding André, 153

Bushwick, Hessians at, 74
Buskearks Regiment, 236
Bute, Lord, 53
By all means be upon your guard, 90
Byron, Admiral, 48, 235, 256
Colquhoun, Joseph, his narrative, 145;
continues narrative, 151
Campball, Brig. Gen., 235
Canada, 75
Canoe Place, 37
Carleton’s Aides, 206
Carleton, called a tyrant, 204, 280

Carleton’s finger will be heavier than Clinton’s thigh, 280

Carolina, 46, 53, 267

Cattle come from Connecticut and East Jersey, 264

Cathcart, Lord, at Southampton, 236
Catholics, Scotch Roman, 248
Cedar Swamp, 188
Charleston is fixed on, 261;
troops destined for, 262;
Fleet going to, 206;
British sail for, 263;
Capitulation of, 9;
troops expected at New York, 280;
mentioned, 265
Clarke, George, 102
Clarke, John, 95
Clinton, Gen. George, 8, 155
Clinton, Governor, 67, 163

Clinton, Sir Henry, 53, 65, 73, 91, 125, 179, 186, 186, 188, 198, 211, 213, 237, 244, 262, 263, 264, 267;
at Oyster Bay, 68;
among the carpenters, 137;
between Whitestone and Jamaica, 90;
His apology, 85;
gone to New York, 94;
£400 raised for, 65;
with 240 horse escorted through Setauket, 91;
misguided and bewildered by Washington, 213;
informs Burgoyne that there will be no British Army to meet him at Albany, 215;
orders all fields of wheat burned, 244;
dissatisfied with Arnold, 272
Clove or Ramapo Pass, 214
Cobble Hill, 57
Code, first that Culpers used, 41;
Codes, 209;
code Culpers used, 218;
code messages, 252
Coffee House, 12

Colden, Cadwalader. His daughter Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, 165

Coles, John Butler, 8
Coles, Rebecca, 103
Collier, Sir George, 40, 53, 56
Collin, Sir George, 258
Colonel Hay’s landing place, 147
Colquhoun, Samuel, 144
Columbian Centinal article by Washington, 212
Conklin, Capt. Cornelius, 178, 245, 274;
captured, 195
Connecticut, 247

Cooley, William, confirms Jameson’s statement, 154

Cooper, James Fenimore, “The Spy”, v, 44, 113
Coram, British troops there, 89, 93;
mentioned, 195, 286;
forage at, 191
Cork fleet is expected, 188
Cork fleet arrived at the Hook, 202

Cornwallis, Charles, Lord, to take troops, 68;
mentioned, 53, 187, 188, 263
Cortlandts Manor, 81
Council of Appointment, 4
Counterfeit money, 95;
to pay taxes with, 266
Counterpart of the Stain, 264
Cow Bay, 221
Cow Neck, 100
Cowneck Point, 86
Crane’s Island, 151
Crompound, 155
Crom’s Island, 151
Crosby, Enoch, v
Croton, Paulding captured at, 167
Cruger, Nicholas, beats James Rivington, 7

Culper Junior, mentioned, 1, 4, 45, 88, 101, 112, 117, 184;
again engaged, 90;
again in New York, 198;
back in New York, 275;
makes special visit to Senior, 276;
his British uniform, 204;
note addressed to Floyd, 82;
Culper’s reports, 3;
meets with Woodhull without attracting suspicion, 8;
almost betrayed, 198;
Letters: June 29, 1779, 45, 247;
July 15, 1779, 50 and 248;
July 29, 1779, 52;
Aug. 6, 1779, 54 and 249;
Sept. 11, 1779, 55;
Sept. 29, 1779, 254;
Oct. 9, 1779, 255;
Nov. 3, 1779, 68;
Nov. 27, 1779, 71, 224;
Dec. 27, 1779, 7, 263;
July 20, 1780, 82;
Aug. 23, 1780, 267;
Oct. 20, 1780, 186;
May 5, 1782, 203;
Sept. 19, 1782, 206
Culper Senior, 2;
First Judge of Suffolk Co., 3;
trusts Washington will overlook imperfections, 39;
says “be everywhere upon your guard”, 40;
pleased with curious ink, 42;
robbed, 43;
searched and robbed, 62;
agrees to advance Washington the money needed for the secret service work, 199;
examined at Brooklyn Ferry, 201;
fears handwriting may betray him, 244;
to see Junior 12 miles from Setauket, 259;
meets British force under Col. Burch, 259;
says “not the breadth of your hand between me and death”, 260;

Col. Floyd, 260;
would kill Simcoe, 262;
Letters:
Oct. 31, 1778, 32;
Nov. 23, 1778, 34;
Feb. 26, 1779, 37;
Apl. 10, 1779, 39;
Apl. 12, 1779, 41;
Apl. 29, 1779, 43;
June 5, 1779, 43 and 241;
June 20, 1779, 44;
June 30, 1779, 45;
July 9, 1779, 47;
July 15, 1779, 50;
Aug. 12, 1779, 54, 251;
Aug. 15, 1779, 55, 252;
Sept. 19, 1779, 62, 253;
Oct 10, 1779, 62;
Oct. 26, 1779, 65, 257;
Oct. 29, 1779, 65;
Nov. 5, 1779, 69;
Nov. 13, 1779, 70, 259;
Nov. 29, 1779, 71;
Dec. 12, 1779, 72, 262;
Feb. 27, 1780, 73;
Mar. 13, 1780, 74, 264;
April 18, 1780, 75;
April 23, 1780, 75;
May 4, 1780, 77;
June 10, 1780, 79;

July 20, 1780, two, one to Washington and one to Caleb Brewster, 83;

Aug. 6, 1780, 88;
Aug. 16, 1780, 90;
Sept. 1, 1780, 94;
Sept. 5, 1780, 95;
Sept. 12, 1780, 96;
Sept. 18, 1780, 99;
Aug. 27, 1780, 266;
Oct. 14, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 26, 1780, 187;
Nov. 12, 1780, 189;
Sept. 27, 1780, 194;
Oct. 8, 1780, 194;
Nov. 28, 1780, 271;
Dec. 24, 1780, 195;
Feb. 8, 1781, 197, 272;
Mar. 18, 1781, 198, 275;
April 23, 1781, 198, 275;
May 8, 1781, 201, 276;
May 19, 1781, 201;
May 27, 1781, 202, 277;
June 4, 1781, 202, 278;
June 27, 1781, 202;
July 5, 1782, 204, 279;
July 5, 1783, 207
Cunningham, William, 165

Custis, G. W. P. wrote: “the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value”, 16

Danbury, 37
Danes, ship belonging to, 190
Danolson, Fade, 66
Darby, Admiral, 272
Davidson, Capt. William, 280
Dayton, Ebenezer, ducked at East Hampton, 254
Dean, Capt., 225
Deane, Mr., 43
Deane, Silas, 51
Deceptive letters, 213
DeLancey’s brigade at Lloyd’s Neck, 250
DeLancey, Brigr. Gen., 86
DeLancey, James and the Cow Boys, 160;
attempt to capture, 164

DeLancey, John Peter, who married Elizabeth Floyd, 165

DeLancey, Mrs. Elizabeth, 165

DeLancey, 236, and Mr. McAdams would sell their estates, 239

DeLancey, Major, 220, 221
DeLancey, Nancy, 165
DeLancey, Ol., 85 (footnote 22)
DeLancey resides at Jamaica, 250
Delavan, Capt., 157
Delaware Bay, 249
Dennis, Capt., 287
DeRiedesel, 224
D’Estaing, 235, 261;
expected, 255;
reported in Delaware Bay, 257
DeWurmb, 220
Dictionary, 54
Diehl, Daniel, 78
Digby, protection from, 284
Dobbs’ Ferry, 135, 137
Dragoons posted 15 miles apart, 11, 88
Dragoons, 17th Regiment of, 94;
at Musqueto Cove, 188;
at Hempstead, 190, 256
Drake, Colonel Gil, 156, 166
Drowned Meadow, 93
Duke de la Rochefoucault, Liancourt, 124
Duke of Athol’s Regiment, 40, 48
Dusenberry, Richd., 166
Duyckenik, Christopher, 50, 249
East Chester, 167
East Haddam, Conn., 1
East Hampton, L. I., 37, 81;
boys deck Dayton, 254
Elizabeth, 236
Elizabeth Town, 240;
troops land near, 9
Emmerick, 236
England, Packet sailing for, 206

English fleet, about 75 sail left Sandy Hook, 272

Erskine, Sir Wm., 113;
fortifying at Southampton and building boats, 237

Estaing, Charles Henry, Count d’, 48, 65
Eustice, Dr., 177
Expenses for self and horse considerable, 100
Fairfield, 33, 37, 81, 226, 287
Fairlie, James, 287
Faller, Pero, 166
Fanning’s Regiment, 94, 266;
at Lloyd’s Neck, 69;
at White Stone, 247
Fish, Jubis, has boats at Horse Neck, 93
Fishkill, 107, 144, 159, 197
Floyd Family, 15;
Benjamin, 82;
Elizabeth, v;

Elizabeth, the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, 165;

Mary, who married Major Tallmadge, 165;

Colonel, 37;

Col. Benjamin, robbed, 66, of service to Whig interests, 67;

Col. after E. Dayton, 253;

Culper likely to stand in need of his services, 238;
returned on his Parole, 238
Flushing, L. I., 14, 38, 102, 190, 268;
Major André at, 125;
Browns regiment at, 74;
a regiment of Horse at, 57;
1000 Hessians at, 271;
Yaigers at, 236
Flushing Heights, 85
Foreword, 1
Fort Putnam, 152
Fort St. George, 191;
Capt. Hazard going there, 202
Forts nearly completed, 255
Fort Washington strongly fortified, 255
Fortifying L. I. opposite Frog’s Point, 267
Fortifying the Heights of Harlem, 267
France, Large fleet sailing from, 196
Franklin, John, 8
Franks, David S., 172
Franks, Major, 145, 176, 178
French Fleet, mentioned, 69, 206, 253;
arrives off Rhode Island, 81;
second division to arrive, 90;
steering for the Continent, 255
Frigate sank off Helgate, 271
Frog’s Neck, 84
Gallows Point, Cannonade from, 151
Gambier, Admiral, 40
Gardiner’s Bay, fleet there, 190;
British Fleet sails from, 94
Gardiner’s Island, 87
Gardner, Sergt. Robert, 137
Gazette, Royal, 12;
tells of John Paulding’s capture, 165
Genealogy—Townsend, 268
General Assembly of New York, 104
Gentlemen stand soldier like, 280

Georgia, mentioned, 56, 64, 69, 237, 238, 224, 252, 256, 261, 280;
no late accounts from, 58, 258;
troops for, 256
Glover and Hoyt, 93
Gordon, Lord Charles, 265
Governor’s Island, 64;
repairing works, 255
Graves, Admiral, arrives in New York, 81
Great Neck, 10
Green Farms, 88

Green, General, announces Arnold’s treason, 119

Green, Genl. Nathaniel, letter to Coll. Wadsworth, 181

Greene’s, Genl., lines at Brooklyn, 108
Greenland, 285
Grinell, Capt., 241
Guard boats kept out, 250
Guilford, 88
Gustavus letter, 138
Hale, Nathan, where he was captured, 20;

Enoch Hale recorded that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York was hanged,” 20;

John Hale entered in the town records of Coventry, “Capt. Nathan Hale was taken in the City of New York and executed,” 20;

Chapter I, pages 19–29;
mentioned, vi, 1, 30, 111
Halifax, mentioned, 40, 48, 64, 68, 237, 248
Hammond, Sir Andrew, arrives, 255

Hamilton, Alexander, mentioned, 4, 54, 61, 125;
acts for Washington, 84;
his opinion of plot to capture Washington, 136

Hamilton, Coll. (Alexander), 177
Hamilton, Coll. (British), 84
Hampton Roads, 188
Handwriting, 3
Handkerchief full of gold, 163
Hanly, Lieutenant, 283
Harrison’s Brewery, 258
Hartford, mentioned, 95, 168, 177, 182
Haverstraw, 153
Haverstraw Bay, 148
Hawkins, Jonas, 11, 55
Hazard, Capt., 202
Heath, Genl., 84, 92, 99

Heath, General William, letter from Washington, 179

Hempstead Bay, 86
Hempstead Harbor, 259
Hempstead Plains, 85
Hempstead, 17th Dragoons at, 62, 74, 271

Heron, William, otherwise Hiram, the British Spy, 128, 198, 220, 230

Hessians at Brooklyn Ferry, 35
Hessian Regiments, 56, 267
Hessian Yeagers at Jericho, 190
Hessian Yeagers at Oyster Bay, 190
Hewlet, Col. remains on Lloyd’s Neck, 38
Hewlett, Col. Richard, 226
Hicks Boat, 10
Hicks, John, 102
Hicks, Mary, 102
Higday, George, 45, 47, 246
Hiram, 219 (see Heron)
Hobart, John Sloss, 110

Hopkins, Benedict Arnold’s chum in Boston, 182

Hopkins, C. D., marries Elizabeth Arnold, 182
Horseneck, 101
Horses not sold yet, 280
Hospital Ship destroyed by fire, 74
Hot Press in New York, 190
Houghton Mifflin Company, 4
Howe, Genl., 93, 157, 211
Howe, Robert, his letter to Arnold, 122

Howe, Genl. Robert, innocently betrays his spies to Arnold, 122

Howel, George (Aiqlai Bqyim), 95
Howel, a particular friend of Tryon, 270
Hubbel, Capt., 283
Hubbel, Major, at Lloyd’s Neck, 279
Hubbell, Lieut., 176
“Hugo,” by Mrs. Smith, 213
Hulce, Joseph, 66
Hulet, Coll., 245
Humphreys, Major, 97, 267
Hunter, Elijah, sent to Arnold, 134
Huntington, 43, 94, 226, 241, 256, 262, 284
Huntington Bay, 87

Huntington has Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s and Coll. Fanning’s Regiments, 259

Huzzars, 94
Imprisoned, Several friends, 189
Independence offered, 203
Inspector of Letters at Brooklyn Ferry, 55
Intercepted Messages, 213

Jackson, T. T., Account of the capture of Fort St. George, 192

Jamaica. A guard for the General there, 57;
Col. Ludlow there, 203;
commanding officer of Kings Forces at, 86;
Coll. Fanning’s Regiment at, 74;
DeLancey there, 250;
Regiment of Highlanders there, 38;
Troops at, 190;
200 men left at, 236;
mentioned: 14, 102, 284

Jameson, Colonel John, mentioned, 117, 162, 167, 178;

His letter to Washington, 162

Jameson, William, His record of meeting André, 154

Jarvis, Capt., 93
Jay, James, furnishes ink for spies, 51;
his letter to Washington, 210
Jay, John, mentioned, 44, 51, 210;
his code from Entick’s Dictionary, 215
Jericho, mentioned, 103, 194;
Queens Rangers at, 62;
second Battalion of Skinner’s Brigade at, 74
Jerusalem South, 69
Johnson, Capt., 287
Johnstone, Capt., killed, 283
Jones, E., 70
Jones, General, 236
Jones, M. Genl., 51

Jones, Thomas, his account of the Setauket affair, 230

Keirs, Major, 144
Kelly’s House, 70
Ketchak, Lieut., killed, 195
King, Absalom, of Long Island, 181
King, Anna, 268
Kings Bridge, 85, 97, 168, 236, 264
King’s Ferry, 134, 148
Kip’s house. André dines there, 141
Kissam, Major John, 84
Knyphausen, 236, 264
Knox, Secretary, 288
Lafayette, 84;
escapes snare laid by Arnold, 121
Lake George, 124
Lamb, General John, 7

Lambert: Cornelius Lambert, Lambert Lambert and Henry Lambert, the ferrymen, 154

Laurel Hill, 85
Laurens, John, 125
Lawrence, Edward, 269;
Effingham, 10, 268, 269;
Henry, 269;
Joseph, 10, 268;
Lydia, 269;
Mary, 269;
Major, 110;
Richard, 268;
Robert, 269;
Townsend, 269;
William, 269
Lawrence Hewlett’s Point, 86
Leer, Tobias, 177
Leland, General, 259
Leslie, General, 236
Letter folded very small, 97
Letters, necessity for destroying them, 241
Lewis, Anne, 287
Lewis, Jonathan, 287
Light House, strong fort there, 255
Lions, P., 70
Liquid for secret letters hard to get, 43
Little Neck, 269
Livingston, James, letter to Arnold, 137;
forwards Robinson’s letter, 139;
has a word, 154
Livingston, William, 160
Lloyd, Margaret, 16
Lloyd’s Neck, British carry hay to, 66;
Col. Ludlow’s Regt., there, 74;
Colden’s Volunteers at, 271;
DeLancey’s brigade there, 57;

Lloyd’s Neck has Col. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, and Col. Fanning’s Regiments, 259;
troops called from, 79;
Jersey Volunteers leave, 203;
mentioned, 46, 89, 90, 262
Location of British, 280
London, 285
Long Clove, where André met Arnold, 150, 152
L. I. Troops on west end, 256
Lord Cathcart’s Legion at Jericho, 259;
at Oyster Bay, 259
Lord Rawdon’s Corps, 64
Lord Rhoden’s Regiment, 236
Lower Salem, 117
Loyalists, American, 124
Loyalists setting off for Nova Scotia, 281
Ludlow, Col., has left Lloyd’s Neck, 203
Ludlow, Col., Regiment, 245
Ludlow’s Regiment at Lloyd’s Neck, 194, 236
Luzerne, Chevalier, 177
Lyme, 88
Lyons, Parsons, 95
Mandeville, James, 166

Mansfield, Margaret, wife of Benedict Arnold, 182

Marshall quotes Lafayette, 121
Martin, Gov., 263
Martin, Henry H., 268
Masks to disguise letters, 215
Mastic, 191
Mathews to sail for Europe, 90
Mathews, Gen., 189, 236
Mayflower, 285
McAdams would sell his estate, 239
Mernaid, Capt., 247
Middletown, 95
Milford, 280
Miller, Andraes, 156
Millers Place, troops there, 93
Mitchill, Dr., 287
Monroe, Harriet, 268
Montaigne, 214
Moody, clever British Spy, 126;
and Arnold’s code letter offering to betray West Point, 215;

Moody meets Heron, another British Spy, at West Point, 127

Moore, George, 102
Moore, John (alias B. Arnold), 126
Morris House, 85
Morris, Robert, code letters, 216;
gets gold for secret service, 216
Mount Misery, Militia to drive, 254
Muirson, 91;
betrays Howell to Woodhull, 270
Muirson, Heathcote, 286
Mulford, Col. at East Hampton, 111
Musqueto Cove, 188
Newburgh, 174, 204
New Haven, 88, 95, 171, 182, 191
New London, 16, 42, 88;
Union School, 1
Newport, 63, 168;
used similar signals to those on Long Island, 15;
harbor, 84
Newtown, L. I., 38;
54th regiment at, 74;
200 Grenadiers at, 271

New York, 38, 85, 90, 188, 189, 196, 244, 259, 264;

Custom House, 288
Nicoll:
Annie, 269;
Benjamin, 269;
Charlotte, 269;
Delancey, 269;
Dr., 35;
Edward Holland, 269;
Henry, 269, 279;
Mary Townsend, 269;
Samuel Benjamin of Shelter Island, 269;
Solomon Townsend, 269
North Castle, 89, 96, 101, 167, 168;
Church, 157
North, Lord, 56
Norwich, 182
Norwich Hill, L. I., 85

“Not long since there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death”, 71

Oakman, Henry, 54
Oakman & Townsend, 54
Odells, Mr., 130
Officers out with hounds every day, 93
Onderdonk, Henry, vi;
gives details of Setauket “Battle,” 229
Orange County, 103
Orange Town, 91
Osborne, J., 129
Outram, Ship, from London, 182
Oxen demanded by British, 65

Oyster Bay, 4, 30, 35, 57, 68, 94, 101, 124, 136, 141, 220, 258;

Foot belonging to Legend at, 62;
German Huzzars at, 74;
Heron captured near, 220;
Coll. Simcoe at, 38, 94, 236;
Col. Simcoe going to leave, 253;
Yeagers and Germans at, 271
Paper, British get for counterfeiting, 71

Paper from Philadelphia for Counterfeit money, 261

Paper. What Tallmadge had was too poor to use, 194

Parish, Dr. Matthew, 104

Parker, Admiral, 260, 261

Parsons, Genl. Samuel H., 96, 133, 197, 198, 219, 220;
demands surrender of Setauket church, 229;
captures horse-blankets, 226;
was to be a second Arnold, 220;
sends letters and British spies to Benedict Arnold, 120;
introduces Heron, the British Spy, to B. Arnold, 127;
letter of Feb. 17, 1781, 274
Patterson, Genl., 53;
to sail for Europe, 90
Paulding, John, 167;
brings spy to headquarters, 118;
his narrative, 160;
among the prisoners, 166;
monument near Peekskill, 164

Payne, John Howard, with the parents when Edgar Poe was born, 183

Peekskill, 155
Penobscot, 53;
American Fleet at, 56
Petticoat and Handkerchiefs, 15
Philadelphia, Pa., 37, 173, 182, 238
Phillips, General, 276;
is dead, 278
Pierce, G. M., quoted, 17
Pierson, Mr., 214
Pine’s Bridge, 158
Poe, David, Jr. and Sr. of Baltimore, 183
Poe, Edgar Allan, 183
Poe, Mrs., 183
Poers, Captain, 224
Port Jefferson shot up by Stephen Smith, 278
Portsmouth, 258
Powles Hook, 235
Presbyterian Meeting House, Setauket, 226
Prescot, Genl., Express from, 253

Prince of Wales American Regiment at Jamaica on way to Huntington, 69

Provincial Convention, 30
Provost, Genl., 48
Putnam, Coll. Barge Crew, 135
Putnam, General, 37, 107, 139, 141;
his orders to Parsons, 226
Quebec, 56
Queens County Loyalists, 226
Queens County Militia, 85, 86
Queens Rangers, 53, 90, 124, 251, 266;
at Oyster Bay, 57, 236, 256;
marched from Oyster Bay to André’s aid, 163;
at Jamaica, 194;
at Jericho, 256
Ramsay, Coll., 73
Rathbone, Sarah, 268

Rawdon, Lord Francis, captures Tallmadge’s baggage and money for the Culpers, 46;
mentioned, 53
Raynham Hall at Oyster Bay, 103
Remsen’s, Colonel, regiment, 108
Rhea, Lieutenant, 283

Rhode Island, 85, 90, 116, 235, 237, 244, 253, 256, 258, 267

Riedesel, Mme., entertains Major André and General Clinton, 141

River Head, British troops there, 89
Rivington, James, Sketch, 5;
His Coffee House, 7;
in Jail, 7;
mentioned, 13, 265;
His paper, 165, 249
Robbers, 241
Robertson, Gov., 220
Robinson, Capt., 173
Robinson, Coll. Beverly, 149, 175;
his letter Sept. 19, 1780, 141;
a confidant of André, 125
Robinson, General, 186

Robinson, Genl. (Jimmy), to command in Virginia, 278

Robinson House, 121, 172

Robinson’s Regiment, 236, 267

Robinson, William T., Culper’s assistant, once owned property, 421 E. 61st St., N. Y., 10;
his letters, June 7, 1780, 9;
Dec. 31, 1779, 10;
June 24, 1780, 265
Rochambeau, Count, 168;
arrives at Newport, 84
Rodney, Admiral, 190, 196
Rodney, Sir George, fleet arrives, 99, 135
Roe, Austin, 13, 31, 61, 81, 89, 190, 202;
The “Paul Revere” of New York, 82;
How his leg was broken, 61
Rogers, Capt., 245
Rogers, Coll., 124
Rome, John, 50, 51
Ruggles, Nathaniel, mentioned, 4
Russia, ships belonging to, 190
Russian Ambassador, 202
Rustdorf, 102
Sag Harbor, v
Salem, 167, 169

Samuel Culper Junior, hopes and expects all his letters are destroyed, 187

Sandy Hook, 195, 235;
hulks sunk there, 258

Saw Mills used by enemy, Culper would destroy, 245;

Located: Humphrey Avery’s at West Neck, 245;
Botts at Smithtown, 245;
Havens at Moriches, 245;
Samuel Phillips at Smithtown, 245;
Caleb Smiths at Smithtown, 245;
Nichols at Islip, 245;
Edmond Smith at Stony Brook, 245;
Tillotsons at the County House, 245;
Seth Worth at Fire Place, 245;
Willets at Islip, 245
Schuyler, General, 172
Scott, General Chas., 2, 31, 32, 33
Scudder, Capt., 225
Seaman, Jacob, 8
Sears, Coll., mentioned, 6
Seaton’s Neck, 70, 260
Secret Formula, 36
Secret Service, 2, 3, 16
Setauket church, 226

Setauket, L. I., mentioned, 4, 11, 14, 59, 69, 94, 95, 116, 195;
full of troops, 92;

20 horse and 4 foot billeted, 260;

British billeted at Coll. Floyd’s, E. Jones, J. Thompson’s, P. Lions, John Bayles, Kelly’s house, 260

Seton, Mr., robbed, 66
Shaw, Mr., 88
Sheldon, Colonel Elisha, 88, 128, 167;
posts Dragoons under protest, 88;
orders retreat, 46;
sends British spies to Arnold, 120;
forwards letter from Mrs. Arnold to Coll. DeLancey, 130;

John Anderson, otherwise Major André, writes to him, 131;
sends Arnold André’s letter, 132;
writes to Arnold, Sept. 12, 1780, 133;
his Trial, 195
Shippen, Edward, 182
Shippen, Margaret, 182
Shippen, Peggy, 182
Ships in New York Harbor, about 200, 41
Sickness on Long Island, 251
Signal Fires, British lighted, 84
Silver Bullets, 211

Simcoe, Coll. John Graves, mentioned, 43, 72, 113, 241;
at Oyster Bay, 35, 38, 94, 124, 236;
with others on the Island, 89;
friendship for André, 123;
through André knew Sir Henry Clinton’s plans for capture of West Point, 125;
planned to capture Genl. Washington, 135;
plundered Woodhull’s father in most shocking manner, 241;
sails with Arnold, 195;
first Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, 124;
sketch of his career, 123
Sink vessels at Sandy Hook, 63
Skinner, General, 92, 236
Smithtown, L. I., 70, 194, 257;
must furnish 1000 cords of wood, 74;

17th Dragoons encamped in widow Blidenburg’s orchard, 96;
wagons and troops at, 260;
Refugees at Tredles farm, 271
Smith, Elizabeth, 269
Smith, Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes, 213
Smith, Mrs. J. H., 173
Smith, Joshua Hett, 135, 144, 172;
his story of meeting André, 148;
continues the narrative, 157
Smith, Colo. Josiah, his regiment, 108;
ordered by Gen. Washington to withdraw from Long Island, 110

Smith, Richard, alias Bull Smith, 269
Smith, Stephen, shoots up Port Jefferson, 278
Smith, William, 108
Smith, Judge Wm., 4
Smith, William Henry, 16
Smith, Lieutenant Coll. W. S., 166
Smith’s, William, farm at Mastick neck, 192
Smith’s place, Mastic, 191, 286
Sons of Liberty, 5, 30
Southampton, 37, 95, 188, 235, 262;
British there, 87
South Bay, 245
South Carolina, 76
Southerland, Capt. of the Vulture, 149
Southold, 263
South Mills, 89
Spanish War, 247
Sparks, Jared, tried to identify Culpers, 5;
uses letters from Tallmadge, 167
Springfield, British troops arrive at, 7
St. Augustine, 280
Stain, invisible, 210
Stain Letters, 13;
frequently developed, 16
Stain sheets mixed, 71
Stamford, 88, 93, 101, 225
Staten Island, 206, 240, 250, 281, 287;
troops from, land at Elizabeth Town, June, 1780, 9

Sterling, Sir Thomas, Genl., 9, 79

Stewart, Coll., 53

Stoddard, Darius, causes Sheldon’s arrest, 134

Stoddard, William, 102
Stony Point, 53, 144, 148;
troops get back, 258
Strang, Major, 156
Stratford Point, 283
Strong, Benajah, 286
Strong, Judge Selah, 15
Strong, Thomas, 15
Strong’s Neck, 15
Success, L. I., 280
Surrender of West Point Planned, 135
Suttin, Capt. John, 93
Sutton’s Hill, now Beacon Hill, 85
Sylvester, Grizzell, 16

Tallmadge, Major Benjamin. Letters: Oct 29, 1778, 32;

Nov. 19, 1778, 33;
Nov. 29, 1778, 35;
Dec. 23, 1778, 33;
April 21, 1779, 42 and 239;
Nov. 1, 1779, 66;
July 14, 1780, 81;
Sept 9, 1780, 96;
Sept 13, 1780, 97;
Sept. 19, 1780, 99;
Aug. 10, 1780, 100;
Aug. 20, 1780, 101;
Aug. 28, 1780, 101;
Sept. 21, 1780, 117;
Letters to Jared Sparks, 167, 169;
Oct. 11, 1780, 184;
Oct. 17, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 23, 1780, 187;
Jan. 28, 1781, 196;
April 25, 1781, 199;
Aug. 18, 1782, 205;
Mar. 31, 1783, 207, 281;
Feb. 21, 1783, 283

Tallmadge, Major Benjamin, mentioned: vi, 11, 16, 31, 32, 80, 83, 84, 118, 152, 167, 191, 193, 196, 199, 206, 286;
his letter to Nathan Hale, 19;
his Code, 218;
surprised by night attack, 46;
says: Culper’s Intelligence defeated British expedition to New London, 240;
obliged to use counterpart to stain letters, 66;
deciphers stain letters, 97;
translates important stain message, 116;
obliged to decipher letters, 267;
reads Arnold’s letter, 117;
tells Arnold he will conduct Anderson to West Point, 118;
insists upon André’s return, 118;
Arnold invites him to become a traitor, 196;
narrative of Sept. 23, 1780, 167;
prejudiced against André’s captors, 164;
requests to be first to enter New York, 281;
captures enemy’s armed vessel, 283
Tarnay, Admiral, French Fleet arrives, 84
Tarry-Town, 137, 157, 161, 168
Tellers Point, 143
Templeton, Oliver, praises Townsend, 4

Thompson, Benjamin F. His sketch of Caleb Brewster, 284

Thompson, J., 70
Thompson, Samuel, 15
Thompson, Susannah, 15
Thompson’s Coll., Corps, 284

Thorne, Anna; Anna Townsend, Edward, James, John, Martha, Mary, Phebe Townsend, Robert, Sarah, 269;

Sarah, 112
Three Brothers, Privateer, captured, 284
Ticonderoga, 182
Titus, Mrs. Elizabeth, 112
Tompkins, Governor, 287

Tooker, Abijah, responsible for Conklin’s capture, 195

Tower Hill, 88
Townley, Mary, 268
Townsend Family, 184;
Anna, daughter of Hannah, 268;
Anne, 11, 103, 268;
Audrey, 103, 268;
Dr. Charles of Albany, 231;
David, 103;
Ephraim, 104;

Franklin, son of Hannah and once Mayor of Albany, 268;

Frederick, 268;

Hannah, who married Major Green of the British Army, 113;

Hannah, 268;
Harriet, 268;
Helene, 269;
Howard, son of Hannah, 268;
Isaiah of Albany, 268;
Isaiah, Jr., 268;
Jacob, born 1692, father of Samuel, 102;
Jacob, 268;
James, his experience as messenger, 76;
James, 102;

James, his letter to the Provincial Congress, 110;

John, 102;
John 2d, 102;
Mrs. John, 104;
Mary, 268;
Peter, his family, 103;
Peter, 204, 213, 268;
Peter S., 269;
Phebe, 103;
Phebe, 103, 268;
Phebe of Orange Co., 268;
Phebe, da. of the Fourth Henry, 11;

Robert, mentioned, vi, 4, 8, 12, 13, 30, 44, 45, 83, 102, 203;

Robert, alias Culper Junior, son of Samuel, 102, 268;
called Culper Junior, 60;
appointed Commissary by Provincial Convention, 30, 107;
how he used British uniform, 279;
Woodhull’s opinion of, 244;
genealogy of, 103;
Robert, son of Hannah, 268;
Samuel, 103, 268;
born in 1717, 102;
in 1758 helped neutral French, 104;
in Provincial Congress in 1775, 106;
member Council of Appointment, 4;
Samuel, son of Samuel, 268;
Samuel (the other Samuel), 104, 197, 272;
Sarah, 103, 103;
mother of Robert, 268

Townsend, Sarah and Coll. Simcoe’s valentine, 113, 282;
sister of Robert, 268
Townsend, Solomon, 103, 268;
nephew of Robert, 268;
had 6 children, Solomon, Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward and Maria, 269

Townsend, Sylvanus, 8;
William, 103;
Wm. David, 268;
Zerviah, 104
Townsend House, Oyster Bay, 124
Transports from Cork, 40
Troops all marching to the eastward, 90
Trowbridge, 95
Trumbull, Governor, 99, 219
Tryon, 52, 85, 236, 253, 264;
to sail for Europe, 90
Tubbs, Charles, 182
Underhill, Amos, 8
Underhill, Benjamin, 8
Underhill, Elizabeth, 8
Underhill, Townsend, 8
Upham, Coll., 205
Ustic’s House, 85
Van Rensselaer, Justina, 268
Vantassel, Mr., 166
Van Weart, Isaac, 161;
memorial, 164
Varick, Colonel Richard, 4, 171
Vaughan, Genl., 54
Verplanck’s, 139
Verplanck’s Point, 137, 139, 154, 247
Virginia, 189
Virginia Fleet, 243
Virginia, gentlemen of, 124

Vulture takes Robinson up the river, Sept. 16, 1780, 139

Walker, Ben, 166
Walker, William H., 268
Wallace, Hugh, 78
Wallace, Sir James, 56, 64
Wansey, Henry, 7
Washington, General George. Letters:
Nov. 20, 1778, 34;
Nov. 29, 1778, 36;
Dec. 17, 1778, 36;
Jan. 2, 1779, 37;
Mar. 21, 1779, 38;
June 13, 1779, 43;
June 27, 1779, 45 and 246;
July 25, 1779, 51;
Sept. 24, 1779, 58;
Oct 9, 1779, 63;
Feb. 5, 1780, 72;
May 19, 1780, 78;
July 11, 1780, 80;
Aug. 11, 1780, 89;
Aug. 21, 1780, 91;
Aug. 27, 1780, 94;
Sept. 16, 1780, 98;
Sept. 7, 1780, 134;
Sept. 14, 1780, 135;
Sept. 26, 1780, 180, 185;
Feb. 23, 1781, 198;
April 30, 1781, 200;
Aug. 10, 1782, 204;
July 31, 1788, 212;
April 29, 1781, 225

Washington, General George, care in exacting pledge, 3;
his opinion of Culper Junior, 17;
says, “I rely upon his Intelligence”, 17;
letter of instructions, 38;
requests Culper to reside in New York, 38;
pleased with Culpers, 89;
horse kept in New York City for the Spies, 116;
instructions for Culper Junior, 49;
advises Townsend how to conceal his writing, 59;
orders Dragoons posted every 15 miles, 88;
arrives at West Point, 176;
tells how Arnold escaped, 177;
says: “I shall think myself bound to represent his (Culper Junior) conduct in the light it deserves”, 99

Washington, General George, mentioned, vi, 60, 84, 85, 108, 114, 121, 132, 139, 160, 166, 168, 176, 186, 195, 198, 199, 234, 288

Washington Papers, 141
Waterbury, Genl., 225
Waterman, Hannah, 181
Watson, Coll., 136
Webb, Col., 52
Webb, Col. Charles, 1
Webb, Col. Samuel B., 227
Weeks, Joseph, 102
Welch Fusileers, 236
Westbury, 221, 224
Westchester County, v, 164, 165, 250

West Point, 114, 116, 117, 118, 126, 134, 145, 168, 170, 171, 176, 177, 195, 219

Whaleboat, both sides capture same, 219
Whaleboat men in Washington’s service, 225
Whitestone, L. I., 206;
8000 British Troops embarking at, 83;
transports there, 256
White Plains, 100, 106, 153, 157, 227
Willett, Coll., 7
Wilmington, North Carolina, 233
Williams, Capt., 165
Williams, Charles, 196
Williams, David, 161;
his story of André’s capture, 163;
monument, 164
Williams, John, 122
Williams, Nathl., 259
Wistar, 265
Wistar, C., 9
Wolsey, John, 43, 241

Woodbury of Connecticut burns the Prison Ship, 264

Wooden, Solomon, hears prophecy, 104

Woodhull, Abraham (see Culper, Senior), v, 4, 8, 14, 31, 33, 81;
called Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, 60;
suffers from fright, 42;
his most exciting message, 83;
his father tortured, 44;
would kill Colonel Simcoe, 72;
to be Townsend’s assistant, 246

Woodhull, Abraham C., not one of the Culpers, 4

Woodhull, Capt., His Company to meet, 253
Woodhull, Elizabeth, 269
Woodhull, Rev. John, 233
Woodhull, Mary, 8
Woodhull, Capt. Nathan, 95

Woodhull, Nathan, otherwise Pevbepy Yqqhbwmm, 253

Woodhull, Genl. Nathaniel, 107, 269;
letter to and from the Convention, 108, 109
Woods, Adam, 234
Worth, Capt. Jonathan, 285
Wright’s Mills, 157
Wurmb, Lewis de, the Hessian Colonel, 112
Yale College, 1
Yeagers crossed Hell Gate, 203
York, Sir Joseph, 256
Youngs, Capt. Daniel, 114;
ordered by Coll. Simcoe to be ready, 136

(Map of area surrounding western Long Island Sound)
(Larger)

Transcriber’s Notes

Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling inconsistencies have not been changed in this eBook, as many of them likely were intentional parts of the codes being used, and different people wrote the various letters.

Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between paragraphs and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook that support hyperlinks, the page references in the List of Illustrations lead to the corresponding illustrations.

Transcriber highlighted the portrait numbers in the images facing pages 32 and 136.

The available copies of some high-resolution images were of poor quality, and Transcriber could not remove the blocky moire pattern in the one facing page 208.

A decorative headpiece on the first page of every chapter appears in the HTML version, but is not indicated in the Plain Text version.

Available electronic copies of the original book did not include images of the jacket as referenced in the List of Illustrations.

The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.

The original book contains Footnotes at the bottoms of pages, and Endnotes in the “Notes and Amplification” chapter. In this ebook, the Footnotes have been assigned an ascending numeric sequence of 1-72 in the order in which they appear, and the Endnotes have been assigned an ascending numeric sequence of 101-142. The Footnote numbers and their references are shown in [square brackets]; the Endnotes and their references are shown in (parentheses), as they were in the original book. Then, the Footnotes have been collected and placed at the ends of the chapters that reference them. In the HTML version of this eBook, links to the Footnotes and Endnotes lead to the appropriate ones.

Footnote 62, originally on page 216, was not referenced in the text. Transcriber added the missing reference by examining the citation.

Page 193: Two pairs of empty parentheses were printed that way in the original book.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GENERAL WASHINGTON'S SPIES ON LONG ISLAND AND IN NEW YORK ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

back

Table of Contents

- GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES On Long Island and In New York

- LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

- PREFATORY NOTE TO “THE TWO SPIES, NATHAN HALE AND ROBERT TOWNSEND.”

- CONTENTS

- ILLUSTRATIONS

- FOREWORD

- FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

- NATHAN HALE

- FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”:

- GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES

- FOOTNOTES to “GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES”:

- SECRET SERVICE SECRETS

- FOOTNOTES to “SECRET SERVICE SECRETS”:

- TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY

- FOOTNOTES to “TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY”:

- SPIES AND SPIES

- FOOTNOTES to “SPIES AND SPIES”:

- JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT

- Simcoe Wished to Capture Washington

- FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:

- ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET

- FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:

- EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE

- Benedict Arnold

- FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:

- AFTERMATH

- FOOTNOTES to “AFTERMATH”:

- CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE

- FOOTNOTES to “CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE”:

- A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED

- FOOTNOTES to “A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED”:

- NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION

- CALEB BREWSTER

- FOOTNOTES to “NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION”:

- INDEX
- Transcriber’s Notes
- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE