THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH, VOLUME 1 (OF 4)

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Title: The tribes and castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 1 (of 4)

Author: William Crooke

Release date: October 21, 2024 [eBook #74620]

Language: English

Original publication: Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India, 1896

Credits: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH, VOLUME 1 (OF 4) ***

[Contents]

[Contents]

KORWA.

[Contents]

THE

TRIBES AND CASTES

OF THE

NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

BY

W. CROOKE, B.A.,

BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

CALCUTTA:

OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.

1896.

Price Rupees Six.

[Contents]

CALCUTTA:

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PRINTING OFFICE,

8, HASTINGS STREET. [iii]

[Contents]

PREFACE.

Much has been already written about the Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. The long series of such books begins with the famous “Supplementary Glossary” of Sir H. M. Elliot. Then comes Mr. Sherring’s valuable account of the people, principally based on enquiries in Benares. For Oudh we have Sir C. A. Elliott’s “Chronicles of Unâo,” Mr. Benett’s “Clans of Râê Bareli,” and Mr. Carnegy’s “Notes.” Besides these there is a large body of literature on the subject, such as Mr. Growse’s “Mathura,” Mr. Atkinson’s Chapters in the “Himalayan Gazetteer,” General Cunningham’s “Archæological Reports,” General Sleeman’s “Rambles and Recollections” and “Journey in Oudh,” Mr. Greeven’s researches about sweepers, and a great mass of miscellaneous memoirs included in the Settlement Reports, District Gazetteers, “Indian Antiquary,” “Calcutta Review,” and other periodical literature. The notes in the present book will show how much I am indebted to the researches of my predecessors in the same line of enquiry.

It is again fortunate that a long series of valuable books has been devoted to the races on the boundaries of these Provinces; for it must be remembered that these frontiers are purely geographical and not ethnical. [iv]Thus we have a large mass of information collected by Mr. Risley, Mr. O’Donnell and Dr. Buchanan Hamilton for Behâr, by Colonel Dalton for Chota Nâgpur, by Mr. Hislop for the Central Indian tribes, by Colonel Tod and Sir J. Malcolm for Râjputâna, and by Mr. Ibbetson and Mr. Maclagan for the Panjab. Of all these authorities it will be seen that I have made ample use.

This book so far differs from any previous account of the races of these Provinces that it attempts to supply some more detailed information regarding their manners, customs, marriage institutions and religion. It is perhaps well that this task should be essayed now, however imperfect and unsatisfactory the present venture may be. There can be little doubt that caste is undergoing at present a process of transition. The Dravidian races who skirt the great Ganges-Jumna valleys are becoming rapidly Brâhmanized, and will probably in a few years have lost much of what is peculiar to them and interesting to the Ethnologist and student of the development of popular religion. Even now our Kols, Kharwârs Cheros and Mânjhis are much less primitive people than their brethren, whose manners and institutions have been analysed by Colonel Dalton, Mr. Risley and Mr. Hislop. The improvement of communications, the facility for visits to the sacred shrines of Hinduism, the Brâhmanical propaganda preached by those most active of all missionaries—the Panda and the Purohit, the Jogi and the Sannyâsi—will before long obliterate much of the primitive ideas which they still retain though in a modified form. A long service spent in Mirzapur, the [v]last refuge of the Dravidian races, has, I trust, enabled me to supply some new facts regarding these interesting people.

For the races of the plains I have based my account of them on a series of notes collected throughout the Provinces by a number of independent enquirers, both official and non-official, whose services were made available by the District Officers. The work could not have been even attempted without much cordial co-operation on the part of District Officers and a large body of native gentlemen to whose generosity in devoting some of their scanty leisure to this investigation it is impossible for me to do full justice. At the opening of each article I have been careful to name the gentlemen to whose aid I am indebted.

There are some special causes which make an enquiry of this kind a work of more than usual difficulty. There is, first, the reticence of the lower castes which must be overcome before they can be induced to yield the secrets of their tribal organisation and religious life. To the average rustic the advent of a stranger, note-book in hand, who interrogates them on such subjects, suggests a possibility that he may have some ulterior objects in connection with a coming Revenue Settlement or Income Tax assessment. It requires no ordinary amount of tact and temper to overcome this barrier; and there is besides among the lower castes an uneasy suspicion that rites and ritual, which in the eyes of the average Brâhman are boorish and a survival of a degraded savagery, are a matter to be ashamed of and [vi]concealed. Mr. Greeven’s experiences in connection with the sweepers of the Eastern Districts, whose sociology he has so carefully explored, are an ample proof of this. In connection with this there is another source of difficulty in the movement which has sprung up among many castes towards claiming a higher status than is usually accorded to them. The Shâstras and other religious literature of the Brâhmans have in recent years been ransacked by a number of castes whose so-called Aryan origin is more than doubtful to support a claim to kindred with races whose descent is universally admitted. Lastly, as the local patois varies from district to district, the manners and customs of the various castes vary from one end of the Province to the other. Hence care has been taken to guard as far as possible from general statements. A custom or a mode of worship prevailing among a caste in Sahâranpur or Ballia may or may not extend as far as Aligarh on one side or Allahâbâd on the other. The exact habitat, so to speak, of these usages or beliefs can be worked out only by the associated enquiries of a much larger number of investigators. The Subject Index which has been prepared may, it is hoped, be useful from this point of view.

I have specially to acknowledge the valuable work done by Surgeon-Captain H. E. Drake-Brockman in connection with Anthropometry, the results of which are given in the Introduction, where I have endeavoured to sum up in a general way some of the more obvious facts in connection with the origin of caste and some other sociological problems. [vii]

No one can undertake with a light heart such an enquiry as this connected with a population aggregating nearly forty-eight millions of souls; and, at the outset had I been fully aware of the difficulty of such a survey, I should have hesitated to undertake a work which has been carried out all through side by side with the multifarious duties of a District Officer. I shall be quite satisfied if the following pages supply a useful basis for further investigation; and, as the most satisfactory recognition of my work, I can only ask all interested in the matter to favour me with any corrections and criticisms which may tend to a greater degree of completeness and accuracy. I have avoided, as far as possible, the discussion of topics which are likely only to cause pain to sections of the people whose pretensions to a higher rank or origin are, to say the least, disputed.

The illustrations are reproductions of photographs taken at Mirzapur by Sergeant Wallace, R. E., of the Rurki College. [ix]

[Contents]

INTRODUCTION.

[Contents]

CHAPTER I.

THE ORIGIN OF CASTE.

There are few questions within the whole sphere of Indian sociology which present more difficulty than those connected with the origin of caste. If the native of the country has any idea whatever on the subject, it is sufficient for him to refer to a mass of texts which are, it is hardly necessary to say, of little or no scientific value. They merely record the views of various priestly schools from whom there is strong reason to believe that the system, as we now observe it, originated. It is on lines quite different from these that any real enquiry into the subject must proceed. It may be well here to give at starting the religious form which the tradition has assumed.

Caste in the Veda. 2. To begin with the Veda. In the hymns, the most ancient portion of it, we find the famous verse,—“When they divided man, how many did they make him? What was his mouth? What his arms? What are called his thighs and feet? The Brâhmana was his mouth, the Râjanya was made his arms, the Vaisya became his thighs, the Sûdra was born from his feet.”[1] “European critics,” [x]says Professor Max Müller,[2] “are able to show that even this verse is of later origin than the great mass of the hymns, and that it contains modern words, such as Sûdra and Râjanya, which are not found again in the other hymns of the Rig Veda. Yet it belongs to the ancient collection of the Vedic hymns, and if it contained anything in support of caste, as it is now understood, the Brâhmans would be right in saying that caste formed part of their religion and was sanctioned by their sacred writings.” But he goes on to say:—“If, then, with all the documents before us, we ask the question,—Does caste, as we find it in Manu and at the present day, form part of the most ancient religious teaching of the Vedas? We can answer with a decided ‘No.’ There is no authority whatever in the hymns of the Veda for the complicated system of castes; no authority for the offensive privileges claimed by the Brâhmans; no authority for the degraded position of the Sûdras. There is no law to prohibit the different classes of the people from living together, from eating and drinking together; no law to prohibit the marriage of people belonging to different castes: no law to brand the offspring of such marriages with an indelible stigma.”[3]

3. We do read that men are said to be distinguished into five sorts or classes, or literally five men or beings (Pancha Ksitayah). “The commentator explains this to mean the four castes—Brâhman, Kshatriya, Vaisya [xi]and Sûdra and the barbarous or Nishâda. But Sâyana, of course, expresses the received impressions of his own age. We do not meet with the denomination Kshatriya or Sûdra in any text of the first book, nor with that of Vaisya, for vis, which does occur, is a synonym of man in general. Brâhman is met with, but in what sense is questionable.”[4]

4. We do, of course, in the Veda meet with various trades and handicrafts which had even in this early age become differentiated. Thus in the ninth book of the Rig Veda we have the famous passage which has been thus translated:—

“How various are the views which different men inspire!

How various are the ends which men of different craft desire!

The leech a patient seeks; the smith looks out for something cracked.

The priest seeks devotees from whom he may his fee extract.

With feathers, metal and the like, and sticks decayed and old,

The workman manufactures wares to coin the rich man’s gold.

A poet I, my sire a leech, and corn my mother grinds:

On gain intent we each pursue our trades of different kinds.”[5]

5. The present system of castes cannot, in fact, be dated before the time of Manu’s “Institutes” which “was originally a local code, embodying rules and precepts, perhaps by different authors, some of whom may have lived in the 5th Century B.C., others in the 2nd Century B.C., and others even later. It was at first current among a particular tribe of Brâhmans, [xii]called Mânavas, who probably occupied part of the North-Western regions between the rivers Sâraswati and Drishadvati, but afterwards became generally adopted.”[6]

6. As to the effect of these laws it may be well again to quote Professor Max Müller.[7] “After the victorious return of the Brâhmans the old laws of caste were re-enacted more vigorously than ever, and the Brâhmans became again what they had been before the rise of Buddhism, the terrestrial gods of India. A change, however, had come over the system of caste. Though the laws of Manu still spoke of four castes—of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sûdras—the social confusion during the long reign of Buddhism had left but one broad distinction: on the one hand the pure caste of the Brâhmans: on the other the mixed and impure castes of the people. In many places the pure castes of the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas had become extinct, and those who could not prove their Brâhmanic descent were all classed together as Sûdras. At present we should look in vain for pure Kshatriyas or Vaisyas in India, and the families which still claim these titles would find it difficult to produce their pedigree, nay, there are few who could lay claim to the pure blood of the Sûdra. Low as the Sûdra stood in the system of Manu, he stood higher than most of the mixed castes, the Varnasankaras. The son of a Sûdra by a Sûdra woman is purer than the son of a Sûdra by a [xiii]woman of the highest caste (Manu, X., 30). Manu calls the Chandâla one of the lowest outcastes, because he is the son of a Sûdra father and a Brâhmanic mother. He evidently considered the mésalliance of a woman more degrading than that of a man. For the son of a Brâhman father and a Sûdra mother may in the seventh generation raise his father to the highest caste (Manu, X., 64), while the son of a Sûdra father and a Brâhman mother belongs for ever to the Chandâlas.”

7. And the same writer goes on to say:—

“Manu represents, indeed, all the castes of Hindu society, and their number is considerable, as the result of mixed marriages between the four original castes. According to him the four primitive castes by intermarrying in every possible way gave rise to sixteen mixed castes, which by continuing their inter-marriages produced the long list of the mixed castes. It is extremely doubtful, however, whether Manu meant to say that at all times the offspring of a mixed marriage had to enter a lower caste. He could not possibly maintain that the sons of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother would always be a physician or Vaidya, this being the name given by Manu to the offspring of these two castes. At present the offspring of a Sûdra father and a Brâhman mother would find no admission in any respectable caste. Their marriage would not be considered marriage at all. The only rational explanation of Manu’s words seems to be that originally the Vaidyas or physicians sprang from the union of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother, though this, too, is of course nothing but a [xiv]fanciful theory. If we look more carefully we shall find that most of these mixed castes are in reality the professions, trades and guilds of a half-civilised society. They did not wait for mixed marriages before they came into existence. Professions, trades and handicrafts had grown up without any reference to caste in the ethnological or political sense of the word. Some of their names were derived from towns and countries where certain professions were held in particular estimation. Servants who waited on ladies were called Vaidehas, because they came from Videha, the Athens of India, just as the French call the “porteur d’eau” a “Savoyard.” To maintain that every member of the caste of the Vaidehas, in fact, every lady’s maid, had to be begotten through the marriage of a Vaisya and a Brâhmani, is simply absurd. In other cases the names of Manu’s castes were derived from their occupations. The caste of musicians, for instance, were called Venas from vîna, the lyre. Now, it was evidently Manu’s object to bring these professional corporations in connection with the old system of castes, assigning to each, according to its higher or lower position, a more or less pure descent from the original castes. The Vaidyas, for instance, or the physicians, evidently a respectable corporation, were represented as the offspring of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother, while the guild of the fishermen, or Nishâdas, were put down as the descendants of a Brâhman father and a Sûdra mother. Manu could hardly mean to say that every son of a Vaisya father and Kshatriya mother was obliged to become a commercial traveller, [xv]or to enter the caste of the Magadhas. How could that caste have been supplied after the extinction in many places of the Kshatriya and Vaisya castes? But having to assign to the Magadhas a certain social position, Manu recognised them as the descendants of the second and third castes, in the same way as the Herald’s office would settle the number of quarters of an earl or a baron.”

8. Before leaving the consideration of caste as found in Manu’s “Institutes,” it may be noted that we find side by side two discrepant views as to the connubium of the orders. According to the milder, and apparently the older view, caste is determined by descent from the father, and a Dvija or twice-born man may take a wife from among Brâhmans, Kshatriyas or Vaisyas. With a Sûdra woman alone he could not intermarry. By the other view a man was advised to marry a virgin of his own caste as his first wife, and after that he may proceed according to the rank of the castes. There is some reason to believe that under this rule he might take even a Sûdra woman as a second wife.[8] This, it is needless to say, represents a very different state of things from that which prevails under the modern rigid law of caste endogamy.

Caste subsequent to Manu. 9. It was caste in or about the stage of its development exhibited in the “Institutes” of Manu which Megasthenes, first of all [xvi]the barbarians, observed in his embassy to the court of Sandrocottus or Chandragupta (306–298 B.C.). He found seven, not four, castes—the philosophers, husbandmen, shepherds, artizans, soldiers, inspectors and counsellors of the king. The philosophers were the Brâhmans, and the traveller indicates the prescribed stages of the Brâhmanical life. He distinguishes the Brachmanes from the Sarmanai, the latter of whom are supposed to represent the Buddhist Sramanas or monks, while the inspectors were the Buddhist supervisors of morals, afterwards referred to in the sixth edict of Asoka.

10. This hasty survey of the historical development of caste sufficiently disposes of the popular theory that caste is a permanent institution, transmitted unchanged from the dawn of Hindu history and myth.

Caste not peculiar to Hinduism. 11. Another and even graver misconception is to suppose that caste is peculiar to Hinduism and connected in some peculiarly intimate way with the Hindu faith. It is needless to say that caste as an institution is not confined to Indian soil. The Zendavesta shows that the early Persian community was divided into three castes or tribes, of which one lived by hunting, a second by grazing flocks, and the third by agriculture. “In this respect also,” says Herodotus,[9] “the Lacedaemonians resemble the Egyptians: their heralds, musicians and cooks succeed to their fathers’ professions: so that a musician is son to a musician, a cook, of a cook, and a herald, of a herald: nor do others, on [xvii]account of the clearness of their voice, apply themselves to this profession and exclude others; but they continue to practise it after their fathers.” This occupational or hereditary guild system of caste, which, as will be seen, was the most important factor in the development of this institution, prevailed and still prevails, as a matter of fact, all the world over. Nor is caste confined to votaries of the Hindu faith. On the contrary it is in its nature much more social than religious. It has been one of the most perplexing problems which beset the Christian Missionary to reconcile the restrictions of caste with the perfect liberty of Christianity. Islâm has boldly solved the difficulty by recognising and adopting caste in its entirety. Not only does the converted Râjput, Gûjar or Jât remain a member of his original sept or section; but he preserves most of those restrictions on social intercourse, intermarriage and the like, which make up the peasant’s conception of caste. As Mr. Ibbetson remarks,—“Almost the only difference which the convert makes is to shave his scalplock and the upper edge of his moustache, to repeat the Muhammadan creed in a mosque, and to add the Muhammadan to the Hindu marriage ceremony. As far as religion goes he worships Khuda instead of Parameswar, keeps up his service in honor of Bhawâni, and regularly makes the due oblation for the repose of the sainted dead.” On the other hand, as will be seen everywhere in the course of the present survey, the members of orthodox Hindu castes worship the quintette of the Pânch Pîr, or famous local saints like Miyân or Mîrân Sâhib, Shâh Madâr or Sakhi Sarwar. [xviii]

Caste not immutable. 12. By another popular theory caste is eternal and immutable. The ordinary Hindu will say that it has always existed, that it is based on what he calls the Shâstras, a vague body of religious literature of which he knows little more than the name. We have already shown that the vague reference to caste in the Vedas discloses the institution at a very different stage from what we see it in the “Institutes” of Manu or at the present day. Even in an age so comparatively recent as that of Manu, the rules of connubium and social life were very different from those which prevail at present. The modern Vaishnava, for instance, would shudder at the comparatively liberal permission given in these days for the use of meat.[10] But in addition to this we meet all through the range of Hindu history and myth with numerous illustrations of the mutability of caste. Thus in the Mahâbhârata Bhîma is married by his brother Yudhishthira to the Asura woman Hidimbi, and the marriage rites are regularly performed: while Draupadi, a Kshatriya girl, accepts as her husband at the Swayamvara Arjuna who pretends to be a Brâhman. Viswamitra, a Kshatriya by birth, compelled Brahma by the force of his austerities to admit him to the Brâhmanical order, so that he might be on a level with Vasishtha, with whom he had quarrelled.[11] It is even more significant to learn from the Mahâbhârata[12] [xix]that all castes become Brâhmans when they have crossed the Gomati on a visit to the hermitage of Vasishtha, and we are told that the country of the five rivers is contemptible because there a Bahîka or Panjâbi “born a Brâhman becomes afterwards a Kshatriya, a Vaisya or a Sûdra, and eventually a barber.” It would be easy to repeat examples of this kind almost indefinitely.[13]

Modern development of caste. 13. As regards the castes of the present day the case is similar. Instead of castes being a clearly-defined entity, an association complete in themselves, a trade guild the doors of which are rigidly barred against the admission of strangers, they are in a constant state of flux and flow. New endogamous groups are constantly being created, the process of fission is ever in operation, and what is more important still the novus homo, like his brethren all the world over, is constantly endeavouring to force his way into a higher grade and acquire the privileges of the “twice-born.” This process is specially observable among the Gonds and other Dravidian races of the great hill country of Central India. Thus the Râj Gonds who “in appearance obstinately retain the Turanian type, in aspiration are Hindus of the Hindus, wearing the sacred cord and carrying ceremonial refinements to the highest pitch of parvenu purism. Mr. Hislop says [xx]that not content with purifying themselves, their houses, and their food, they must even sprinkle their faggots with water before using them for cooking. With all this exterior coating of the fashionable faith they seem, however, to retain an ineradicable taint of the old mountain superstitions. Some of these outwardly Brâhmanised chiefs still try to pacify the gods of their fathers for their apparent desertion of them by worshipping them in secret once every four or five years and by placing cow’s flesh to their lips, wrapped in a cloth, so as not to break too openly with the reigning Hindu divinities.”[14] And Captain Forsyth writes:—“In Gondwâna numerous chiefs claim either a pure descent from Râjput houses, or more frequently admit their remote origin to have sprung from a union between some Râjput adventurer of noble blood and one of the daughters of the aborigines. Few of them are admitted to be pure Râjputs by the blue blooded chiefs of Rajasthân: but all have their bards and genealogies.”[15]

14. The same process of elevation of the aboriginal races has been going on for centuries throughout Northern India. To quote Mr. Nesfield[16]:—“Local traditions in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces abound in tales of Brâhmans being manufactured out of low caste men by Râjas when they could not find a sufficient number of hereditary Brâhmans to attend some sacrifice or [xxi]feast. For example, the Kunda Brâhmans of Partâbgarh are said to have been manufactured by Râja Mânik Chand, because he was not able to collect the quorum of one hundred and twenty-five thousand Brâhmans to whom he had vowed to make a feast: in this way an Ahîr, a Kurmi or a Bhât found himself dubbed a Brâhman and invested with the sacred thread, and their descendants are Brâhmans to this day.[17] A similar tale is told of Tirgunait Brâhmans and Pâthaks of Amtara:[18] of the Pândê Parwârs in the Hardoi District: of the large clan called Sawalakhiyas in the Gorakhpur and Basti Districts, who have nevertheless assumed the high-sounding titles of Dûbê, Upâdhya, Tiwâri, Misra, Dikshit, Pândê, Awasthi and Pâthak.[19] Only about a century-and-a-half ago a Luniya, or man of the salt-making class, which ranks decidedly low, was made a Brâhman by Râja Bhagwant Râê of Asothar, and this man is the ancestor of the Misra Brâhmans of Aijhi.”[20]

Brâhmans an occupational group. 15. In fact there can be little doubt that the Brâhmans, so far from forming a homogeneous group, have been made up of very diverse elements, and this strongly confirms the occupational theory of their origin, to which reference will be made later on. There are grades of so-called Brâhmans which in appearance and function present little analogy to the pure bred Pandit of Benares or Mathura. Thus [xxii]the Ojha Brâhman is the direct successor of the Dravidian Baiga, and of similar menial origin are probably many of those Brâhmans who live by begging, fortune-telling and the like, such as the Dakaut, Joshi, Barua or Husaini, and the Mahâbrâhman or funeral priest whose functions render him an abomination to all orthodox Hindus. The Bhuînhârs and Tagas, if they are really of genuine Brâhmanical descent, have in the same way differentiated themselves by function, and having abandoned priestly duties are agriculturists and landowners pure and simple. This separation of function must have prevailed from very early times, because it was specially laid down that each caste may adopt the occupation of another in case of distress, and thus a Brâhman may do the work of a Kshatriya or Vaisya, but not of a Sûdra.[21]

Occupational origin of the Râjputs. 16. Still less homogeneous is the mass of septs grouped under the name of Kshatriyas or Râjputs. We have already seen how the Dravidian Gond races have been in quite recent times enrolled as Râjputs. The Râja of Singrauli, in Mirzapur, nearly a pure Kharwâr, has within the last generation or two come to rank as a Benbansi Chhatri. Colonel Sleeman gives the case of an Oudh Pâsi, who within the memory of man became a Râjput by giving his daughter to a man of the Puâr sept.[22] The names of many septs again, such as the Baghel, Ahban, Kalhans, and Nâgbansi suggest a totemistic origin which would bring [xxiii]them in line with the Chandrabansi, who are promoted Dravidian Cheros and other similar septs of undoubtedly aboriginal race. Mr. Carnegy went perhaps too far in assuming a similar development of many of the Oudh septs; but the traditions of many of these, which will be found in the special articles dealing with them, such as the Bhâlê Sultân, Bisen, Chandel, Gaur, Kânhpuriya and Bandhalgoti, afford significant evidence that their claims to blue blood must be accepted with caution. The same inference arises from the fact, of which evidence is given elsewhere, of the impossibility of drawing the line between the Jât and Râjput of the Western Districts, and the Bhuînhâr and Chhatri of the East: in fact many of the septs of the latter claim indifferently to belong to both races, and some, like the Bisen, have an admitted Kurmi branch.

17. Among the Râjputs, again, this process of assimilation of lower races has been undoubtedly encouraged by the prevalence of female infanticide which renders it impossible for the poorer members of the race to obtain legitimately born brides. This has naturally led to cohabitation with women of inferior castes and the creation of definite classes of illegitimate Râjputs, such as the Gaurua of the Central and the degraded Chauhâns of the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duâb. A recent report on the outbreak of dacoity in the Agra and Rohilkhand Divisions shows that many of the perpetrators of these outrages were half-bred Râjputs, whose mothers were drawn from criminal or nomadic tribes like the Nat, Beriya, Sânsiya and the like, and the association of Râjput [xxiv]youths with women of this class has brought them into the companionship of their gypsy male relatives and driven them into a life of crime.

18. It is needless to say that the records of our courts swarm with examples of the association of men of the Râjput class with women of the lower races, and in this stratum of village society there is not even a pretence of moral continence. The effect of this state of things is obvious and requires no further illustration.

The occupational origin of the Vaisyas. 19. The same remarks largely apply to the so-called modern representatives of the Vaisya class, the aggregate of tribes now grouped under the general name of Banya. Some of these, such as the Agarwâlas and Oswâls, are in appearance perhaps among the best bred races of Northern India. Others are obviously occupational groups recruited from the lower races which have grouped themselves under the generic title of Banya or Mahâjan. The Bohra asserts Brâhmanical origin. Others again in name and function are in all probability connected with various classes of artizans—the Kasarwâni and Kasaundhan with the Kasera, the Lohiya with the Lohâr, and the same inference may perhaps be drawn from the grades of Dasa and Bîsa, “the tens” and “the twenties,” which appear among the Agarwâlas, and can hardly indicate anything but a gradation in purity of descent.

The Sûdra group. 20. As to the congeries of castes known to the early Hindus as Sûdras we find all the varying grades of social respectability from industrious artisans and cultivators down to [xxv]vagrants like the Sânsya or Gandhîla and scavengers like the Dom or Bhangi. The word Sûdra has now no determinate meaning; it is merely used as a convenient term of abuse to designate persons who are, or are assumed to be, of degraded caste. It is probably a term derived from the languages of one of the inferior races.[23] As has been already remarked, it is a comparatively modern word and appears only once in the Rig Veda. It may have been a synonym for Dasyu, “those of the black skin,” who represented the contrast between the aborigines and the conquering Aryans. The stress that is laid in the old hymns on the breadth of their noses would perhaps go to identify them with the broad-nosed Dravidians. But the accounts of their forts and cities show that when they came into contact with the writers of the Vedic hymns they had already attained a considerable degree of culture.

Anthropometry the only safe basis of enquiry. 21. The only safe criterion of the relation of these races to the so-called “twice-born” tribes can be gained from the evidence of anthropometry, which must be left for another chapter.

Summary of theories of origin of caste. 22. Meanwhile to sum up the results of these remarks—

- (a) The Vedas, as we possess them, give no clear indication of any form of caste, except that of the occupational or trade guild type. [xxvi]

- (b) The first trace of modern caste is found in the “Institutes” of Manu: but here the rules of food, connubium and intercourse between the various castes are very different from what we find at present.

- (c) Caste so far from being eternal and changeless is constantly subject to modification, and this has been the case through the whole range of Hindu myth and history.

- (d) Caste is not an institution peculiar to Indian soil; but in its occupational form at least is widely prevalent elsewhere.

- (e) Caste is in its nature rather a matter of sociology than of religion.

- (f) The primitive so-called division of the people into Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sûdras does not agree with existing facts, and these terms do not now denote definite ethnological groups.

- (g) The only trustworthy basis for the ethnological survey of Upper India must be based on anthropometry.

[xxvii]

[Contents]

CHAPTER II.

ANTHROPOMETRY.

The following note on the subject of Anthropometry by Surgeon Captain Drake-Brockman is printed in original.

General Remarks. “The following series of anthropometrical measurements of the castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh was taken and recorded by me under the auspices of the Local Government of these Provinces, who were kind enough to place the services of a competent clerk at my disposal to help in the work. In order to obtain as large a number as possible of representative castes, long distances have been travelled; only males of the age of 25 years and upwards have been selected as subjects for measurement on account of their mature physical development.

2. I have endeavoured, for purposes of classification, as well as for comparison, to group the different castes under three main divisions, viz., Aryan, Medium and Dravidian: the Medium group of which contains a large number of castes which form, more or less, an intermediate type, and are not capable of being classified strictly under either of the other two main groups. The last group I have again sub-divided into two—(a) an Hinduised and (b) an Aboriginal section, to indicate more fully their status in the social scale. All the various sub-divisions and sections of the several castes have been included and shown under the head of the main caste to which they belong. [xxviii]

3. Altogether twenty-two measurements have been taken of each separate individual, and although of that number only a few are recognized by the most eminent authorities on the subject as being of any marked value in the distinction of race, still I think it would be well to generally compare all of the anthropometrical measurements before forming an opinion on the subject. At the end of this article a table will be found in which are given the averages and indices of each of the several measurements separately for each caste, the total number of subjects of all castes taken being 4,906.

4. A glance at the above-mentioned table will show the results, but I think it will be as well to roughly analyze the most important data as far as anthropometry is concerned, and then judge of the result of the enquiry as regards the castes of these Provinces.

5. With this object in view I purpose to take the Nasal and Cephalic indices and the Facial Angle (that of Cuvier being the one selected as being the most reliable on the living subject); and I think that the latter, which gives us more or less roughly the degree of prognathism, taken together with the Nasal index, will give us the best test possible.

The Nasal Index. 6. To commence then with the Nasal index, one of the best tests for racial distinction, we find at the top of the list a medium caste, the Jât, with a nasal index of 55, indicating a very leptorhine nose, followed by the Brâhman with a nasal index of 59: third on the list, strange to say, is the Dhânuk, a Dravidian caste, with [xxix]an average index of 61, the warlike Râjput being bracketed with the Gadariya, Lohâr, and with an index of 64, and the cultivated Kâyasth, many grades below, with an index of 67.

At the bottom of the list we find the Dravidian castes of the Korwa and Musahar, with an index of 75, and the Agariya with one of 77, all true Dravidians with more or less mesorhine noses.

Table of Nasal Indices.

CASTE.

Average Index.

Jât

55

Brâhman

59

Dhânuk

61

Gûjar

62

Banya

63

Dhobi

Râjput

64

Bâri

Gadariya

Lohâr

Mâli

Teli

Khatîk

Koeri

Nat, etc.

* * *

* * *

* * *

Kâyasth

67

* * *

Korwa

75

Musahar

Agariya

77

[xxx]

The Cephalic Index. 7. Next taking the cephalic indices—on glancing the eye down the column containing these data, it will be seen that all the castes have cephalic indices, showing the formation of the head to be dolicho-cephalic without exception, those of the castes Dhânuk, Arakh, Nat and Kewat being slightly sub-dolicho-cephalic, thus presenting a very marked contrast to the head of the Burman, which is decidedly brachy-cephalic, showing an index of of 83·1. The Burman, however, belongs to the Mongolian type of race, and nothing further need be said about him here. Out of four hundred and fifty adult males of the Brâhman caste the average cephalic index is found to be 73·7, a figure practically the same as that found by Mr. Risley, the lowest index being that of the Bhât, and the highest (of course excluding the Burman, who is Mongolian) that of the caste Kewat.

8. Again, if we take one representative caste out of each of the main divisions and compare them thus:—

DIVISION.

Caste.

Cephalic Index.

1.

Aryan

Brâhman

73·7

2.

Medium

Kâyasth

73·3

3.

Dravidian

Chamâr

73·9

(a) Hinduized

(b) Aboriginal

Kol

73·8

we cannot but be struck with the similarity of all, the heads of each being markedly dolicho-cephalic. [xxxi]

Table of Cephalic Indices.[*]

CASTE.

Average.

Bhât

70·8

Mâli

71·0

Halwâi

71·1

Bauriya

71·4

Kasera

71·7

Bâri

71.8

Kharwâr

71·9

Korwa

72·0

Faqîr

72·1

Banya

72·2

Kâchhi

72·2

Dhângar

72·2

* * *

* *

Brâhman

73·7

Râjput

73·8

* * *

* *

* * *

* *

Darzi

75·8

Arakh

[*]  The stars indicate intervals with figures ranging between. ↑

The Facial Angle. 9. In the above investigation both the facial angles of Camper and Cuvier have been invariably taken and recorded, but as the latter is scientifically more accurate, at any rate on the living subject, it will suffice to notice the results under the latter measurement alone, as it gives us more accurately the true or sub-nasal prognathism of the individual.

10. All the measurements of facial angles were taken with Broca’s facial goniometer, by far the best [xxxii]instrument for the purpose. All human beings, no matter to what race they belong, are, of course, prognathous, the only difference being one of degree, the more acute angle shown indicating naturally the greater degree of prognathism.

11. In looking at the table given at the end of this section it will be seen that the Mânjhi, a true Dravidian (one hundred of whom were selected for measurement), has the highest angle, viz., 70, closely followed by the Dhângar, another caste of the same class, with one of 69, the aristocratic Brâhman and Râjput ranking sixth on the list with the same average angle as the Dravidian Chamâr. The vermin-eating Musahar comes at the bottom of the list with an average angle of 62.

12. Finally if we select a representative caste out of each of the main divisions thus—

DIVISION.

Caste.

Facial Angle.

1.

Aryan

Brâhman

65

2.

Medium

Kâyasth

66

3.

Dravidian

Chamâr

65

(a) Hinduized

(b) Aboriginal

Kol

67

and compare them, we find that there is practically no difference whatever. [xxxiii]

Table of Facial Angles.

CASTE.

Average Index.

Mânjhi

70

Dhângar

69

Arakh

68

Bauriya

Agariya

Bhuiyâr

Bhurtiya

Chero

Kharwâr

Panka

Kahâr

67

Darzi

Mâli

Kol

Banjâra

66

Barhai

Brâhman

65

Râjput

Chamâr

Etc., etc.

Pâsi

…

* * *

* * *

Musahar

62

Summary. 13. To finally sum up, I have, for purposes of easy comparison, taken one hundred subjects from each of the main divisions promiscuously, and irrespectively of caste, and at the end of this paragraph will be found the averages of each measurement separately under each division, in order to be able to compare finally the highest with the lowest caste, the noblest born Aryan with the humblest born Drâvir, and I think on looking at the table one cannot but be struck with the result and notice the very slight material difference that exists, a fact which tends to prove beyond doubt that the racial origin of all must have been similar, and that the foundation upon which the whole caste system in India is based, is that of function and not upon any real or appreciable difference of blood.” [xxxiv]

Averages of 100 subjects taken promiscuously from castes under the main divisions.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

NAME OF TYPE.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

L. M. Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Antero-Posterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

Nasal Width.

Nasal Height.

Facial Angle (Cuvier).

Nasal Index.

Aryan

1,676

851

1,714

255

114

60

543

349

347

207

186

136

106

131

73·1

158

77·9

36

57

66

63

Medium

1,656

840

1,695

250

112

59

542

346

346

204

186

136

106

131

73·1

156

77·9

36

53

64

68

Dravidian—

(a) Hinduized

1,632

832

1,663

248

111

58

539

346

346

202

184

135

106

130

73·4

155

78·5

35

54

65

65

(b) Aboriginal

1,627

820

1,659

243

108

59

543

342

342

203

185

134

107

130

72·4

156

79·9

37

54

68

69

Total Dravidian

1,630

826

1,661

246

110

59

541

344

344

203

185

135

107

130

72·9

156

79·2

36

54

67

67

Musalmân

1,664

841

1,699

251

110

59

541

345

349

205

186

137

106

131

73·7

157

77·4

37

57

64

65

H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN, F.R.C.S., F.T.S., M.D.,

Surgeon Captain, I. M. S. [xxxv]

ANTHROPOMETRIC DATA.

SUMMARY OF MEASUREMENTS TAKEN, AVERAGES.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

NAMES OF TYPE.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

Nasal Width.

Nasal Height.

Facial Angle (Cuvier).

Facial Angle (Camper).

Nasal Index.

ARYAN.

1. Banya

86

1,655

846

1,688

248

112

59

542

351

349

204

187

135

106

130

72·2

157

78·5

35

56

64

68

63

2. Bhât

18

1,654

839

1,693

250

110

59

538

343

345

204

185

131

106

131

70·8

156

80·9

36

55

65

67

65

3. Brâhman

455

1,681

853

1,719

263

113

60

545

351

350

206

186

137

106

131

73·7

157

77·4

35

59

65

68

59

4. Râjput

420

1,674

857

1,721

253

113

60

548

350

352

207

187

138

107

132

73·8

157

77·5

37

58

65

68

64

ARYAN TOTAL AVERAGE

979

1,666

849

1,705

254

112

60

543

349

349

205

186

135

106

131

72·6

157

78·6

36

57

65

68

63

Aryan average of 100

100

1,676

851

1,714

255

114

60

543

349

347

207

186

136

106

131

73·1

158

77·9

36

57

66

69

63 [xxxvi]

MEDIUM.

1. Ahîr

350

1,648

834

1,693

250

111

59

544

345

347

204

185

136

106

131

73·5

156

77·9

…

…

65

68

…

2. Baheliya

9

1,606

812

1,628

244

107

57

528

336

338

204

181

133

104

127

73·5

161

78·2

…

…

64

67

…

3. Banjâra

7

1,630

832

1,665

243

110

59

539

343

344

200

186

138

107

134

74·1

149

77·5

35

52

66

68

67

4. Barhai

22

1,641

825

1,686

250

112

57

543

347

345

203

186

139

108

128

74·7

159

77·7

37

54

66

70

69

5. Bâri

7

1,642

832

1,699

253

112

59

540

346

343

205

188

135

105

132

71·8

155

77·8

38

59

63

66

64

6. Bauriya

24

1,636

830

1,679

251

110

58

546

348

345

204

189

135

106

130

71·4

157

78·5

…

…

68

70

…

7. Bhurji

20

1,635

834

1,675

248

111

59

541

345

345

205

186

136

107

132

73·1

155

78·7

35

54

66

67

65

8. Darzi

3

1,710

883

1,733

250

115

62

547

357

353

213

186

141

110

133

75·8

160

78·0

…

…

67

68

…[xxxvii]

9. Faqîr

68

1,620

836

1,675

247

110

60

541

343

344

203

186

134

107

131

72·1

155

79·9

35

54

67

69

65

10. Gadariya

32

1,660

833

1,683

249

111

59

538

340

343

204

183

137

107

131

74·9

156

78·8

37

58

66

69

64

11. Gusâîn

24

1,635

855

1,697

249

112

59

548

352

352

214

187

136

107

131

72·7

163

78·7

…

…

63

67

…

12. Gûjar

14

1,707

853

1,744

256

114

60

544

347

346

209

186

137

106

132

73·7

158

77·4

36

58

66

67

62

13. Halwâi

7

1,650

847

1,693

253

112

58

540

349

343

209

187

133

105

129

71·1

162

78·9

37

54

66

68

69

14. Jât

13

1,694

860

1,740

259

116

61

543

349

349

216

187

136

108

133

75·4

162

79·4

33

60

66

70

55

15. Kâchhi

58

1,652

834

1,703

252

113

59

541

344

343

206

187

135

106

131

72·2

156

78·3

36

52

66

68

69

16. Kahâr

80

1,636

816

1,672

247

109

59

538

342

341

205

184

135

106

130

73·4

158

78·5

35

54

67

67

65

17. Kalwâr

50

1,657

838

1,693

253

111

70

549

349

350

208

188

137

107

131

72·9

159

78·8

35

56

65

68

63

18. Kasera

7

1,621

836

1,664

248

110

58

543

344

343

199

187

134

107

131

71·7

152

79·9

…

…

63

66

…

19. Kâyasth

40

1,650

844

1,687

248

112

60

547

349

350

206

187

137

107

131

73·3

157

78·1

36

54

66

67

67

20. Kewat

28

1,641

830

1,675

248

115

58

533

342

344

203

182

134

105

130

76·8

156

75·5

37

51

66

68

73

21. Khatri

8

1,656

841

1,693

255

114

61

549

349

353

205

185

138

107

133

74·6

154

77·5

…

…

65

65

…

22. Lohâr

37

1,645

836

1,683

246

111

59

543

344

344

204

187

139

103

130

74·4

157

74·1

35

55

64

67

64

23. Luniya

50

1,634

833

1,669

245

109

59

538

343

344

211

185

135

106

130

73·0

162

78·5

35

53

66

68

66

24. Mâli

3

1,648

822

1,677

245

111

58

537

343

340

208

186

132

104

129

71·0

161

78·8

35

55

67

65

64

25. Mallâh

38

1,638

836

1,671

246

109

59

539

343

344

208

186

135

107

130

72·6

160

79·3

35

53

64

70

66

26. Nâi

25

1,618

818

1,644

247

111

59

542

344

343

205

186

135

107

130

72·6

158

79·3

36

53

65

66

68[xxxviii]

27. Sunâr

40

1,640

845

1,680

247

111

60

548

348

349

206

187

137

106

133

73·3

155

77·4

36

54

64

67

67

28. Tamoli

13

1,633

837

1,664

239

110

58

539

336

338

205

184

134

104

129

72·8

159

77·6

34

52

66

67

65

29. Teli

50

1,627

827

1,662

245

109

59

539

340

340

202

183

134

105

129

73·2

157

78·4

35

55

65

67

64

TOTAL MEDIUM AVERAGE

1,127

1,646

837

1,684

245

111

59

542

345

345

206

186

136

106

131

73·3

158

78·2

36

55

65

68

66

Medium average of 100

100

1,656

840

1,695

250

112

59

542

346

346

204

186

136

106

131

73·1

156

77·9

36

53

64

67

68 [xxxix]

DRAVIDIAN.

(a) Hinduized.

1. Arakh

5

1,618

816

1,680

253

114

59

544

340

344

199

182

138

104

129

75·8

154

75·4

…

…

68

70

…

2. Bhangi

100

1,654

835

1,685

249

110

57

543

347

346

210

184

136

109

131

73·9

160

80·1

36

56

66

68

64

3. Bhar

151

1,626

831

1,641

245

108

58

548

346

347

202

186

136

104

131

73·2

155

76·5

…

…

66

69

…

4. Bind

18

1,629

827

1,661

249

110

57

546

347

349

203

186

137

106

131

73·7

155

77·4

35

52

65

67

67

5. Biyâr

14

1,613

817

1,651

243

107

58

542

344

344

204

185

136

106

130

73·1

157

77·2

36

53

64

67

67

6. Chamâr

333

1,648

832

1,677

248

110

59

541

344

345

204

184

136

106

131

73·9

156

77·9

…

…

65

68

…

7. Dhânuk

3

1,647

830

1,667

253

113

56

527

337

340

204

180

136

105

135

75·6

151

77·2

35

57

65

69

61

8. Dharkâr

16

1,632

819

1,656

244

108

57

541

343

343

199

184

136

105

129

73·9

154

77·2

36

53

65

69

68

9. Dhobi

45

1,632

831

1,668

248

111

59

540

342

343

204

183

137

106

130

74·8

157

77·4

34

54

66

68

63

10. Dusâdh

25

1,628

836

1,644

246

109

58

544

347

347

208

186

136

105

130

73·1

160

77·2

37

51

67

69

73

11. Khangâr

28

1,646

842

1,673

248

113

58

536

346

345

205

183

137

106

130

74·9

157

77·4

…

…

65

68

…

12. Khatîk

35

1,646

829

1,677

249

111

59

543

346

345

204

187

137

107

130

73·3

157

78·1

35

55

67

66

64

13. Koeri

65

1,639

832

1,687

247

113

58

542

344

343

205

184

135

107

130

73·4

158

79·3

35

55

65

68

64

14. Kumhâr

20

1,624

830

1,658

246

110

60

534

339

340

202

185

134

106

130

72·4

155

79·1

36

53

67

70

68

15. Kurmi

100

1,635

831

1,674

249

111

58

540

345

346

206

184

135

106

130

73·3

158

78·5

36

54

65

68

67

16. Lodhi

85

1,647

834

1,681

249

111

59

539

345

343

206

186

135

106

129

72·6

160

78·5

35

52

67

70

66 [xl]

17. Musahar

13

1,602

809

1,612

242

106

59

537

336

338

200

184

133

102

129

72·3

155

76·7

38

51

62

67

75

18. Nat

17

1,655

840

1,685

247

111

57

542

344

342

202

184

139

108

131

75·5

154

77·7

35

55

65

68

64

19. Pâsi

370

1,634

833

1,665

247

110

58

537

343

344

202

184

136

105

130

73·9

155

77·2

36

53

64

69

…

TOTAL DRAVIDIAN (Hinduized average)

1,443

1,634

829

1,665

247

110

58

540

343

343

204

184

136

106

130

73·8

156

77·7

36

54

65

68

67

Dravidian (Hinduized) average of 100

100

1,632

832

1,663

248

111

58

539

346

346

202

184

135

106

130

73·4

155

78·5

35

54

65

68

65 [xli]

(b) Aboriginal.

1. Agariya

10

1,632

816

1,663

245

106

58

531

332

335

197

184

134

107

129

72·8

153

79·9

40

52

68

…

77

2. Bhuiyâr

50

1,618

817

1,633

245

109

58

539

340

341

203

185

134

107

128

73·4

158

78·7

36

55

68

…

65

3. Bhuiya

70

1,622

819

1,657

246

109

59

549

346

344

204

186

136

107

130

73·1

157

78·7

38

53

68

…

74

4. Chero

90

1,626

819

1,664

248

110

59

545

344

342

205

186

135

108

130

72·6

157

80·0

37

53

68

…

70

5. Dhângar

10

1,632

827

1,664

242

107

59

546

345

343

205

187

135

110

131

72·2

156

81·5

37

52

69

…

71

6. Ghasiya

15

1,655

834

1,694

253

113

61

545

344

344

202

186

135

106

131

72·6

154

78·5

37

55

66

…

67

Gond (vide No. 10)

7. Kharwâr

100

1,617

816

1,617

248

110

59

545

346

342

205

185

133

108

130

71·0

158

81·2

37

52

68

…

71

8. Kol

80

1,626

810

1,665

247

110

57

538

341

339

204

183

135

105

130

73·8

157

77·8

37

53

67

67

70

9. Korwa

25

1,594

816

1,640

245

110

60

546

346

344

203

186

134

107

131

72·0

155

79·5

39

52

66

…

75

10. Mânjhi (Gond)

100

1,639

817

1,681

250

111

59

547

349

344

207

185

135

108

130

73·0

159

80·0

38

52

70

…

73

11. Panka

90

1,603

811

1,633

243

108

58

545

344

342

201

185

134

107

129

72·4

159

79·9

36

53

68

…

66

12. Patâri

45

1,648

815

1,676

243

109

59

541

341

341

203

185

135

107

128

73·0

159

79·2

36

54

67

…

67

TOTAL DRAVIDIAN (aboriginal) AVERAGE

685

1,634

818

1,657

246

109

59

543

343

342

203

185

135

107

130

72·7

157

79·6

37

53

68

67

71

Dravidian (Aboriginal) average of 100

100

1,627

820

1,659

243

108

59

543

342

342

203

185

134

107

130

72·4

156

79·9

37

54

68

…

69

COMPLETE TOTAL DRAVIDIAN AVERAGE OF 100

100

1,630

826

1,661

246

110

59

541

344

344

203

185

135

107

130

72·9

156

79·2

36

54

67

68

67

MUHAMMADAN Types.

1. Mewâti

5

1,673

851

1,724

250

115

59

528

336

342

210

182

135

107

129

74·1

163

79·3

…

…

65

69

…

2. Mughal

30

1,654

817

1,711

252

112

59

540

347

348

210

187

138

109

132

73·8

159

79·0

35

56

65

66

63

3. Pathân

108

1,664

848

1,690

250

112

59

544

347

349

208

184

138

107

131

75·0

159

77·6

38

56

64

68

68[xlii]

4. Sayyid

60

1,656

844

1,684

250

108

60

542

346

348

206

185

137

106

131

73·3

157

77·4

37

57

65

68

64

5. Shaikh

238

1,654

844

1,681

263

111

59

540

345

346

208

185

136

106

130

73·5

160

77·9

36

56

65

68

64

TOTAL MUHAMMADAN AVERAGE

441

1,660

841

1,698

253

112

59

539

344

347

209

185

137

107

131

73·9

160

78·2

37

57

65

68

65

Muhammadan average of 100

100

1,664

841

1,699

251

110

59

541

345

349

205

186

137

106

131

73·7

157

77·4

37

57

64

67

65

MONGOLOID.

1. Burman (average of total)

231

1,649

865

1,661

244

113

60

542

343

356

208

178

148

115

138

83·1

151

77·7

…

…

62

64

…

Burman average of 100

100

1,656

870

1,660

244

113

61

543

346

356

206

177

148

113

138

83·6

149

76·4

…

…

63

68

…

H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN,

Surgeon Captain, I. M. S. [xliii]

14. As a supplement to Surgeon Captain Brockman’s note the following tables of measurements carried out under the superintendence of Mr. E. J. Kitts, C. S., are republished from the Proceedings of the Anthropological Society of Bombay. It is to be regretted that owing to his absence on furlough in England Mr. Kitts has been unable to summarise the results. [xliv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JÂT.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,617

833

1,653

254

104

66

536

333

348

213

187

140

…

…

74·7

…

…

2

1,658

820

1,714

257

104

58

538

335

335

218

190

137

…

…

72·1

…

…

3

1,659

845

1,720

247

106

66

548

337

365

214

190

144

114

141

75·8

1

79·2

4

1,657

808

1,735

246

113

63

537

337

335

210

185

141

116

134

76·2

1

82·3

5

1,541

786

1,585

238

103

64

527

322

330

223

184

141

106

134

76·7

1

75·2

6

1,655

800

1,727

254

114

67

543

335

335

215

184

144

109

128

78·3

1

75·7

7

1,700

874

1,780

255

119

63

528

325

340

200

183

141

112

135

77·0

1

79·4

8

1,637

787

1,730

258

112

61

522

330

343

220

174

147

108

133

84·5

1

73·5

9

1,675

858

1,725

247

107

59

538

342

345

198

188

143

107

130

76·1

1

74·8

10

1,611

816

1,600

250

114

61

533

348

343

216

187

143

109

134

76·5

1

76·2[xlv]

11

1,630

828

1,736

243

116

58

535

320

340

213

185

146

115

144

78·8

1

78·8

12

1,780

862

1,880

279

120

60

550

328

357

212

188

146

116

139

77·7

1

79·5

13

1,719

839

1,812

251

104

65

528

320

333

209

187

133

109

134

71·1

1

82·0

14

1,689

871

1,732

262

104

62

549

330

361

224

189

150

120

137

79·4

1

80·0

15

1,704

1,737

267

104

…

536

335

335

…

188

136

…

…

72·3

…

…

16

1,739

1,800

272

107

…

543

325

348

…

189

154

…

…

81·5

…

…

17

1,651

…

1,711

259

104

…

554

343

345

…

196

147

…

…

75·0

…

…

18

1,694

…

1,777

284

114

…

554

320

345

…

197

140

…

…

71·1

…

…

19

1,744

…

1,820

274

104

…

536

330

328

…

185

138

…

…

74·6

…

…

20

1,772

871

1,770

259

114

64

551

358

328

226

198

138

…

…

69·7

…

…

21

1,744

861

1,866

269

119

66

531

343

353

208

184

144

…

…

78·3

…

…

22

1,843

922

1,904

277

117

71

549

356

353

218

198

141

…

…

71·2

…

…

23

1,651

815

1,711

259

110

58

533

340

343

224

191

137

…

…

71·7

…

…

24

1,661

813

1,765

244

110

61

554

343

345

208

195

141

…

…

72·3

…

…

25

1,706

841

1,884

282

119

66

543

348

356

203

196

141

…

…

71·9

…

…

26

1,676

842

1,755

253

108

59

545

350

348

225

190

140

103

133

73·7

169

73·6

27

1,726

860

1,715

257

112

65

…

…

…

218

200

144

105

135

72·0

161

72·9[xlvi]

28

1,626

826

1,682

245

110

67

565

355

355

226

197

142

102

141

72·1

160

71·8

29

1,584

810

1,588

250

113

58

548

353

348

229

199

138

100

128

69·3

179

73·2

30

1,757

880

1,918

270

127

67

557

345

325

218

193

130

99

135

67·4

161

76·2

31

1,688

875

1,735

257

112

60

543

342

362

216

188

143

109

136

76·1

159

76·2

32

1,755

910

1,875

279

121

64

557

363

365

215

200

140

105

134

70·0

160

75·0

33

1,655

820

1,770

255

112

63

532

325

353

207

183

135

115

138

73·8

150

85·2

34

1,735

875

1,825

275

120

69

545

340

345

200

193

135

110

135

69·9

148

81·5

35

1,695

855

1,762

266

113

62

535

345

350

210

179

145

115

142

81·0

148

79·3

36

1,690

865

1,716

243

102

58

560

355

355

208

191

146

116

137

76·4

152

79·5

37

1,675

848

1,695

260

109

61

550

330

325

199

196

140

112

142

71·4

140

80·0[xlvii]

38

1,675

880

1,755

268

116

65

530

333

347

211

186

142

100

130

76·3

162

70·4

39

1,795

885

1,820

274

133

52

553

375

354

203

181

140

108

125

77·3

162

77·3

40

1,755

900

1,825

263

110

61

542

350

355

210

182

144

114

138

79·1

152

79·2

41

1,645

855

1,755

244

107

63

541

340

333

201

189

144

115

140

76·2

144

79·9

42

1,735

935

1,727

251

104

70

555

370

355

218

198

138

109

135

69·7

161

79·0

43

1,610

820

1,712

252

112

73

540

340

348

206

192

139

104

139

72·4

148

74·8

44

1,770

910

1,878

269

112

71

525

352

346

219

192

140

105

137

72·9

160

75·0

45

1,640

845

1,740

252

103

62

567

373

353

205

201

139

115

133

69·2

154

82·7

46

1,735

880

1,852

261

122

66

543

354

343

215

195

132

111

133

67·7

162

83·3

47

1,760

890

1,795

254

110

71

550

355

369

208

196

143

115

139

73·0

150

80·4

48

1,710

853

1,805

259

120

62

548

345

359

211

190

138

100

135

72·6

156

72·5

49

1,743

875

1,756

258

110

60

516

334

360

192

172

138

102

129

80·2

149

75·6

50

1,764

896

1,863

277

117

57

530

332

330

209

181

137

105

133

75·7

157

76·6

51

1,770

872

1,843

260

119

59

554

362

350

205

187

132

98

125

70·6

164

74·2

52

1,690

850

1,813

259

116

62

542

324

350

175

175

141

104

130

80·6

135

73·8 [xlviii]

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,541

786

1,585

238

102

52

516

320

325

175

172

130

98

125

67·4

135

70·4

No.

5

5

5

5

36

39

49

1, 13, 18

30, 37

52

49

30

51

39, 51

30

52

38

To

1,843

935

1,918

284

133

73

567

375

369

229

201

154

120

144

84·5

179

85·2

No.

22

42

30

18

39

43

45

39

47

29

45

16

14

11

8

29

33

Mean

1,690

855

1,755

258

112

63

543

342

347

211

189

141

109

135

74·3

157

77·3

Average

1,696

850

1,768

259

112

63

543

342

347

211

187

141

109

135

74·4

157

77·3

[xlix]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHANGI.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,706

846

1,841

272

117

66

523

345

340

216

191

134

…

…

70·1

…

…

2

1,633

820

1,701

244

107

64

513

343

335

221

183

140

…

…

76·5

…

…

3

1,579

787

1,645

241

110

64

533

343

333

224

190

139

…

…

73·2

…

…

4

1,701

884

1,711

264

107

69

546

358

371

249

191

142

…

…

74·3

…

…

5

1,635

833

1,732

257

114

58

538

312

315

198

188

140

116

129

74·5

1

82·9

6

1,633

843

1,640

239

102

64

541

345

335

203

192

140

119

134

72·9

1

95·0

7

1,562

797

1,600

221

96

58

513

330

315

203

185

131

108

128

70·8

1

82·4

8

1,722

838

1,838

264

117

58

554

356

330

213

199

133

108

133

66·8

1

81·2

9

1,648

815

1,752

264

114

64

528

338

335

203

185

133

107

136

71·9

1

80·5[l]

10

1,691

848

1,790

259

112

58

528

330

348

206

184

142

118

133

77·2

1

83·1

11

1,625

846

1,737

249

110

58

528

323

323

203

186

134

112

135

72·0

1

83·6

12

1,762

853

1,765

262

112

69

531

348

361

208

193

136

105

135

70·5

1

77·2

13

1,652

785

1,733

247

107

61

537

340

333

210

188

131

108

135

69·7

1

82·4

14

1,650

830

…

245

…

56

530

325

325

205

182

138

107

131

75·8

1

77·5

15

1,672

832

1,740

265

120

63

547

350

360

220

192

140

110

139

72·9

1

78·6

16

1,667

797

1,785

255

120

58

515

325

317

195

180

134

100

131

74·4

1

74·7

17

1,602

812

1,608

241

104

59

525

343

340

217

184

133

103

135

72·3

1

77·4

18

1,703

828

1,788

255

119

70

546

365

358

217

190

144

112

136

75·8

1

77·8

19

1,695

858

1,696

253

104

63

536

370

370

224

189

140

115

130

74·1

1

82·1[li]

20

1,740

880

1,812

273

121

61

544

344

343

217

193

133

97

133

68·9

1

72·9

21

1,696

890

1,774

267

117

66

543

345

358

222

193

140

115

140

72·0

1

82·1

22

1,700

892

1,733

266

119

60

524

330

350

220

187

134

104

135

71·1

1

77·6

23

1,671

846

1,768

261

110

63

558

360

345

210

202

138

115

133

68·3

1

83·3

24

1,665

857

1,725

260

111

59

538

335

338

205

184

142

117

136

77·2

1

82·4

25

1,698

876

1,745

260

110

61

530

345

345

212

185

140

110

133

75·7

1

78·6

26

1,648

828

1,727

259

120

61

552

343

343

203

200

135

116

142

67·5

143

85·9

27

1,663

850

1,705

260

112

67

525

335

350

193

180

140

108

134

77·7

144

77·1

28

1,675

870

1,721

273

110

58

546

370

356

210

183

138

113

139

75·4

151

81·9

29

1,637

820

1,747

252

114

59

530

332

341

211

177

138

107

134

78·0

157

77·5

30

1,693

805

1,770

259

110

57

523

339

332

204

179

132

90

126

73·2

162

68·2

31

1,690

870

1,695

255

102

63

535

343

359

227

189

140

115

129

74·1

176

82·1

32

1,720

850

1,820

262

112

57

545

340

330

209

200

132

110

129

66·0

162

83·3

33

1,730

875

1,745

263

111

61

555

350

338

211

197

138

117

136

70·1

155

84·8

34

1,748

865

1,825

277

113

68

555

352

355

226

200

138

109

131

69·0

173

79·0

35

1,640

825

1,702

246

111

56

522

335

310

199

186

126

98

130

67·7

153

77·8

36

1,490

770

1,495

227

102

59

521

339

333

195

183

133

92

124

72·7

157

69·2[lii]

37

1,619

830

1,682

249

110

58

511

325

337

205

177

131

99

126

74·0

163

75·6

38

1,621

820

1,711

250

112

62

501

310

330

202

178

132

94

126

74·2

160

71·2

39

1,600

830

1,605

232

104

62

532

363

360

206

186

139

103

134

74·5

154

74·1

40

1,628

845

1,654

255

109

56

535

352

340

199

183

138

105

129

75·4

154

76·1

41

1,614

825

1,647

245

107

56

527

352

339

202

187

135

97

129

72·2

157

71·8

42

1,622

835

1,711

250

111

57

538

345

349

201

186

140

101

132

75·3

152

72·1

43

1,693

855

1,730

247

107

65

530

359

352

198

188

135

102

131

71·8

151

75·6

44

1,649

830

1,672

248

103

59

537

347

322

200

190

130

93

121

68·4

165

71·5

45

1,605

819

1,679

256

110

63

531

337

330

205

178

138

107

131

77·5

156

77·6

46

1,650

830

1,749

260

112

57

535

340

349

206

180

137

105

133

76·1

155

76·6[liii]

47

1,690

860

1,765

254

105

63

530

352

341

204

185

132

96

127

71·4

161

72·7

48

1,595

805

1,619

250

104

60

520

340

332

193

177

137

104

130

77·4

148

75·9

49

1,609

816

1,585

251

103

59

524

350

340

190

180

136

100

129

75·6

147

73·5

50

1,649

800

1,697

257

108

53

515

333

330

185

176

137

103

131

77·8

141

75·2

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,490

770

1,495

221

96

53

501

310

310

190

177

126

90

121

66·0

139

68·2

No.

36

36

36

7

7

50

38

38

35

49

29, 37, 48

35

30

44

32

14

30

To

1,762

892

1,841

277

121

70

558

370

371

249

202

144

119

142

78·0

176

95·0

No.

12

22

1

34

20

18

23

19, 28

4

4

23

18

6

26

29

31

6

Mean

1,650

833

1,727

255

110

60

531

343

340

206

186

137

103

125

73·0

156

78·0

Average

1,65

836

1,716

254

110

61

535

343

340

210

187

136

98

121

73·0

156

78·2

[liv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—PATHÂN

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,656

838

1,752

259

114

61

559

356

353

220

198

143

114

134

72·2

164

79·7

2

1,572

825

1,635

267

112

64

520

330

356

208

179

141

111

128

78·8

163

78·7

3

1,625

846

1,686

251

102

66

518

338

350

216

181

136

108

128

75·1

169

79·4

4

1,612

797

1,681

254

110

56

538

338

343

230

190

141

113

131

74·2

176

80·1

5

1,668

846

1,711

259

112

64

520

325

345

211

188

137

117

132

72·9

160

85·4

6

1,700

863

1,777

272

114

61

561

360

360

240

201

143

123

136

71·1

176

86·0

7

1,675

862

1,647

247

102

65

545

350

360

209

193

142

110

136

73·6

154

77·5

8

1,687

890

1,695

256

104

60

538

352

342

211

187

135

110

131

72·2

161

81·5

9

1,555

840

1,560

240

102

67

525

325

318

198

185

135

114

132

72·9

150

84·4

10

1,618

830

1,662

250

109

63

535

325

322

206

187

138

110

130

73·8

158

79·7[lv]

11

1,720

882

1,705

257

110

68

543

333

367

213

193

145

116

139

75·1

158

80·0

12

1,670

848

1,705

259

112

63

550

354

362

209

187

141

99

134

75·4

156

70·2

13

1,729

890

1,812

264

118

60

539

345

353

203

191

141

97

130

73·8

156

68·8

14

1,880

950

1,905

2

127

62

540

338

351

210

187

140

106

135

74·9

156

75·9

15

1,605

848

1,680

2

105

57

534

344

340

190

187

139

99

128

74·3

148

71·2

16

1,640

833

1,670

2

111

65

544

340

353

218

187

140

104

135

74·9

161

74·3

17

1,710

859

1,767

2

120

65

544

346

350

223

195

135

100

134

69·2

166

74·4

18

1,670

860

1,695

2

113

56

543

360

368

220

190

146

108

137

76·8

161

74·0

19

1,755

924

1,760

2

121

66

553

365

357

223

191

140

102

125

73·3

178

72·9

20

1,566

812

1,582

2

102

69

528

340

328

200

182

129

100

127

70·9

157

77·6

21

1,745

905

1,732

2

125

67

534

334

345

202

185

140

110

136

75·7

148

78·6

22

1,590

840

1,627

2

107

56

518

322

346

217

183

134

100

134

73·2

162

74·6

23

1,665

858

1,742

2

118

55

529

327

250

205

176

141

110

128

80·1

160

78·0

24

1,755

903

1,793

2

120

60

529

350

352

220

181

137

98

138

75·7

159

71·5

25

1,735

901

1,839

2

121

61

541

359

360

225

185

137

105

130

74·1

173

76·6

26

1,729

840

1,835

274

113

61

529

348

350

226

177

132

100

125

74·6

181

75·0

27

1,710

885

1,805

270

108

59

552

360

365

235

187

141

103

132

75·4

178

73·0[lvi]

28

1,700

880

1,725

251

105

60

532

359

350

217

184

136

105

129

73·9

168

77·2

29

1,775

905

1,867

277

115

67

840

363

360

226

192

140

105

132

72·9

171

75·0

30

1,650

845

1,749

261

110

63

546

363

340

215

188

142

107

137

75·5

157

75·4

31

1,810

865

1,909

270

114

64

556

350

360

226

187

143

100

128

76·5

177

69·9

32

1,770

895

1,865

283

120

59

549

356

359

189

191

140

97

135

73·3

140

69·3

33

1,725

880

1,768

254

110

63

544

353

350

197

184

140

109

133

76·1

148

77·9

34

1,635

840

1,730

250

111

60

550

340

360

209

184

138

102

128

74·5

163

73·9

35

1,590

845

1,610

248

107

60

550

360

352

193

180

139

102

130

77·2

148

72·7

36

1,610

780

1,670

248

110

54

521

336

350

176

177

135

101

127

76·3

139

74·8

37

1,635

820

1,699

247

109

52

530

320

340

195

180

130

95

129

72·2

151

72·3[lvii]

38

1,715

870

1,784

251

110

59

537

330

347

196

187

137

103

130

73·3

151

75·2

39

1,721

860

1,841

260

109

63

540

319

330

201

183

140

110

132

76·5

152

78·6

40

1,665

840

1,720

252

111

61

551

345

360

179

190

139

105

132

73·1

136

75·6

41

1,715

885

1,710

256

107

59

525

339

350

196

177

133

96

129

75·1

152

72·2

42

1,640

865

1,710

255

103

61

549

352

350

187

186

147

107

140

79·0

134

72·8

43

1,700

860

1,780

274

120

66

572

352

370

200

193

147

113

139

76·2

144

76·9

44

1,685

865

1,782

255

112

56

535

325

343

207

179

133

110

142

74·3

146

82·7

45

1,665

823

1,750

242

107

59

532

347

340

215

184

139

99

135

75·5

159

71·2

46

1,600

825

1,651

245

105

61

500

310

345

189

178

137

109

133

77·6

142

80·0

47

1,615

820

1,710

252

108

60

522

320

320

190

186

133

100

130

71·5

146

75·2

48

1,720

884

1,790

249

112

59

518

350

350

210

189

133

104

127

70·4

165

78·2

49

1,765

865

1,820

271

115

60

563

350

360

216

191

137

105

130

71·7

166

76·6

50

1,660

820

1,705

257

107

61

562

370

350

208

187

140

107

139

74·9

150

76·4

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,555

780

1,560

238

102

52

500

310

318

176

176

1

95

125

69·2

134

68·8

No.

0

36

9

20, 22

3, 79

37

46

46

9

36

23

20

37

19, 26

17

42

13[lviii]

To

1,880

950

1,909

283

127

69

572

370

370

240

201

1

123

139

80·1

181

86·0

No.

14

14

31

32

14

20

43

50

43

6

6

42, 43

6

11, 43, 50

23

26

6

Mean

1,680

859

1,735

255

111

61

539

341

350

208

187

1

105

131

74·4

158

75·2

Average

1,680

858

1,736

254

111

60

539

337

350

208

186

1

106

132

74·4

158

75·2

[lix]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MURÂO.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,709

835

1,820

249

112

61

549

356

338

203

191

140

…

…

73·3

…

…

2

1,633

795

1,742

267

114

64

543

361

333

198

190

140

…

…

73·7

…

…

3

1,607

795

1,643

241

107

56

536

348

338

190

184

140

…

…

76·1

…

…

4

1,620

838

1,661

259

107

61

531

350

340

198

191

139

…

…

72·8

…

…

5

1,678

820

1,722

251

104

58

521

333

333

198

182

139

…

…

76·4

…

…

6

1,676

813

1,742

259

107

66

538

340

335

190

191

138

…

…

72·3

…

…

7

1,658

848

1,706

241

110

64

533

356

350

211

190

138

…

…

72·6

…

…

8

1,658

835

1,815

269

117

58

554

345

330

203

199

141

…

…

70·9

…

…

9

1,615

790

1,651

236

107

66

526

338

335

200

182

134

…

…

73·6

…

…[lx]

10

1,656

856

1,704

251

112

61

526

338

350

206

182

138

…

…

75·8

…

…

11

1,645

820

1,717

251

112

64

546

366

356

216

192

139

…

…

72·4

…

…

12

1,617

792

1,625

257

104

66

559

356

356

208

194

142

…

…

73·7

…

…

13

1,618

833

1,625

250

106

63

532

337

355

214

189

136

109

131

72·0

163

80·1

14

1,657

820

1,755

259

115

63

535

340

335

204

193

138

105

135

71·5

151

76·8

15

1,612

800

1,727

263

117

67

548

345

350

220

192

139

116

140

72·4

157

83·5

16

1,640

845

1,670

247

110

60

530

340

350

210

183

143

109

138

78·1

152

76·2

17

1,665

837

1,727

247

112

60

530

340

335

203

189

132

100

121

69·8

168

75·8

18

1,587

810

1,665

241

112

60

533

330

350

207

189

140

108

132

74·1

157

77·1

19

1,650

833

1,783

250

117

65

550

352

358

230

198

138

104

129

69·7

178

75·4[lxi]

20

1,593

833

1,578

241

103

60

545

336

348

223

180

140

110

130

77·8

172

77·8

21

1,602

820

1,655

233

101

59

535

330

333

205

189

134

103

132

70·9

155

76·9

22

1,986

835

1,770

240

115

65

525

330

337

206

185

132

107

127

71·4

162

73·5

23

1,586

827

1,685

252

112

66

520

329

335

185

181

133

98

133

73·5

139

73·5

24

1,631

850

1,725

245

110

60

545

340

345

213

192

143

110

131

74·5

163

76·9

25

1,658

855

1,820

262

118

58

555

340

335

204

197

139

115

138

70·6

148

82·7

26

1,705

850

1,825

266

118

55

528

335

338

211

192

132

105

130

68·8

162

79·5

27

1,680

845

1,730

245

110

58

520

330

332

200

183

138

112

135

75·4

148

81·2

28

1,682

843

1,786

260

114

62

514

338

322

200

184

128

…

121

69·6

165

…

29

1,570

845

1,745

256

111

62

533

340

350

200

177

140

101

136

79·1

147

72·1

30

1,645

825

1,680

249

103

55

540

333

339

195

180

139

100

127

77·2

154

71·9

31

1,645

847

1,685

254

102

63

532

335

345

198

181

143

113

140

79·0

141

79·0

32

1,625

822

1,700

247

108

54

520

332

330

203

182

138

112

127

75·8

160

81·2

33

1,535

795

1,565

241

104

55

535

330

325

217

186

137

107

131

73·7

166

78·1

34

1,605

815

1,700

243

107

56

515

328

320

207

178

135

110

133

75·8

156

81·5

35

1,576

870

1,625

227

107

60

520

324

339

200

183

137

101

125

74·9

160

73·8

36

1,610

786

1,712

250

105

58

515

349

350

200

178

133

91

121

75·3

165

68·4[lxii]

37

1,530

780

1,587

240

104

51

523

345

345

190

179

135

102

127

75·4

150

75·6

38

1,630

830

1,725

254

117

59

536

340

350

199

186

142

94

130

76·3

153

66·2

39

1,632

800

1,750

253

110

62

535

350

360

206

182

135

100

131

74·2

157

74·1

40

1,600

830

1,688

252

110

53

519

360

345

210

…

139

96

127

…

165

69·1

41

1,555

805

1,570

246

105

56

525

330

331

209

175

130

96

120

74·3

174

73·9

42

1,644

835

1,624

244

104

66

554

370

360

220

184

137

100

125

74·5

176

73·0

43

1,670

830

1,692

249

110

56

525

344

350

207

175

130

98

122

74·3

170

75·4

44

1,653

835

1,687

270

115

62

520

331

334

191

185

137

99

132

74·1

145

72·3

45

1,625

820

1,715

250

99

54

530

344

344

206

175

140

105

134

80·1

154

82·1

46

1,672

830

1,660

244

115

60

520

330

330

186

177

135

108

130

77·5

143

80·0[lxiii]

47

1,640

840

1,725

265

115

53

540

335

320

…

176

134

100

126

76·1

…

74·6

48

1,732

865

1,800

279

120

53

570

350

350

…

190

135

110

125

71·1

…

81·5

49

1,600

815

1,655

244

115

64

560

370

360

187

193

132

105

130

68·4

144

79·5

50

1,620

820

1,705

254

115

53

540

330

340

…

183

130

110

134

71·0

…

84·6

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,530

780

1,565

227

101

51

514

324

320

185

175

128

91

120

68·4

139

66·2

No.

37

37

33

35

21

37

28

35

34, 47

23

41, 43, 45

28

36

41

49

23

38

To

1,732

870

1,825

279

120

67

570

370

360

230

199

143

116

140

80·1

178

83·5

No.

48

35

26

48

48

15

48

42, 49

39, 42

19

8

16, 24

15

15, 31

45

19

15

Mean

1,632

830

1,704

250

110

60

534

340

340

204

185

138

105

130

74·3

157

76·6

Average

1,633

826

1,701

251

110

60

534

342

341

204

185

137

105

133

75·3

158

76·6

[lxiv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GÛJAR.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,653

841

1,750

241

112

76

538

356

348

213

199

134

110

133

67·3

160

82·1

2

1,638

782

1,696

251

102

66

526

330

345

213

180

141

…

…

78·3

…

…

3

1,673

820

1,691

244

104

64

543

343

350

206

186

143

…

…

77·2

…

…

4

1,734

881

1,767

267

110

69

543

358

353

221

191

137

…

…

71·7

…

…

5

1,656

818

1,722

257

107

69

531

343

325

178

181

130

…

…

71·8

…

…

6

1,838

922

1,930

284

124

71

584

381

376

188

209

146

…

…

69·9

…

…

7

1,663

823

1,711

269

114

63

551

320

330

226

190

145

114

140

76·3

161

78·6

8

1,620

818

1,671

254

102

63

513

302

328

215

175

140

115

131

80·0

164

82·1

9

1,755

…

1,869

267

117

…

554

348

353

…

195

147

…

…

74·4

…

…

10

1,813

890

1,927

274

122

62

564

348

345

239

201

148

111

142

70·0

168

75·0[lxv]

11

1,678

818

1,807

264

117

62

541

320

340

228

190

141

115

130

74·1

175

81·6

12

2,638

…

1,635

249

102

…

564

350

356

…

201

149

…

…

70·1

…

…

13

1,722

871

1,770

254

112

69

564

361

348

216

205

139

…

…

67·8

…

…

14

1,744

828

1,823

272

114

69

516

338

317

216

181

132

…

…

72·9

…

…

15

1,658

823

1,734

254

114

71

538

338

317

208

192

130

…

…

67·8

…

…

16

1,569

805

1,673

249

107

76

556

345

333

211

194

141

…

…

72·7

…

…

17

1,770

894

1,900

254

112

69

551

350

343

216

194

143

…

…

73·7

…

…

18

1,676

843

1,719

249

99

64

559

356

345

221

193

140

…

…

72·5

…

…

19

1,833

862

1,867

285

122

66

586

363

370

215

204

147

119

139

72·1

155

81·0

20

1,674

850

1,757

250

113

72

550

337

378

221

186

147

119

145

79·0

152

81·0

21

1,676

797

1,753

261

112

65

533

348

338

211

191

136

99

127

71·2

166

72·8

22

1,774

850

1,905

276

127

70

545

333

353

213

196

141

109

139

71·9

153

77·3

23

1,610

799

1,688

244

106

71

543

352

345

213

191

143

106

140

74·9

152

74·1

24

1,560

800

1,627

237

103

65

527

330

345

225

184

137

102

135

74·5

167

74·5

25

1,647

820

1,703

256

109

70

546

340

344

222

192

139

111

141

72·4

157

79·9

26

1,612

820

1,677

240

105

63

543

350

350

226

191

139

114

135

72·8

167

82·0

27

1,687

870

1,755

247

108

62

537

345

340

221

187

140

113

137

74·9

161

80·7[lxvi]

28

1,661

833

1,725

248

108

62

540

342

348

218

185

144

108

134

77·8

163

75·0

29

1,646

820

1,755

257

113

63

530

330

360

206

183

145

106

135

79·2

153

73·1

30

1,662

875

1,727

2

112

70

541

340

350

218

192

133

110

133

69·3

164

82·7

31

1,715

865

1,765

2

117

60

550

345

345

215

190

140

104

139

73·7

155

74·3

32

1,685

882

1,740

2

111

65

555

355

365

225

194

135

103

135

69·6

167

76·2

33

1,692

827

1,770

2

110

61

535

328

386

206

188

139

115

136

74·0

151

82·7

34

1,625

850

1,677

2

100

69

636

340

345

201

193

144

113

130

74·6

155

78·5

35

1,715

850

1,820

2

104

69

539

330

350

208

186

146

120

134

78·5

155

82·2

36

1,710

875

1,725

2

…

61

567

370

337

200

196

139

115

131

71·0

153

82·7

37

1,755

886

1,810

2

102

56

552

352

362

206

188

134

103

130

71·3

158

76·9[lxvii]

38

1,801

925

1,855

2

118

62

542

330

340

186

189

133

105

132

70·0

141

78·9

39

1,770

870

1,856

2

115

57

555

367

365

210

195

145

101

131

74·4

160

69·7

40

1,780

890

1,877

2

110

64

545

360

353

219

195

139

100

131

71·9

167

71·9

41

1,710

880

1,714

2

109

60

547

368

351

214

191

136

103

130

71·3

165

75·7

42

1,703

860

1,752

2

114

58

533

338

330

196

181

135

97

133

74·6

147

71·9

43

1,720

850

1,824

2

122

59

519

323

335

184

175

130

105

131

74·3

140

80·8

44

1,770

900

1,835

2

123

65

549

343

330

190

187

138

107

127

73·8

150

77·5

45

1,745

840

1,805

2

115

61

530

320

328

208

186

130

101

128

69·9

163

77·7

46

1,765

872

1,850

2

120

59

535

350

340

230

194

134

100

130

69·1

177

74·7

47

1,701

865

1,750

2

114

55

560

350

355

211

187

143

108

140

76·4

143

75·5

48

1,700

852

1,800

2

110

61

564

375

355

223

194

140

99

133

72·2

168

70·7

49

1,633

837

1,700

2

105

61

535

330

335

215

183

138

111

130

75·4

165

80·4

50

1,720

832

1,807

2

120

56

550

325

335

203

180

143

108

123

79·4

165

75·5

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,560

782

1,627

2

99

55

513

202

317

178

175

130

97

123

67·3

140

69·7

No.

24

2

24

24

18

47

8

8

14, 15

5

843

5, 15, 43, 45

42

50

1

43

39[lxviii]

To

1,838

925

1,930

2

124

76

586

381

378

239

209

149

120

145

80·0

177

82·7

No.

6

38

6

19

6

1, 16

19

6

20

10

6

12

35

20

8

46

30, 33, 36

Mean

1,700

833

1,767

2

112

64

544

354

345

213

191

140

108

133

73·5

160

78·5

Average

1,698

832

1,767

2

113

65

545

358

345

210

189

140

108

134

73·5

159

77·6

[lxix]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—CHAUHÂN RÂJPUT.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,617

…

1,689

257

107

64

526

305

330

…

180

140

…

…

77·8

…

…

2

1,663

833

1,671

262

102

59

546

315

350

230

190

157

114

139

82·7

165

72·6

3

1,694

…

1,747

269

112

64

556

325

343

…

195

145

…

…

73·3

…

…

4

1,605

…

1,666

246

107

64

513

312

330

…

180

138

…

…

76·7

…

…

5

1,671

…

1,760

267

112

64

546

338

323

…

194

142

…

…

73·2

…

…

6

1,597

…

1,658

246

107

69

531

315

338

…

183

146

…

…

79·2

…

…

7

1,684

…

1,800

262

117

69

556

335

345

…

200

135

…

…

67·5

…

…

8

1,717

856

1,787

269

119

71

549

340

343

221

202

135

…

…

66·8

…

…

9

1,816

890

1,885

270

119

61

530

348

380

217

182

111

105

132

77·5

164

74·5[lxx]

10

1,680

885

1,737

247

110

60

551

330

379

218

193

143

114

134

74·1

163

79·7

11

1,725

868

1,715

255

110

59

537

330

340

210

190

131

117

136

68·9

154

89·3

12

1,658

842

1,765

264

119

63

530

315

338

208

177

143

117

131

86·4

159

81·9

13

1,600

832

1,632

240

105

64

547

358

354

224

195

137

111

133

70·3

169

81·0

14

1,700

875

1,825

252

111

60

545

335

355

209

189

142

116

137

75·1

145

81·7

15

1,590

835

1,600

236

98

61

500

310

334

205

178

129

100

130

73·0

158

77·5

16

1,570

845

1,602

240

110

62

525

345

345

206

191

131

102

127

68·6

161

78·3

17

1,610

840

1,657

247

111

61

552

358

352

217

194

139

106

129

71·6

168

76·3

18

1,638

845

1,690

248

103

64

536

340

345

220

193

137

112

135

71·0

163

81·8

19

1,605

815

1,630

239

103

58

542

332

350

217

186

132

102

132

70·9

164

77·3[lxxi]

20

1,620

848

1,720

240

108

67

533

345

355

215

189

139

112

130

73·5

145

80·6

21

1,585

832

…

…

…

73

523

332

345

199

182

134

99

127

73·6

157

73·9

22

1,668

830

1,757

250

115

65

525

330

320

200

188

134

109

137

71·3

146

81·3

23

1,700

859

1,775

269

110

67

548

345

353

220

194

137

114

134

70·7

164

83·2

24

1,601

810

1,650

228

106

54

510

334

328

199

171

123

96

119

72·0

167

78·1

25

1,657

852

1,745

259

110

60

520

333

330

199

170

130

105

126

76·4

158

80·8

26

1,705

870

1,820

259

120

68

549

370

331

218

187

139

108

133

74·3

164

74·3

27

1,670

830

1,756

240

115

52

550

350

359

212

183

140

96

125

76·5

170

68·6

28

1,695

835

1,749

257

112

64

535

344

351

197

180

132

103

126

73·3

156

78·0

29

1,640

818

1,722

258

110

64

510

320

340

216

174

136

99

132

78·1

164

72·8

30

1,650

845

1,749

247

114

55

534

330

350

206

179

140

103

123

78·2

167

73·6

31

1,712

855

1,816

256

111

63

575

357

362

219

202

148

108

140

73·3

156

73·0

32

1,618

820

1,692

248

110

62

540

343

365

226

188

140

108

129

74·5

175

77·1

33

1,716

855

1,845

264

122

63

553

340

358

224

194

148

117

146

76·8

153

79·1

34

1,750

845

1,785

258

114

68

520

335

357

230

181

143

109

134

79·0

172

76·2

35

1,605

793

1,695

242

100

65

552

345

337

221

199

139

110

136

69·8

163

79·1

36

1,610

820

1,690

244

112

60

548

348

355

230

190

147

111

134

77·4

172

75·5[lxxii]

37

1,638

833

1,748

240

110

69

562

352

355

218

200

145

112

141

72·5

155

77·2

38

1,612

812

1,688

238

108

64

545

325

338

225

178

138

106

130

77·5

173

76·8

39

1,627

825

1,650

235

104

63

528

335

355

217

183

143

109

133

78·1

163

76·6

40

1,605

790

1,630

236

106

59

530

330

335

218

184

140

106

131

76·1

166

75·5

41

1,630

870

1,700

260

113

71

525

340

345

212

183

130

94

132

71·0

161

72·3

42

1,703

880

1,760

270

117

63

561

360

346

230

196

139

104

135

70·9

170

74·8

43

1,720

810

1,821

275

112

64

525

335

338

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

44

1,586

810

1,740

245

113

62

534

334

325

213

185

130

100

120

75·7

178

76·9

45

1,735

867

1,838

266

116

59

528

305

325

223

178

130

115

124

72·5

180

88·5

46

1,603

820

1,710

253

111

64

543

331

338

214

190

135

100

131

71·1

163

74·1[lxxiii]

47

1,532

765

1,615

234

111

59

512

324

341

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

48

1,603

810

1,665

240

107

63

550

360

350

224

187

140

109

130

74·9

172

77·9

49

1,620

820

1,690

251

108

60

509

325

335

220

176

130

106

127

73·9

174

81·5

50

1,680

845

1,770

250

109

60

518

325

335

223

175

138

97

127

78·9

176

70·2

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,532

765

1,600

234

100

52

500

305

320

197

170

123

94

119

66·8

145

68·6

No.

47

47

15

47

35

27

15

145

22

28

25

24

41

24

8

14, 20

27

To

1,816

890

1,885

275

122

73

575

370

380

230

202

157

117

146

86·4

180

88·5

No.

9

9

9

43

33

21

31

26

9

2, 34, 36, 42

8, 31

2

11, 12

33

12

45

45

Mean

1,650

818

1,740

252

111

63

535

335

345

211

187

139

107

132

73·4

164

77·4

Average

1,651

818

1,743

256

113

63

536

336

345

211

188

139

108

131

74·4

162

77·4

[lxxiv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (QURAISHI).

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,633

805

1,671

244

104

76

541

338

343

211

190

138

…

…

72·6

…

…

2

1,668

851

1,694

262

107

66

566

366

381

236

206

140

…

…

68·0

…

…

3

1,661

…

1,739

262

107

58

543

333

333

…

190

144

…

…

75·8

…

…

4

1,617

…

1,623

264

107

69

543

343

345

…

194

135

…

…

69·6

…

…

5

1,656

…

1,671

254

110

56

536

340

340

…

188

138

…

…

72·9

…

…

6

1,700

…

1,818

272

119

61

569

338

353

…

198

150

…

…

75·8

…

…

7

1,706

913

1,735

250

107

60

545

353

360

202

192

137

101

129

71·4

157

73·8

8

1,721

870

1,794

273

110

64

519

345

350

212

179

135

105

133

75·4

159

77·8

9

1,665

871

1,710

263

111

62

550

346

349

211

190

140

108

132

73·7

160

77·1[lxxv]

10

1,630

840

1,715

256

107

59

549

352

344

227

192

142

107

136

74·0

167

75·4

11

1,624

800

1,700

248

106

61

530

345

342

202

188

138

105

133

73·4

151

76·1

12

1,617

845

1,675

250

113

67

553

350

357

230

189

144

109

137

75·7

168

75·7

13

1,744

877

1,867

259

110

66

580

370

377

228

203

154

113

140

75·9

163

73·4

14

1,765

895

1,781

263

118

61

544

340

355

217

186

144

116

137

77·4

158

80·6

15

1,752

895

1,808

257

112

64

528

345

353

213

180

142

108

133

78·9

168

76·1

16

1,725

860

1,840

273

128

65

542

337

353

213

193

138

105

135

71·5

158

76·1

17

1,687

872

1,730

250

109

66

552

345

360

215

189

147

113

134

77·8

160

76·9

18

1,639

840

1,636

237

104

65

525

342

349

200

185

138

107

137

74·6

146

77·5

19

1,755

867

1,860

278

123

66

537

345

347

225

188

142

110

133

75·6

169

77·5

20

1,800

915

1,852

272

125

64

530

340

342

214

180

134

103

127

74·4

169

76·9

21

1,604

855

1,621

249

114

53

533

345

353

204

185

139

97

130

75·1

157

69·8

22

1,705

905

1,746

254

120

60

538

344

342

209

192

138

103

131

71·9

159

74·6

23

1,690

840

1,734

260

113

52

553

360

350

207

194

144

99

130

74·2

159

68·7

24

1,627

867

1,653

247

107

63

538

345

352

210

186

134

97

130

72·0

162

72·4

25

1,755

870

1,840

274

125

66

505

335

335

199

175

135

90

131

77·1

151

66·7

26

1,582

814

1,605

237

103

51

549

317

334

188

171

130

90

115

76·0

163

69·2[lxxvi]

27

1,625

870

1,657

253

103

69

562

373

358

218

194

143

107

131

74·2

166

74·8

28

1,680

820

1,758

260

104

67

530

344

355

215

195

141

106

134

72·1

160

74·5

29

1,705

875

1,769

258

109

70

568

350

360

210

189

146

98

136

77·2

154

67·1

30

1,715

895

1,716

264

105

55

540

365

350

199

185

136

100

125

73·5

159

76·5

31

1,730

896

1,769

263

104

63

536

369

375

219

189

138

105

127

73·1

172

76·1

32

1,785

905

1,811

266

114

69

510

335

360

210

179

135

97

130

74·2

155

71·1

33

1,730

845

1,740

270

110

63

527

370

359

216

179

135

100

128

75·4

169

74·1

34

1,660

840

1,729

240

103

56

539

340

350

205

182

140

105

129

76·9

159

75·0

35

1,620

823

1,690

257

110

54

520

332

330

195

176

129

103

130

73·7

150

79·8 [lxxvii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (SADÎQI).

36

1,767

881

1,823

267

117

69

561

353

350

218

200

140

…

…

70·0

…

…

37

1,704

830

1,790

282

117

66

533

335

348

213

182

146

…

…

80·2

…

…

38

1,678

841

1,729

257

110

56

526

335

323

229

185

132

…

…

71·3

…

…

39

1,686

…

1,750

244

112

66

554

338

340

…

197

140

…

…

71·3

…

…

40

1,656

823

1,744

264

110

66

531

333

345

200

188

142

…

…

75·5

…

…

41

1,638

853

1,681

257

112

71

541

348

350

208

190

139

…

…

73·2

…

…

42

1,668

815

1,797

262

112

64

526

335

333

216

184

139

…

…

75·5

…

…

43

1,683

863

1,740

264

114

67

550

345

350

213

192

141

107

135

73·4

158

75·9

44

1,630

836

1,728

257

111

65

517

323

340

206

181

134

106

128

74·0

161

79·1

45

1,670

870

1,727

243

113

67

529

330

345

219

182

140

102

135

76·9

154

72·9

46

1,805

890

1,900

267

120

61

566

369

358

220

196

146

109

145

74·5

152

74·7

47

1,754

866

1,715

257

107

72

547

345

357

198

197

139

100

128

70·6

155

71·9

48

1,790

906

1,890

262

110

65

555

363

360

200

192

136

96

128

70·8

156

70·6

49

1,600

830

1,700

251

114

54

527

329

342

200

182

131

95

127

72·0

157

72·5

50

1,725

920

1,734

264

112

63

519

336

339

197

174

138

104

135

79·3

146

75·4

51

1,627

865

1,656

260

110

73

522

336

349

199

185

131

103

132

70·8

151

78·6[lxxviii]

52

1,725

890

1,770

259

120

63

530

337

340

205

190

137

106

132

72·1

155

77·4

53

1,635

834

1,719

237

105

58

534

326

332

194

194

132

95

127

62·8

153

71·2

54

1,625

845

1,644

246

109

57

540

327

323

204

187

133

103

132

71·1

155

77·4

55

1,764

920

1,830

278

123

62

546

358

372

205

186

143

108

137

76·9

150

75·5

56

1,662

865

1,744

260

114

61

543

345

351

200

187

133

103

138

71·1

145

77·4

57

1,615

825

1,661

251

110

57

533

323

321

205

186

132

104

131

70·9

156

78·8

58

1,655

826

1,748

243

112

54

522

320

347

201

178

140

110

141

78·7

143

78·6

59

1,575

813

1,606

232

109

59

525

350

345

195

186

135

100

130

72·6

150

74·1

60

1,679

875

1,753

260

110

52

521

330

345

191

177

140

103

133

79·1

144

73·6

61

1,650

822

1,695

250

113

59

543

330

345

203

182

144

101

130

79·1

156

70·1[lxxix]

62

1,648

807

1,730

234

110

61

530

335

334

193

184

139

103

129

75·5

150

74·1

63

1,670

832

1,764

254

107

57

540

358

353

194

190

140

104

128

73·7

152

74·3

64

1,674

855

1,790

259

113

60

520

340

345

200

175

139

103

131

78·9

153

74·1

65

1,614

820

1,615

240

101

61

519

345

350

212

177

135

105

127

76·3

167

77·8

66

1,708

865

1,726

262

103

55

510

340

352

217

177

142

106

132

80·0

164

74·6

67

1,720

866

1,770

255

105

59

540

357

360

197

186

135

99

126

72·6

156

73·3

68

1,665

945

1,799

259

112

59

538

340

350

227

179

140

100

132

78·2

172

71·4

69

1,655

820

1,718

245

107

60

530

350

330

221

182

136

95

127

69·8

174

69·1

70

1,625

940

1,700

261

103

52

518

319

340

185

176

142

102

128

80·5

133

71·1

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH.

71

1,775

886

1,848

274

119

61

551

350

358

218

195

137

…

…

70·3

…

…

72

1,584

863

1,582

249

107

64

559

366

361

221

192

141

…

…

73·4

…

…

73

1,663

830

1,651

241

99

58

526

343

330

216

183

145

…

…

79·2

…

…

74

1,544

764

1,663

259

107

61

516

325

323

193

181

136

…

…

75·1

…

…

75

1,767

886

1,747

269

117

69

546

345

361

226

190

140

…

…

73·7

…

…

76

1,663

825

1,704

254

110

64

566

361

361

221

200

143

…

…

71·5

…

…[lxxx]

77

1,734

871

1,752

269

117

61

564

361

361

211

194

150

…

…

77·3

…

…

78

1,541

818

1,592

231

99

53

518

333

338

211

182

138

…

…

75·8

…

…

79

1,648

848

1,709

254

112

61

546

323

330

213

192

140

…

…

72·9

…

…

80

1,645

838

1,681

262

107

53

538

330

348

213

191

138

…

…

73·3

…

…

81

1,633

846

1,757

259

110

61

546

330

350

200

185

148

…

…

80·0

…

…

82

1,651

823

1,724

257

104

64

538

333

340

216

189

137

…

…

72·5

…

…

83

1,602

833

1,722

257

107

66

526

345

330

231

185

141

…

…

76·2

…

…

84

1,696

858

1,750

269

117

64

521

343

348

203

189

134

…

…

70·9

…

…

85

1,564

795

1,607

241

104

61

516

330

323

213

180

133

…

…

73·9

…

…

86

1,694

863

1,739

259

107

58

538

358

338

206

193

133

…

…

68·9

…

…[lxxxi]

87

1,690

846

1,759

260

111

61

528

326

359

202

177

140

103

131

79·1

154

73·6

88

1,715

864

1,780

261

120

66

529

339

332

195

180

137

102

132

76·1

148

74·5

89

1,770

875

1,820

262

122

60

519

349

352

192

181

135

94

128

74·6

150

69·6

90

1,603

815

1,680

260

115

58

518

325

333

200

178

131

100

126

73·6

159

76·3

91

1,635

855

1,710

245

116

63

539

367

345

205

186

137

97

126

73·7

163

70·9

92

1,631

865

1,620

236

107

68

519

315

319

180

176

130

100

130

73·9

138

76·9

93

1,830

835

1,895

267

122

57

546

338

359

215

186

139

96

131

74·8

164

69·1

94

1,693

840

1,750

249

112

61

544

350

365

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

95

1,580

810

1,640

256

110

60

516

330

340

194

178

136

94

130

76·0

149

69·1

96

1,690

855

1,790

264

115

64

538

340

350

193

179

144

109

134

80·8

144

75·7

97

1,709

845

1,835

270

117

56

526

344

352

216

180

135

98

129

75·0

167

72·6

98

1,605

810

1,670

243

110

52

540

350

340

218

179

135

105

124

75·4

144

77·8

99

1,670

870

1,725

261

110

60

540

350

340

314

188

134

110

127

71·3

169

82·1

100

1,620

810

1,750

238

105

57

520

320

330

197

176

128

100

124

75·3

159

78·1

101

1,620

810

1,665

250

110

62

550

340

350

210

182

138

107

127

75·8

165

77·5

102

1,670

805

1,725

253

110

63

530

340

340

206

179

133

105

124

74·3

141

78·9

103

1,660

800

1,775

253

110

57

540

340

340

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…[lxxxii]

104

1,695

850

1,750

261

120

61

520

330

334

200

181

132

96

127

72·9

157

72·7

105

1,680

830

1,765

260

120

54

520

340

340

195

176

133

104

128

75·2

152

78·2

Variation.

SUMMARY.

From

1,541

764

1,582

231

99

51

505

315

319

180

176

128

90

115

62·8

133

66·7

No.

78

74

72

78

73, 78

26

25

92

92

92

35, 70, 92, 100, 105

100

25, 26

26

53

70

25

To

1,830

945

1,900

282

128

76

580

373

381

236

206

154

116

145

80·8

174

82·1

No.

93

68

46

37

16

1

13

27

2

2

2

13

14

46

96

69

99

Mean

1,670

860

1,730

258

110

62

538

341

348

208

184

138

103

130

74·9

156

74·7

Average

1,672

860

1,729

256

111

61

536

342

351

206

182

137

107

130

72·9

156

74·7 [lxxxiii]

FOR QURAISHI.

Do.

1,684

862

1,736

258

111

62

541

345

350

211

187

140

101

131

75·1

160

74·5

FOR SADÎQI.

Do.

1,670

878

1,725

255

111

61

534

342

345

205

176

138

103

132

74·4

154

74·5

FOR OTHERS.

Do.

1,662

841

1,727

256

112

61

534

340

343

204

184

132

102

129

69·3

154

75·1

[lxxxiv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHÂNTU.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,722

856

1,887

269

122

61

546

356

363

211

185

143

116

128

73·0

165

81·1

2

1,635

858

1,878

254

110

61

538

333

348

198

184

140

114

131

70·7

151

81·4

3

1,648

820

1,701

269

114

61

531

315

333

211

186

146

123

134

78·5

157

84·2

4

1,661

846

1,734

254

112

64

528

330

345

196

184

146

124

140

79·3

140

84·9

5

1,706

834

1,775

257

110

64

521

323

330

206

185

140

115

140

75·7

147

82·1

6

1,623

808

1,678

239

110

56

528

305

328

208

182

142

121

134

78·0

155

85·2

7

1,666

820

1,729

251

112

58

533

333

335

224

187

136

113

132

72·7

169

83·1

8

1,592

843

1,623

241

104

64

495

317

330

216

173

129

112

132

74·6

163

86·8

9

1,498

797

1,587

224

102

64

531

305

330

208

185

140

122

134

75·7

155

87·1

10

1,656

858

1,729

262

114

64

546

333

338

216

194

141

120

135

72·7

160

85·1[lxxxv]

11

1,727

871

1,807

266

119

66

528

333

335

216

184

135

111

131

37·4

165

82·2

12

1,536

808

1,582

239

107

56

531

330

335

196

186

141

108

127

75·8

154

76·6

13

1,579

838

1,676

249

114

64

528

320

353

188

182

143

121

136

78·6

138

84·6

14

1,628

820

1,678

241

102

66

520

312

335

190

182

136

115

132

74·7

144

84·6

15

1,714

868

1,825

262

114

64

538

343

345

208

195

139

125

143

71·3

145

89·6

16

1,569

780

1,676

251

102

69

521

330

312

193

184

137

…

…

74·5

…

…

17

1,706

886

1,722

264

114

61

518

330

323

226

186

132

…

…

71·0

…

…

18

1,557

825

1,551

246

102

61

516

312

330

…

172

141

…

…

82·0

…

…

19

1,725

875

1,810

267

116

62

523

320

323

220

180

136

102

132

75·6

167

75·0

20

1,715

835

1,885

264

116

59

539

349

350

215

181

138

100

129

76·2

167

72·5

21

1,617

840

1,675

240

113

54

531

327

321

200

186

139

97

130

74·7

154

69·8

22

1,655

858

1,757

250

112

59

525

331

339

204

180

137

102

126

76·1

162

75·2

23

1,705

868

1,783

252

111

62

518

326

338

199

176

128

105

135

72·7

147

78·2

24

1,652

854

1,726

267

98

58

544

335

333

207

194

139

105

128

71·6

162

75·5

25

1,615

825

1,652

251

110

62

508

310

330

199

185

129

100

128

69·7

155

77·5

26

1,654

850

1,737

254

99

62

519

325

340

203

179

139

105

130

77·7

156

75·5

27

1,569

838

1,604

251

106

57

532

330

342

205

182

141

112

127

77·4

161

79·4[lxxxvi]

28

1,555

808

1,619

250

111

61

528

349

359

205

182

135

104

131

74·2

156

77·7

29

1,632

862

1,665

245

115

62

526

336

339

201

180

136

103

125

75·6

161

75·7

30

1,682

856

1,768

234

109

60

529

328

329

195

183

135

108

128

73·8

152

80·0

Average

1,640

841

1,711

252

110

65

527

327

336

199

184

138

97

128

75·3

140

72·5

[lxxxvii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (GAUR.)

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,584

797

1,691

246

110

69

533

345

345

213

181

141

…

…

77·9

…

…

2

1,648

841

1,704

267

114

69

546

348

343

244

198

143

…

…

72·2

…

…

3

1,584

818

1,582

246

99

66

541

343

340

231

192

139

…

…

72·4

…

…

4

1,722

874

1,750

257

114

58

564

368

368

224

198

142

…

…

71·7

…

…

5

1,582

838

1,696

244

104

66

561

358

350

211

198

141

…

…

71·2

…

…

6

1,653

846

1,661

264

107

61

538

350

340

213

187

138

…

…

73·8

…

…

7

1,617

810

1,633

262

107

66

538

338

353

229

194

141

…

…

72·7

…

…

8

1,663

…

1,711

257

112

…

579

353

356

…

193

152

…

…

78·8

…

…

9

1,607

…

1,584

257

110

…

541

328

345

…

191

141

…

…

73·8

…

…[lxxxviii]

10

1,742

…

1,823

274

110

…

559

335

353

…

195

151

…

…

77·4

…

…

11

1,747

…

1,772

279

119

…

546

325

343

…

192

146

…

…

76·0

…

…

12

1,549

…

1,656

244

99

…

526

312

325

…

183

140

…

…

76·5

…

…

13

1,689

…

1,739

269

110

…

554

340

325

…

194

141

…

…

72·7

…

…

14

1,643

…

1,648

246

104

64

541

358

350

…

190

145

…

…

76·3

…

…

15

1,651

…

1,691

246

110

64

546

353

343

…

186

142

…

…

76·4

…

…

16

1,658

…

1,643

236

107

64

536

356

348

…

187

142

…

…

75·9

…

…

17

1,615

…

1,709

267

114

66

541

353

340

…

189

140

…

…

74·1

…

…

18

1,668

…

1,744

269

119

69

541

350

343

…

195

141

…

…

72·3

…

…

19

1,694

…

1,818

274

114

71

564

381

356

…

200

147

…

…

73·5

…

…[lxxxix]

20

1,668

892

1,745

258

111

63

543

347

347

215

190

143

120

137

75·3

157

83·9

21

1,655

867

1,752

254

117

58

548

330

352

209

188

141

102

133

75·0

157

72·3

22

1,580

777

1,657

242

113

66

519

324

326

195

181

126

96

122

69·6

160

76·1

23

1,540

808

1,735

232

109

59

534

335

332

194

181

135

105

125

74·6

155

77·7

24

1,615

818

1,660

230

114

60

536

341

339

205

187

133

103

126

71·1

163

77·4

25

1,555

782

1,680

230

104

66

527

330

342

198

176

131

108

125

74·8

158

82·4

26

1,705

891

1,730

249

112

68

526

338

342

210

189

131

95

131

69·3

160

72·5

27

1,615

835

1,702

256

111

69

544

350

343

203

187

134

100

135

71·7

150

74·6

28

1,635

846

1,635

234

103

58

534

344

345

209

180

135

102

125

75·0

167

75·6

29

1,647

860

1,687

239

107

60

546

340

350

211

183

145

101

135

79·2

156

69·6

30

1,720

870

1,739

263

117

59

510

325

334

198

183

124

96

124

67·8

160

77·4

31

1,715

860

1,825

251

117

56

522

312

332

197

178

132

96

127

74·8

155

74·2

32

1,692

845

1,798

257

115

62

535

331

345

216

190

130

110

126

68·4

171

84·6

33

1,691

849

1,823

269

116

60

551

334

333

228

195

133

103

132

68·2

173

77·4

34

1,519

780

1,714

235

108

62

537

331

340

208

185

135

98

125

72·9

166

72·6

35

1,651

840

1,740

264

117

71

537

342

330

218

190

130

104

128

68·4

172

80·0

36

1,625

825

1,683

255

112

54

539

340

333

230

188

130

100

130

69·1

177

76·9[xc]

87

1,710

865

1,753

256

108

58

564

368

345

229

195

140

104

135

71·8

170

74·3

88

1,625

833

1,702

250

110

60

522

322

330

203

179

129

99

128

72·1

159

76·7

89

1,645

853

1,724

251

110

62

533

345

362

226

189

140

98

130

74·1

174

70·0

Average

1,660

837

1,735

2

113

63

528

336

335

213

191

138

102

128

73·3

163

75·8

[xci]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—DHÎMAR.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,630

828

1,695

246

102

59

548

360

350

201

195

138

108

136

70·8

148

78·3

2

1,696

855

1,815

266

113

68

542

335

347

203

195

138

116

143

70·8

142

84·1

3

1,588

845

1,585

251

105

59

260

365

355

209

198

139

106

131

70·2

160

76·3

4

1,602

835

1,700

255

112

62

535

335

338

205

191

133

103

132

69·6

155

77·4

5

1,667

825

1,685

245

104

58

528

330

330

207

186

134

90

127

72·0

163

67·2

6

1,705

852

1,845

276

112

59

545

350

358

215

192

138

108

136

71·9

158

78·3

7

1,618

833

1,705

253

110

67

545

350

355

205

190

140

105

137

73·7

150

75·0

8

1,640

842

1,700

260

103

67

543

353

350

220

196

142

108

134

72·4

164

76·1

9

1,695

865

1,775

266

111

60

530

355

345

220

192

143

107

133

74·5

165

74·1[xcii]

10

1,545

813

1,565

235

110

62

538

345

340

203

188

133

110

128

70·7

159

82·7

11

1,625

830

1,675

245

110

63

560

352

359

210

195

141

116

133

72·3

158

82·8

12

1,560

800

1,645

238

104

63

538

335

338

212

195

133

106

131

68·2

162

79·7

13

1,610

835

1,600

230

99

69

533

325

340

201

189

143

120

139

76·2

145

83·9

14

1,635

875

1,675

246

108

65

550

352

355

220

194

138

107

133

71·1

165

77·8

15

1,656

855

1,700

260

112

60

527

343

345

220

184

138

110

133

75·0

165

79·6

16

1,682

861

1,805

265

98

60

574

375

375

240

208

142

115

142

68·3

169

81·0

17

1,678

856

1,765

258

120

62

545

358

350

203

190

139

110

133

73·2

153

79·1

18

1,625

830

1,650

249

105

60

532

350

345

208

187

135

103

131

72·2

159

76·3

19

1,637

835

1,715

246

101

59

535

345

354

204

192

134

109

135

69·8

151

81·3[xciii]

20

1,635

810

1,700

254

119

62

533

344

347

215

185

135

101

125

73·0

171

74·8

21

1,620

815

1,750

250

111

60

517

322

339

200

181

135

97

127

74·6

157

71·9

22

1,720

884

1,750

270

116

60

530

334

345

199

185

133

97

127

71·9

157

72·9

23

1,621

810

1,689

251

115

60

540

334

340

198

187

136

105

129

72·7

153

77·2

24

1,620

800

1,702

250

112

57

539

334

350

192

182

131

96

125

72·0

154

73·3

25

1,680

847

1,785

267

110

56

539

344

340

196

187

140

98

125

74·9

157

70·0

26

1,623

802

1,705

243

106

62

540

320

330

194

186

135

106

130

72·6

149

78·5

27

1,658

810

1,770

263

111

60

535

330

330

208

190

138

103

128

72·6

163

74·6

28

1,675

822

1,730

254

111

56

503

310

315

196

179

136

100

125

75·4

157

73·5

29

1,720

874

1,723

249

101

58

530

327

335

220

188

136

105

130

72·3

170

77·3

30

1,671

890

1,755

262

111

61

534

315

324

198

178

139

110

135

78·1

147

79·1

31

1,665

850

1,760

254

111

61

543

343

345

205

192

145

109

128

75·5

190

75·1

32

1,692

832

1,730

251

105

61

520

338

340

210

178

136

105

132

76·4

151

77·2

33

1,580

822

1,638

234

103

65

530

310

310

199

187

130

97

125

96·5

159

74·6

34

1,610

820

1,723

253

103

60

528

330

335

207

184

140

95

126

76·1

164

67·9

35

1,725

915

1,815

279

110

69

534

335

335

215

186

135

105

130

72·6

165

77·8

36

1,660

852

1,723

249

105

66

538

330

324

212

185

135

100

129

73·0

164

74·1[xciv]

37

1,655

820

1,750

252

100

64

510

304

310

198

177

135

105

130

76·3

152

77·8

38

1,670

855

1,750

270

110

64

525

320

330

221

194

133

97

130

68·6

170

72·9

39

1,665

855

1,700

251

110

59

505

318

330

205

177

138

97

125

78·0

164

70·3

40

1,655

825

1,700

245

105

62

526

315

325

202

183

133

100

130

72·7

155

75·2

41

1,685

850

1,735

255

111

63

543

329

332

212

180

135

113

135

75·0

157

83·7

42

1,565

785

1,673

246

109

66

528

340

325

203

185

130

100

128

70·3

159

76·6

43

1,630

810

1,756

255

110

56

530

330

328

221

195

130

100

129

66·7

171

76·6

44

1,560

755

1,610

234

110

56

530

330

326

203

188

132

105

126

70·2

161

79·7

Average

1,644

838

1,655

253

108

61

535

336

332

203

187

136

106

131

73·5

158

76·6

[xcv]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GADARIYA.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,606

820

1,612

242

101

56

540

345

343

207

187

139

109

137

74·3

151

78·4

2

1,526

780

1,562

239

105

67

533

355

343

198

188

133

99

125

70·7

158

74·4

3

1,595

805

1,630

235

102

62

557

340

353

190

193

143

117

138

74·1

138

81·8

4

1,648

872

1,670

242

100

67

545

360

365

201

188

142

105

127

75·5

158

73·9

5

1,632

845

1,685

238

108

59

528

338

335

205

181

137

110

131

75·5

156

80·3

6

1,705

855

1,720

253

112

65

537

335

345

200

187

140

110

140

74·8

143

78·6

7

1,647

855

1,700

256

106

61

550

348

345

207

191

149

117

142

78·0

146

78·5

8

1,694

863

1,800

260

116

59

546

370

365

212

189

140

102

138

74·1

154

72·9

9

1,626

790

1,676

254

118

56

494

323

325

193

176

130

101

131

73·8

147

77·7[xcvi]

10

1,615

865

1,703

262

121

53

533

350

350

200

185

134

100

131

72·4

153

74·6

11

1,610

790

1,700

250

109

61

513

320

339

188

173

138

100

130

79·8

145

72·5

12

1,622

802

1,730

246

114

56

500

310

328

192

171

130

97

129

76·0

149

74·6

13

1,594

785

1,715

258

121

54

523

331

345

185

180

135

102

124

75·0

141

75·6

14

1,580

767

1,690

243

105

60

495

309

326

200

176

130

96

123

73·8

163

73·8

15

1,709

829

1,771

260

107

63

532

353

349

209

190

139

99

124

73·2

169

71·2

16

1,770

854

1,875

274

120

62

540

340

334

228

185

138

110

125

74·6

182

79·2

17

1,615

802

1,690

257

110

63

540

333

336

223

188

138

110

130

73·4

172

79·7

18

1,685

850

1,720

254

110

56

540

330

342

220

190

135

112

132

71·1

166

83·0

19

1,610

820

1,755

240

110

64

530

330

354

204

185

132

110

125

71·4

163

83·3[xcvii]

20

1,670

860

1,765

240

102

61

540

341

342

232

185

134

105

125

72·4

186

78·3

21

1,685

870

1,745

274

120

65

529

328

330

220

180

125

100

129

69·4

171

80·0

22

1,605

810

1,697

263

112

62

544

344

350

189

182

135

100

127

74·2

149

74·1

23

1,535

815

1,680

250

110

58

526

336

343

190

179

133

97

125

74·3

152

72·9

Average

1,632

826

1,713

252

110

61

535

338

343

204

182

136

105

130

74·0

157

81·3

[xcviii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—HÂBÛRA.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,727

853

1,795

239

114

64

508

330

368

224

178

140

117

137

78·7

164

83·6

2

1,666

876

1,734

236

114

71

556

343

340

216

198

145

117

140

73·2

152

80·7

3

1,656

843

1,727

241

114

64

541

330

356

216

191

142

111

132

74·3

164

78·2

4

1,744

914

1,803

272

122

64

551

361

361

226

191

143

116

139

74·9

163

81·1

5

1,742

861

1,742

267

110

66

521

317

363

229

188

139

121

134

74·0

171

87·1

6

1,602

823

1,656

251

110

66

528

338

363

218

186

143

105

131

76·9

166

73·4

7

1,671

879

1,704

259

110

61

546

356

363

229

196

142

105

132

73·0

173

73·9

8

1,747

901

1,807

272

119

64

546

361

381

226

188

150

116

140

79·8

161

77·3

9

1,498

905

1,579

234

107

69

503

315

328

206

182

129

108

131

70·9

157

83·7

10

1,567

795

1,572

236

107

61

505

328

335

200

180

128

108

122

71·1

164

84·4[xcix]

11

2,742

894

1,752

262

119

71

541

340

361

216

190

141

114

144

74·2

150

80·9

12

1,590

838

1,635

246

104

61

528

330

345

216

183

147

101

130

80·3

166

68·7

13

1,607

851

1,617

236

99

58

546

343

361

218

189

149

118

135

78·7

161

79·2

14

1,714

881

1,658

244

110

58

526

335

361

224

182

141

109

125

77·4

179

77·3

15

1,711

851

1,739

254

107

58

531

335

343

221

187

142

109

133

75·9

166

76·8

16

1,699

863

1,772

251

117

66

546

340

373

231

192

144

117

132

75·0

175

81·2

17

1,681

838

1,684

244

102

51

541

340

350

208

189

147

…

…

77·7

…

…

18

1,595

843

1,590

254

107

64

528

356

343

213

194

137

111

125

70·6

170

81·0

19

1,663

871

1,625

241

107

58

534

338

343

218

185

146

115

133

78·8

164

79·5

20

1,625

830

1,696

259

114

66

516

330

333

196

182

140

113

130

76·9

151

80·7

21

1,685

870

1,800

279

115

60

555

341

350

223

196

147

109

134

75·0

166

74·8

22

1,675

830

1,740

257

110

60

520

329

332

202

180

132

105

129

73·3

157

79·5

23

1,635

840

1,665

250

106

55

530

334

346

198

180

134

103

133

74·2

149

76·9

24

1,680

820

1,770

251

105

54

526

328

329

190

186

130

99

128

69·9

148

76·2

25

1,690

860

1,760

256

101

57

525

340

340

199

186

138

103

133

74·0

150

74·6

Average

1,664

853

1,704

252

110

62

531

338

350

214

187

141

110

128

75·2

162

78·8

[c]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—KÂYASTH.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,656

846

1,694

254

102

64

546

348

338

234

196

137

…

…

69·9

…

…

2

1,684

843

1,714

244

107

71

549

358

361

203

193

139

…

…

72·0

…

…

3

1,640

838

1,727

254

107

69

551

356

356

200

197

139

…

…

70·1

…

…

4

1,567

791

1,556

223

96

55

522

343

337

200

187

137

109

127

73·3

157

79·6

5

1,627

824

1,678

253

105

60

523

347

337

218

187

136

115

135

72·7

161

84·6

6

1,600

779

1,637

235

102

57

523

320

322

215

185

135

100

126

73·0

171

74·1

7

1,710

816

1,780

246

105

58

530

340

320

206

188

135

105

132

71·8

156

77·8

8

1,745

829

1,777

247

117

60

537

355

338

215

198

137

110

134

69·2

160

87·6

9

1,697

825

1,762

261

106

53

538

357

338

212

188

138

108

135

73·4

157

78·3

10

1,657

842

1,700

261

107

61

560

363

345

212

203

139

102

138

68·5

154

73·4[ci]

11

1,608

802

1,710

260

112

70

550

345

360

197

189

143

117

143

76·7

138

81·8

12

1,690

865

1,840

251

105

57

520

336

345

204

175

136

106

122

77·7

167

77·9

13

1,635

857

1,677

249

105

57

537

340

345

205

183

140

106

127

76·5

161

75·7

14

1,700

895

1,685

254

110

61

530

344

340

209

190

131

100

130

68·9

161

76·3

15

1,694

865

1,766

267

108

58

540

350

347

206

185

134

102

127

72·4

162

76·1

16

1,695

860

1,715

254

100

57

526

360

344

193

177

131

108

130

74·1

148

82·4

17

1,725

885

1,801

250

104

56

544

352

361

220

183

143

109

143

78·1

153

76·2

18

1,610

855

1,695

255

107

61

529

370

359

202

188

143

103

135

76·1

150

72·0

19

1,650

820

1,750

240

103

56

535

346

350

184

183

141

98

128

77·0

144

69·5

20

1,665

845

1,705

237

106

51

523

334

331

193

179

135

96

126

75·4

153

71·1

21

1,655

840

1,769

259

108

59

550

370

364

212

184

140

100

134

76·1

158

71·4

22

1,530

825

1,616

228

106

64

561

340

334

209

192

135

110

132

70·3

158

81·5

23

1,625

853

1,742

263

110

60

550

342

340

220

190

140

109

133

73·7

166

77·9

24

1,710

825

1,795

250

110

56

530

330

330

209

186

139

100

128

74·7

155

71·9

25

1,690

845

1,765

251

114

60

530

335

340

200

180

136

102

128

75·6

156

75·0

Average

1,659

839

1,722

250

106

59

537

346

344

207

183

138

105

132

73·4

157

76·7

[cii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JHANGÂRA RÂJPUTS.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,714

891

1,851

257

117

76

566

376

376

231

192

151

120

141

78·6

164

79·5

2

1,684

869

1,765

254

114

71

559

363

361

216

194

146

115

135

75·3

160

78·8

3

1,770

879

1,838

259

114

64

559

356

366

200

193

147

116

140

76·2

143

78·9

4

1,668

858

1,729

259

112

66

541

343

348

183

185

143

116

140

77·4

131

81·1

5

1,752

838

1,803

254

119

71

518

328

356

200

178

135

118

135

75·8

148

87·4

6

1,676

856

1,760

254

114

69

549

358

366

200

195

136

114

136

69·7

147

83·8

7

1,734

884

1,815

264

124

69

554

361

353

216

203

139

111

136

68·4

159

79·9

8

1,696

838

1,760

249

110

64

549

348

353

206

200

140

110

132

70·0

156

78·6

9

1,770

909

1,825

264

119

61

566

358

376

211

204

144

125

142

70·6

149

86·8

10

1,661

833

1,714

251

117

66

546

350

356

213

191

145

120

135

76·0

158

82·6[ciii]

11

1,6 0

828

1,650

244

102

64

541

350

353

221

194

139

…

…

71·6

…

…

12

1,671

853

1,727

262

112

58

543

356

356

211

195

140

…

…

71·8

…

…

13

1,652

895

1,730

248

109

67

564

358

354

206

195

144

118

142

73·8

145

81·9

14

1,658

865

1,767

263

105

60

562

345

364

205

194

139

110

129

71·6

159

79·1

15

1,783

925

1,835

275

117

63

571

359

373

225

197

144

115

143

73·1

157

79·9

16

1,655

875

1,648

241

99

59

553

360

370

207

194

142

109

132

73·2

157

76·8

17

1,640

863

1,665

240

105

70

542

348

329

213

191

133

104

132

69·6

160

78·6

18

1,665

908

1,695

252

109

61

516

320

328

203

180

136

103

126

75·6

163

75·7

19

1,708

872

1,761

256

104

65

570

350

350

220

200

144

107

137

72·0

161

74·3

20

1,785

890

1,830

264

111

63

553

335

347

222

197

140

118

140

71·0

159

84·3

21

1,740

945

1,755

264

112

68

545

360

355

227

197

134

103

133

68·0

171

76·9

22

1,720

880

1,850

260

110

67

545

369

370

223

187

146

112

140

78·1

159

77·5

23

1,690

895

1,729

255

110

64

540

345

354

225

186

241

103

133

75·0

169

73·0

24

1,690

876

1,750

255

110

61

535

332

349

224

185

139

99

130

75·1

172

71·2

25

1,780

805

1,895

255

115

62

525

334

325

203

184

131

100

131

71·2

154

76·3

26

1,765

855

1,822

265

108

65

533

330

348

212

180

139

100

134

77·2

157

71·9

27

1,710

863

1,749

265

104

61

562

370

360

236

195

139

103

135

71·3

175

74·1

28

1,590

790

1,670

251

108

60

540

353

352

221

188

140

100

133

74·5

167

71·4

Average

1,702

866

1,767

257

111

65

549

351

372

214

192

137

110

136

73·7

158

78·9

[civ]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BARGÛJAR RÂJPUTS.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,732

884

1,815

279

119

66

538

348

356

243

195

137

…

…

70·3

…

…

2

1,750

881

1,859

259

107

64

571

383

368

241

203

142

…

…

70·0

…

…

3

1,701

838

1,772

264

119

64

564

371

381

241

201

145

…

…

72·6

…

…

4

1,769

792

1,635

246

102

56

526

330

353

200

187

141

…

…

75·6

…

…

5

1,628

813

1,612

262

110

58

541

361

371

239

194

142

…

…

73·2

…

…

6

1,656

841

1,797

254

107

69

556

368

376

236

201

143

…

…

71·1

…

…

7

1,734

869

1,869

267

117

66

551

340

376

216

198

145

…

…

73·2

…

…

8

1,848

896

1,981

282

117

64

538

330

345

206

192

140

…

…

72·9

…

…

9

1,709

858

1,815

257

110

69

541

340

361

231

195

142

…

…

72·8

…

…

10

1,656

843

1,765

257

110

76

538

343

363

188

191

139

119

130

72·8

145

85·6[cv]

11

1,734

881

1,820

262

117

64

533

333

350

211

186

136

122

138

73·1

153

89·0

12

1,658

…

1,797

254

117

61

549

333

330

…

190

130

…

…

68·1

…

…

13

1,628

…

1,673

251

107

58

533

330

330

…

188

130

…

…

69·1

…

…

14

1,755

858

1,841

267

112

69

538

353

356

206

193

137

…

…

71·0

…

…

15

1,630

830

1,766

254

112

60

540

335

340

199

182

140

111

126

76·9

158

79·3

16

1,695

855

1,755

257

112

57

541

347

339

205

187

133

106

131

71·1

156

79·7

17

1,730

840

1,842

260

120

70

535

335

350

219

185

139

105

142

75·1

154

75·5

18

1,770

890

1,811

271

120

63

555

360

355

223

193

142

103

133

73·6

168

72·5

19

1,718

875

1,805

277

120

64

535

335

335

207

190

130

102

135

68·4

153

78·4

20

1,709

880

1,805

263

110

62

545

329

340

224

187

139

102

137

74·3

164

73·4

Average

1,701

945

1,791

262

113

64

543

345

354

217

192

139

109

134

71·8

156

77·7

[cvi]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (SANÂDH).

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,744

881

1,836

279

119

66

533

328

345

211

193

138

…

…

71·4

…

…

2

1,630

846

1,717

254

107

69

541

333

340

216

192

144

…

…

75·0

…

…

3

1,700

848

1,772

259

107

61

541

333

348

208

184

146

…

…

79·4

…

…

4

1,706

856

1,828

259

112

64

566

343

353

234

200

148

…

…

74·0

…

…

5

1,770

896

1,841

284

114

66

551

358

368

221

191

144

…

…

75·3

…

…

6

1,709

874

1,702

274

110

69

549

366

361

208

199

139

…

…

69·9

…

…

7

1,747

863

1,815

274

119

64

549

358

361

208

191

146

…

…

76·4

…

…

8

1,724

863

1,820

269

114

69

566

356

356

208

201

146

…

…

72·6

…

…

9

1,612

835

1,711

257

107

56

538

348

343

221

190

139

…

…

73·2

…

…

10

1,607

823

1,700

254

104

64

559

353

348

213

200

144

…

…

72·0

…

…[cvii]

11

1,810

609

1,864

228

117

64

546

345

348

200

195

140

…

…

71·8

…

…

12

1,765

896

1,823

282

117

64

559

356

373

226

194

145

…

…

74·7

…

…

13

1,663

856

1,694

282

112

66

549

348

363

218

195

145

…

…

74·4

…

…

14

1,727

820

1,765

267

110

66

536

345

343

208

190

135

…

…

71·1

…

…

15

1,660

855

1,740

266

105

57

526

340

350

222

186

136

102

131

73·1

169

75·0

16

1,582

835

1,627

260

114

71

549

345

350

229

186

138

97

136

74·2

168

70·3

17

1,590

810

1,637

244

110

61

525

315

320

207

187

134

107

130

71·7

160

79·9

18

1,672

852

1,722

248

111

58

553

361

357

236

200

135

103

130

67·5

182

76·3

19

1,630

835

1,749

256

117

64

526

325

330

222

186

130

105

130

69·9

171

80·8

20

1,594

776

1,670

234

104

64

536

343

352

211

185

145

113

130

78·4

162

77·9

21

1,660

827

1,768

244

107

56

534

330

341

222

182

140

102

128

76·9

173

72·9

22

1,732

915

1,770

265

114

67

573

378

370

225

200

142

110

130

71·0

173

77·5

23

1,673

805

1,782

256

117

57

508

320

325

220

179

133

110

126

74·3

175

82·7

24

1,685

840

1,755

249

116

59

520

336

343

220

185

132

112

135

71·4

163

84·8

25

1,604

824

1,724

227

107

56

535

322

340

190

185

140

94

130

75·7

146

67·1

26

1,605

850

1,685

252

114

60

538

360

360

224

190

136

102

126

71·6

178

75·0

27

1,625

826

1,686

233

105

61

534

340

330

194

179

129

98

129

72·1

150

76·0

Average

1,675

848

1,749

260

111

63

542

343

349

191

191

140

104

130

73·7

167

76·6

[cviii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHURJI.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,554

805

1,549

229

99

69

528

340

330

190

190

139

109

127

73·2

150

78·4

2

1,591

845

1,567

237

99

58

558

342

362

206

190

145

116

138

76·3

149

80·4

3

1,662

820

1,765

246

108

59

532

335

338

215

186

139

110

136

74·7

158

79·1

4

1,667

857

1,740

256

117

60

538

365

353

207

196

134

112

132

63·3

157

83·6

5

1,615

825

1,705

251

108

66

520

330

335

213

181

134

104

127

74·0

168

77·6

6

1,630

845

1,690

248

110

62

542

345

344

212

190

139

102

128

73·2

166

73·5

7

1,590

839

1,621

250

111

62

542

341

350

202

190

138

100

126

72·6

160

72·5

8

1,585

823

1,650

241

109

63

512

320

323

186

173

130

101

126

75·1

148

77·7

9

1,649

820

1,684

255

111

65

522

330

341

190

186

129

96

128

69·4

148

74·4

10

1,680

830

1,725

246

105

57

508

322

335

212

176

138

101

131

78·4

162

73·2[cix]

11

1,650

850

1,775

253

115

59

520

323

325

214

184

132

100

130

71·7

165

75·8

12

1,600

804

1,718

242

103

63

526

325

333

206

185

130

99

125

70·3

165

76·2

13

1,590

806

1,645

247

100

58

530

325

330

215

183

134

102

124

73·2

173

76·1

14

1,600

820

1,759

254

111

63

533

350

336

214

195

142

105

125

72·8

171

73·9

15

1,640

825

1,695

243

105

66

526

330

335

206

178

134

102

126

75·8

163

76·1

16

1,591

780

1,699

233

104

58

525

326

328

207

188

134

98

127

71·3

163

73·1

17

1,612

810

1,680

246

110

61

528

335

327

200

185

134

108

130

72·4

154

80·6

18

1,680

845

1,750

258

114

66

526

329

330

217

180

138

100

130

76·7

167

71·7

19

1,600

810

1,718

241

108

61

529

330

330

204

184

134

98

131

72·8

155

73·1

20

1,590

805

1,666

243

109

60

528

336

332

196

179

130

100

125

72·6

157

76·9

21

1,590

825

1,709

245

106

60

530

360

360

214

184

143

100

129

77·7

164

69·9

Average

1,618

823

1,691

246

108

64

529

335

337

206

185

136

117

129

73·2

160

75·9

[cx]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MEWÂTI.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,742

881

1,807

264

112

61

546

373

376

229

201

133

…

…

66·2

…

…

2

1,671

858

1,739

241

102

58

538

358

348

231

194

133

…

…

69·6

…

…

3

1,689

838

1,752

254

102

69

538

356

350

234

195

140

…

…

71·8

…

…

4

1,694

835

1,793

259

107

58

526

335

348

193

184

141

…

…

76·6

…

…

5

1,694

881

1,755

254

112

61

526

343

330

208

190

131

…

…

68·9

…

…

6

1,643

833

1,701

239

104

58

516

330

335

203

185

139

…

…

75·1

…

…

7

1,651

800

1,734

249

104

61

538

323

340

211

184

138

117

131

75·0

161

84·8

8

1,724

853

1,782

269

119

69

554

350

340

211

200

136

114

133

68·0

159

83·8

9

1,668

830

1,732

274

117

61

533

330

330

200

188

137

107

132

72·9

152

78·0

10

1,658

838

1,737

257

107

64

541

343

350

231

193

138

117

131

71·5

176

84·7[cxi]

11

1,737

868

1,841

287

114

66

538

356

361

211

193

137

116

141

71·0

150

84·7

12

1,549

782

1,638

236

107

64

523

338

330

229

184

137

111

130

74·5

176

81·0

13

1,714

828

1,869

267

117

64

549

350

361

216

192

142

121

139

73·9

155

85·2

14

1,648

841

1,671

257

112

61

526

338

343

196

185

135

108

126

73·0

156

80·0

15

1,546

805

1,558

235

105

63

575

330

320

205

181

132

98

128

72·9

160

74·2

16

1,656

825

1,760

250

107

65

637

343

350

210

191

140

105

132

73·3

159

75·0

17

1,793

890

1,885

267

120

66

560

357

358

206

195

141

117

135

72·3

153

83·0

18

1,668

865

1,745

251

109

54

548

360

350

220

195

143

110

141

73·3

156

76·9

19

1,725

900

1,765

255

112

71

506

308

335

199

184

133

99

128

72·8

155

74·4

20

1,645

865

1,680

248

114

58

512

306

340

201

173

144

109

135

83·2

149

75·7

21

1,610

820

1,715

248

105

61

545

363

360

205

190

139

109

130

73·2

158

78·4

22

1,650

835

1,688

243

109

54

560

370

380

223

195

142

105

132

72·8

169

73·9

23

1,656

800

1,720

259

113

57

533

334

330

196

182

132

100

129

72·5

151

75·8

24

1,659

825

1,762

258

117

66

545

342

343

200

185

136

96

125

73·5

160

70·6

25

1,600

803

1,664

244

110

57

518

315

318

187

179

127

102

128

70·9

146

80·3

26

1,635

830

1,700

252

112

58

540

349

358

207

196

140

105

135

71·4

153

75·0

27

1,577

798

1,627

242

105

56

529

330

335

211

189

135

102

125

71·4

169

75·6[cxii]

28

1,590

825

1,634

237

113

57

526

330

329

195

180

137

99

126

76·1

155

72·3

29

1,684

845

1,783

262

120

61

532

344

334

192

181

138

100

128

76·6

150

72·5

30

1,623

833

1,664

238

105

61

528

340

335

189

182

130

100

129

71·4

147

76·9

Average

1,643

838

1,727

253

110

61

536

341

344

208

188

137

105

127

72·5

157

78·0

[cxiii]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SAYYID.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,724

846

1,775

269

110

64

520

333

338

216

185

134

108

130

72·4

166

80·6

2

1,602

797

1,607

246

102

58

520

328

330

200

183

139

114

129

75·9

155

82·0

3

1,691

851

1,734

254

102

56

530

356

343

218

189

138

125

138

73·0

158

90·6

4

1,645

889

1,587

241

107

66

520

330

343

221

185

133

117

135

71·8

164

87·9

5

1,582

795

1,633

249

102

64

513

317

330

188

182

132

105

127

72·5

148

79·5

6

1,709

858

1,795

262

110

71

538

358

360

218

195

140

109

130

71·8

168

77·9

7

1,700

890

1,710

252

112

59

537

344

347

203

181

150

105

141

82·8

144

70·0

8

1,645

810

1,711

250

113

57

545

323

336

210

181

140

101

133

77·3

158

72·1

9

1,727

892

1,724

250

106

67

555

360

359

228

192

140

103

136

72·8

168

73·6[cxiv]

10

1,683

895

1,683

240

110

60

539

358

350

204

182

147

99

130

80·8

157

67·4

11

1,803

905

1,852

266

130

65

530

338

339

191

190

133

104

138

70·0

138

78·1

12

1,612

825

1,576

234

104

55

520

330

330

193

182

132

93

122

72·5

158

70·5

13

1,700

870

1,762

256

107

57

515

337

335

205

178

135

104

135

75·8

152

77·4

14

1,620

820

1,724

241

100

57

534

325

350

210

183

138

107

127

75·4

165

77·5

15

1,690

840

1,765

266

117

60

553

365

360

216

187

132

102

132

70·6

163

77·3

16

1,670

850

1,772

262

110

63

540

330

335

185

178

138

107

137

77·5

135

77·5

17

1,615

815

1,699

260

110

63

538

350

330

204

179

132

97

130

73·7

157

73·5

18

1,675

820

1,610

251

104

62

540

350

350

192

186

145

110

131

78·0

147

75·9

19

1,650

855

1,700

253

112

60

545

330

335

214

187

134

105

127

71·7

169

78·4[cxv]

20

1,600

807

1,685

250

107

59

534

350

340

196

182

137

102

130

75·3

151

74·5

21

1,590

825

1,625

251

114

62

537

335

330

195

180

137

107

135

76·1

144

78·1

22

1,575

825

1,680

236

102

62

524

330

331

200

181

130

95

126

71·8

159

73·1

23

1,590

780

1,652

251

110

57

540

354

360

212

189

137

103

127

72·5

167

75·2

24

1,550

820

1,580

240

112

57

527

334

329

206

184

130

105

127

70·7

162

80·8

25

1,600

815

1,675

250

115

58

560

360

370

209

186

130

108

132

69·9

158

83·1

26

1,650

830

1,725

252

115

56

530

360

360

185

185

135

97

125

73·0

148

71·9

27

1,730

865

1,780

278

120

62

540

360

360

189

185

135

110

130

73·0

145

81·5

28

1,720

885

1,760

256

115

58

560

350

360

212

185

135

110

125

73·0

170

81·5

29

1,632

820

1,720

225

105

56

530

350

330

182

179

130

100

127

72·6

143

76·9

30

1,650

815

1,745

257

115

61

560

370

360

193

190

135

110

133

71·1

145

81·5

31

1,740

865

1,795

260

115

52

550

330

330

196

184

130

110

130

70·7

151

84·6

32

1,652

850

1,750

238

115

63

550

375

350

197

190

138

110

125

73·2

158

79·7

33

1,640

835

1,790

252

120

56

570

380

375

219

197

134

108

134

68·0

164

80·6

Average

1,653

838

1,709

252

111

60

537

345

345

203

184

136

106

131

73·2

157

77·6

[cxvi]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—NAT.

Number.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Cephalic Index.

General Index.

Frontal Index.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

1,574

782

1,668

246

102

64

549

338

330

198

198

143

116

131

72·2

151

81·1

2

1,777

886

1,823

262

107

66

541

345

353

208

194

144

120

137

74·2

152

83·3

3

1,633

858

1,678

249

102

61

536

343

348

193

188

146

114

123

77·7

156

78·1

4

1,663

876

1,719

257

110

51

523

330

348

211

184

138

123

139

75·0

153

89·1

5

1,600

841

1,633

241

102

58

523

330

348

218

185

135

118

132

73·0

165

87·4

6

1,645

858

1,739

262

117

61

541

338

356

221

193

139

117

139

72·0

159

84·2

7

1,541

772

1,546

224

102

53

536

345

335

206

190

137

119

133

72·1

155

86·9

8

1,739

876

1,793

272

122

64

552

358

361

216

190

151

124

150

79·5

144

82·6

9

1,617

843

1,681

249

112

61

564

358

353

200

202

146

124

140

72·3

144

84·9

10

1,612

770

1,698

245

106

62

553

356

355

219

192

142

110

132

73·9

166

77·5[cxvii]

11

1,667

830

1,745

250

110

65

548

362

365

217

190

137

108

138

72·1

157

78·8

12

1,654

810

1,712

253

108

64

514

320

336

203

181

136

108

132

75·1

154

79·4

13

1,603

830

1,628

245

104

65

520

320

320

196

177

133

114

132

75·1

148

85·7

14

1,545

818

1,480

225

96

51

540

330

340

197

188

140

114

138

74·5

143

81·4

15

1,780

896

1,795

278

118

58

528

334

342

218

190

134

109

129

70·5

169

81·3

16

1,658

840

1,700

279

111

61

548

340

364

215

194

145

115

141

74·7

152

79·3

17

1,675

855

1,750

268

115

65

555

362

380

226

195

143

117

134

73·3

169

81·8

18

1,706

874

1,743

265

120

57

539

345

354

202

191

138

100

130

72·3

155

72·5

19

1,661

826

1,685

252

112

57

532

334

335

201

185

130

102

123

75·7

163

78·5

20

1,690

865

1,757

270

112

60

517

330

334

201

180

140

97

139

77·8

145

69·3

21

1,606

785

1,665

239

107

61

518

340

339

191

179

133

91

127

74·3

150

68·4

22

1,590

814

1,653

247

104

51

510

319

330

202

178

133

102

130

74·7

155

76·7

23

1,608

815

1,695

244

100

57

539

350

349

100

182

143

107

136

78·6

147

74·8

24

1,572

800

1,620

246

99

60

530

332

335

185

184

140

103

131

76·1

141

73·5

25

1,640

845

1,650

257

105

59

518

331

340

195

181

137

102

132

75·7

148

74·5

26

1,620

835

1,710

232

110

60

534

320

334

196

181

138

105

137

76·2

143

76·1

27

1,520

770

1,585

230

98

56

514

335

336

196

185

135

107

128

73·0

153

79·3[cxviii]

28

1,684

845

1,765

242

121

59

544

360

330

204

190

136

102

133

71·6

153

75·0

29

1,580

800

1,650

256

112

59

521

323

325

183

180

130

102

126

72·2

145

78·5

30

1,620

842

1,684

258

113

58

562

351

345

219

196

140

110

136

71·4

161

78·6

31

1,562

830

1,584

220

111

61

536

348

338

186

188

134

100

128

71·3

145

74·6

32

1,642

840

1,726

240

113

55

528

334

338

199

185

136

100

130

73·5

153

73·5

33

1,540

760

1,636

225

107

53

524

342

324

193

178

130

103

129

73·5

150

79·2

34

1,594

819

1,674

233

112

54

500

323

320

185

176

130

100

125

73·8

148

76·9

35

1,552

811

1,623

228

110

57

532

328

329

208

180

142

100

130

78·9

160

70·4

Average

1,627

830

1,681

260

109

59

534

342

345

202

187

138

109

133

73·9

153

78·7

[cxix]

Anthropometry. 15. The result then of anthropometry as applied to caste appears to be that there is no good ground for disputing the fact that the present races of Northern India are practically one people. The figures prepared by Mr. Risley have been subjected to a close analysis by Mr. C. J. O’Donnell in the Bengal Census Report for 1891; and no account of the matter would be complete without reproducing his remarks.

16. “It is difficult to trace, in the introduction to The Castes and Tribes of Bengal, how far Mr. Risley recognises the influence of intermarriage between Aryans and Aboriginals, but he unquestionably denies the functional origin of caste, and seems to define it as ‘an institution, evolved by the Aryans in the attempt to preserve the purity of their own stock, and afterwards expanded and adapted, by the influence of a series of fictions, to fit an endless variety of social, religious and industrial conditions.’ With much originality he has sought to find a new guide to the ethnic composition of India in the science of anthropometry.

“ ‘Nowhere else,’ he writes, ‘in the world do we find the population of a large continent broken up into an infinite number of mutually exclusive aggregates, the members of which are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside of the group to which they themselves belong. Whatever may have been the origin and the earlier developments of the caste system, this absolute prohibition of mixed marriages stands forth at the present day as its essential and most prominent characteristic. [cxx]In a society thus organised—a society sacrificing everything to pride of blood and the idea of social purity—it seemed that differences of physical type, however produced in past time, might be expected to manifest a high degree of persistence, and that the science which seeks to trace and express such differences would find a peculiarly favourable field for its operations. In Europe anthropometry has to confess itself hindered, if not baffled, by the constant intermixture of races, which tends to obscure and confuse the data arrived at by measurement. In a country where such intermixture is to a large extent eliminated, there were grounds for believing that divergent types would reveal themselves more clearly and that their characteristics would furnish some clue to their original race affinities.’

Two main types of Indian head. 17. “With the aid of the Governments of the North-Western Provinces and of the Panjab anthropometric data for ‘nearly 6,000 persons, representing 89 of the leading castes and tribes in Northern India, from the Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of Afghânistân,’ were obtained, but unfortunately Mr. Risley finds that ‘it would be vain to attempt within the compass of this essay to analyse and compare the large mass of figures which has been collected, or to develop at length the inferences which they may be taught to suggest.’ He has, however, made a few interesting deductions. Three well-known types of feature and physique have long been recognised in the Indian peninsula, the Aryan or Caucasian chiefly in Upper India, the Mongoloid, which is generally believed to be confined to [cxxi]the north-east corner of Bengal, and a Negrito, or, as Mr. Risley calls it, a Dravidian type, in Central and Southern India. Excluding the second, which he represents to be so local as to make its elimination a matter of little importance in discussing the ethnology of Indian peoples, Mr. Risley defines the other two as follows:—

“ ‘The Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked by a relatively long (dolichocephalic) head; a straight, finely cut (leptorhine) nose; a long, symmetrically narrow face; a well developed forehead, regular features, and a high facial angle. In the Dravidian type the form of the head usually inclines to be dolichocephalic, but all other characters present a marked contrast to the Aryan. The nose is thick and broad, and the formula expressing its proportionate dimensions is higher than in any known race except the Negro. The facial angle is comparatively low; the lips are thick; the face wide and fleshy; the features coarse and irregular.’

“The following passage gives the most important of Mr. Risley’s deductions:—

‘Between these extreme types, which may fairly be regarded as representing two distinct races, we find a large number of intermediate groups, each of which forms, for matrimonial purposes, a sharply defined circle, beyond which none of its members can pass. By applying to the entire series the nasal index or formula of the proportions of the nose, which Professors Flower and Topinard agree in regarding as the best test of race distinctions, some remarkable results are arrived at. [cxxii]The average nasal proportions of the Mâlê Pahâria tribe are expressed by the figure 94·5, while the pastoral Gûjars of the Panjab have an index of 66·9, the Sikhs of 68·8, and the Bengal Brâhmans and Kâyasths of 70·4. In other words, the typical Dravidian, as represented by the Mâlê Pahâria, has a nose as broad in proportion to its length as the Negro, while this feature in the Aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of 68 Parisians, measured by Topinard, which gave an average of 69·4. Even more striking is the curiously close correspondence between the gradations of racial type indicated by the nasal index and certain of the social data ascertained by independent enquiry. If we take a series of castes in Bengal, Bihâr, or the North-Western Provinces, and arrange them in the order of the average nasal index, so that the caste with the finest nose shall be at the top, and that with the coarsest at the bottom of the list, it will be found that this order substantially corresponds with the accepted order of social precedence. The casteless tribes, Kols, Korwas, Mundas, and the like, who have not yet entered the Brâhmanical system, occupy the lowest place in both series. Then come the vermin-eating Musahars and the leather-dressing Chamârs. The fisher castes of Bauri, Bind and Kewat are a trifle higher in the scale; the pastoral Goâla, the cultivating Kurmi, and a group of cognate castes from whose hands a Brâhman may take water, follow in due order, and from them we pass to the trading Khatris, the landholding Bâbhans, and the upper crust of Hindu society. Thus, it is [cxxiii]scarcely a paradox to lay down as a law of the caste organisation in Eastern India that a man’s social status varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose.’

The Nasal Index. The best test of race distinction. 18. “The figures on which these statements are based are found in the third and fourth volumes of Mr. Risley’s instructive work; and if in examining them it appears that they do not bear out his conclusions, I hope not to fail in recognising the great service he has rendered to ethnographic study by introducing really scientific methods of enquiry.

“The following table is an exact reproduction of the averages of the nasal index at the beginning of Volume III:—

BENGAL PROPER.

BIHÂR.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Kâyasth

70·3

Brâhman

73·2

Brâhman

70·4

Bâbhan

74·0

Chandâl

73·9

Goâla

76·7

Sadgop

73·9

Kurmi

78·5

Goâla

74·2

Kahâr

79·7

Muchi

74·9

Bind

82·2

Pod

76·1

Maghaiya Dom

82·2

Kaibartta

76·2

Dusâdh

82·4

Râjbansi

76·6

Chamâr

82·8

Muhammadan

77·5

Musahar

88·5

Bâgdi

80·5

Bauri

84·1

Mâl

84·7

Mâl Pahâri

92·9

Mâlê or Asal Pahâria

94·5

[cxxiv]

NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

PANJAB.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Bhuînhâr

73·0

Gûjar

66·9

Brâhman

74·6

Pathân

68·4

Kâyasth

74·8

Sikh

68·8

Kshatriya

77·7

Awan

68·8

Kanjar

78·0

Biloch

69·4

Khatri

78·1

Mâchhi

70·0

Kurmi

79·2

Arora

71·2

Thâru

79·5

Khatri

73·1

Banya

79·6

Chûhra

75·2

Barhai

80·8

Goâla

80·9

Kewat

81·4

Bhar

81·9

Kol

82·2

Lohâr

82·4

Guriya

82·6

Kâchhi

82·9

Dom

83·0

Lodha

83·4

Koiri

83·6

Pâsi

85·4

Chamâr

86·8

Musahar

86·1

[cxxv]

“In this table it is a noticeable fact that the Kâyasth of Bengal Proper, an undoubtedly Sûdra caste, according to Brâhmanic theory, has finer features than the Brâhman, whilst the Chandâl outcaste of the Gangetic delta lies midway between the highborn and allied castes of Brâhmans and Bâbhans in Bihâr. Mr. Nesfield is so satisfied that the people of Upper India are a race mixed beyond recognition, that he does not hesitate to declare that a ‘stranger walking through the class-rooms of the Sanskrit College at Benares would never dream of supposing that the students seated before him were distinct in race and blood from the scavengers who swept the roads.’ It is a singular confirmation of this assertion that Mr. Risley’s table shows no appreciable difference in feature between the Brâhman of the North-Western Provinces and the Chûhra or scavenger of the Panjâb, while the latter has very much the advantage in nasal refinement over the Kshatriya or Râjput of the North-Western Provinces.

The Negritic profile common in the highest castes. 19. “The foregoing figures, however, are only averages. When one turns to the individual measurements, the entire absence of any common gradation in the nasal indices of the measured castes is still more apparent. The following figures are taken from the general tables of measurements, the five upper entries showing the smallest indices and the five lower the largest indices recorded. The numbers in the first [cxxvi]column under each caste are the serial numbers of the individuals in the original table:—

Bengal Proper.

BRÂHMAN.

KÂYASTH.

GOÂLA.

CHAMÂR.

BÂGDI.

Serial No.

Index.

Serial No.

Index.

Serial No.

Index.

Serial No.

Index.

Serial No.

Index.

41

56·1

23

60·0

37

62·0

14

62·9

33

67·3

30

58·0

15

61·5

10

62·7

10

64·1

85

67·3

21

58·3

29

62·2

17

65·3

12

66·6

41

68·0

10

60·3

63

62·7

13

65·9

24

66·6

74

69·2

5

60·7

2

62·9

33

66·0

3

67·9

27

70·0

73

80·4

82

81·2

7

83·3

23

81·3

30

90·2

84

81·2

97

82·0

35

84·4

27

82·2

10

92·8

85

81·2

70

82·9

3

84·7

15

86·0

55

95·4

94

88·6

32

83·3

19

84·7

11

87·2

6

97·4

75

100·0

9

88·8

15

86·6

6

88·0

2

100·0

“I have excluded the casteless tribes, but have included the Bâgdi, a so-called caste, though why so termed, except that it is found in the plains of India and has been largely Hinduised, is not apparent. This confusion between the two terms must continue so long as the functional character of caste is not admitted. The Bâgdis, like the Bauris, are a tribe as much as the Kol or the Santâl, and being Drâvirs by race, stand apart in the foregoing statement with a generally well-marked Dravidian type of face. The other four groups are functional, their occupations being that of priest, writer, cowherd and leather dresser; and though there is a [cxxvii]greater coarseness of feature in the two latter, who are out-of-door labourers, than in the former, who are gentle-born, all four are manifestly of the same race or rather of the same amalgam of races. The first five Brâhmans and Kâyasths have distinctly Caucasian features, but the average index of the second five Brâhmans (86·3) shows a much greater approach to the flatnosedness of the Negro than the similar average of Goâlas (84·7), or Chamârs (84·9). In fact the two last Brâhmans have a more aboriginal type of face than any of the despised leather-dressers. It is probable and natural that there should be a greater admixture of non-Aryan blood in persons pursuing the humbler occupations, and this is the gist of Mr. Nesfield’s argument, which seems triumphantly corroborated by the foregoing figures. The race theory of castes, on the other hand, is found to have practically no statistical support. Far from its being a law of caste organisation in Eastern India, that a man’s social status varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose, the utmost that can be predicated is that the average nasal index of a large number of the members of any caste indicates, in a very uncertain manner, the amount of aboriginal blood amongst its members, and thereby indirectly the greater or less respectability of the occupation followed.

The Cephalic Index. The Mesaticephalic head. 20. “It appears from the nasal statistics that not only an occasional Brâhman, but a very appreciable section of the caste, may be as flat-faced as a Chamâr. It is also made apparent by Mr. Risley’s measurements of [cxxviii]the cephalic index and of the facial angle that an equally large number are as round-headed as a Mongoloid Lepcha of the Darjíling Hills, and as prognathous as any Negritic tribe in Chutia Nâgpur. The following table is a reproduction of Mr. Risley’s statement of average cephalic indices:— [cxxix]

BENGAL PROPER.

DARJILING HILLS.

BIHÂR.

CHUTIA NÂGPUR.

N.-W. PROVINCES AND OUDH.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Name of Caste.

Average Index.

Mâlê or Asal

74·8

Murmu

78·5

Bind

74·0

Chero

72·4

Banya

71·3

Paharia

Mangar

79·0

Brâhman

74·9

Chik

73·8

Barhi

71·8

Bauri

75·0

Lepcha

79·9

Musahar

75·2

Asur

74·0

Khatri

71·9

Râjbansi

75·2

Tibetans of Tibet

80·5

Kurmi

75·7

Korwa

74·4

Kâchhi

72·1

Mâl

75·8

Tibetans of Bhutan

80·2

Chamâr

76·0

Kharia

74·5

Kori

72·1

Paharia

Khambu

81·0

Kahâr

76·1

Munda

74·5

Gauria

72·4

Bâgdi

76·3

Newar

81·5

Maghaiya Dom

76·2

Bhumij

75·0

Kol

72·4

Mâl

77·2

Gurung

81·6

Goâla

76·2

Binjhia

75·1

Lodha

72·6

Goâla

77·3

Tibetans of Sikkim

82·7

Bâbhan

76·7

Lohâr

75·3

Kâyasth

72·6[cxxx]

Kaibartta

77·3

Limbu

84·3

Dusâdh

76·7

Orâon

75·4

Pâsi

72·6

Mûchi

77·6

Kharwâr

75·5

Kewat

72·7

Sadgop

77·6

Kurmi

75·7

Lohâr

72·8

Pod

77·7

Bhuiya

76·0

Chamâr

72·8

Muhammadan

78·0

Dom

76·0

Kshatriya

73·0

Chandâl

78·1

Santâl

76·1

Goâla

73·1

Kâyasth

78·2

Tanti

76·2

Brâhman

73·0

Brâhman

78·7

Birhor

76·6

Bhuînhâr

73·3

Kurmi

73·3

Bhar

73·5

Thâru

73·9

Musahar

74·1

Kanjar

74·7

Dom

74·8

[cxxxi]

“In the above table the great cephalic similarity between the Kâyasth and the Chandâl in Bengal, between the Brâhman and the Bind in Bihâr, and between the Bâbhan and the Bhar in the North-Western Provinces, seems to prove beyond question how very similar must have been the racial origin of all. In fact the medium or mesaticephalic head is the most common in the plains of Bengal and Bihâr, being the result of interbreeding between the round-headed Mongol and the long-headed Drâvir, the Aryan having little to do with the physiognomy of their offspring, except in Upper India.

“Mr. Risley’s comment on these statistics is as follows:—

‘All along the Eastern and Northern frontier of Bengal we meet with a fringe of compact tribes of the short-headed or brachycephalic type, who are beyond question Mongolian. Starting from this area, and travelling up the plains of India north-westward towards the frontier of the Panjab, we observe a gradual but steady increase of the dolichocephalic type of head, which Herr Penka claims as one of the chief characteristics of the original Aryans. Bengal itself is mostly mesaticephalic, and dolichocephaly only appears in some of the Dravidian tribes. In Bihâr dolichocephalic averages are more numerous; in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces this type is universal, and it reaches its maximum in the Panjab. Assuming that Herr Penka has correctly determined the original Aryan type to be dolichocephalic, and that the theory of caste propounded above is the [cxxxii]true one, these are just the results which might be looked for. According to the French anthropologists, the shape of the head is the most persistent of race characters, and the one which offers the greatest resistance to the levelling influence of crossing.

“ ‘A possible objection may be disposed of here. It may be argued that if the Dravidians are dolichocephalic, the prevalence of this character in North Western India may be accounted for by the assumption of an intermixture of Dravidian blood. But if this were so the proportion and degree of dolichocephaly would increase as we approach the Dravidian area, instead of diminishing, as is actually the case. Moreover, it is impossible to suppose that the races of the North-West, if originally brachycephalic, could have acquired their dolichocephalic form of head from the Dravidians, without at the same time acquiring the characteristic Dravidian nose and the distinctive Dravidian colour.’

The Negritic colour amongst Brâhmans. 21. “The last paragraph may, I presume, be taken as denying the admixture of Dravidian blood. I have shown that a Dravidian nose is far from uncommon in the highest castes. As regards colour there is a mass of evidence hostile to Mr. Risley’s latter argument. Professor Max Müller, in his Chips from a German Workshop, states:—‘There are at present Brâhmans, particularly in the South of India, as black as Pariahs.’ Mr. Nesfield, the most careful student of castes in Upper India, states:—‘The great majority of Brâhmans are not of lighter complexion or of finer and better bred features than any [cxxxiii]other caste.’ Even Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who are the priests of the upper classes in Bengal, are admitted by Mr. Risley to be ‘wanting in the peculiar fineness of feature and intellectual cast of countenance which distinguishes the higher grades of Brâhmans in other parts of India.’ On the other hand, Mr. Sherring in his “Hindu Castes and Tribes” comments on the high caste appearance of the Chamâr caste. Similar testimony to the good looks of the Chamârs in certain parts of India comes to us from the Central Provinces, where they are said to be lighter in colour than the members of other cultivating castes, while some of the men and many of the women are remarkably handsome. In Eastern Bengal, again, Dr. Wise describes the caste as ‘less swarthy than the average Chandâl, and infinitely fairer, with a more delicate and intellectual caste of features, than many Srotriya Brâhmans.’ The foregoing quotation comes from Mr. Risley’s excellent article on the Chamâr caste.

“One of the first great crimes which, as a Magistrate, I had to investigate in Bengal, was a murder committed by a Jessor Chamâr, who had spent years in the villages to the south of Calcutta in the character of a Brâhman. He at last seduced a young widow from her home, and murdered her for the sake of her jewellery a few miles before reaching his house in Jessor. He was tall and handsome with a clear olive complexion, and I afterwards noticed that some other members of his caste were equally fair. Young men of the Dusâdh caste are often rather good looking, and many of them have a yellowish-brown complexion. [cxxxiv]

The facial angle. A single type, a mixed one, universal. 22. “The facial angle of Cuvier, though somewhat discredited by later anthropologists on account of its failure to define minor distinctions of feature, is still a race test that has many advantages. It measures, as is known, the angle made by the plane of the face with the plane of the base of the skull. It is acute in the Negritic peoples, and about a right angle in the Caucasian. Mr. Risley, adopting the notation of Retz, gives the following figures:— [cxxxv]

BENGAL PROPER.

BIHÂR.

NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES.

PANJAB.

Name of caste.

Average Index.

Name of caste.

Average Index.

Name of caste.

Average Index.

Name of caste.

Average Index.

Brâhman

67·1

Bind

69·2

Kshatriya

69·6

Gûjar

70·7

Sadgop

67·0

Brâhman

63·7

Goâla

69·4

Sikh

70·4

Bauri

66·4

Dusâdh

68·7

Pâsi

69·4

Biloch

70·3

Mâlê or Asal Pahâria

66·1

Bâbhan

68·6

Brâhman

68·7

Arora

69·3

Mâl Pahâria

66·1

Goâla

68·3

Bhar

67·9

Awan

69·0

Muchi

66·1

Kurmi

67·8

Kurmi

67·9

Khatri

68·8

Mâl

65·8

Musahar

67·2

Kâchhi

67·7

Chûhra

68·8

Chandâl

65·8

Chamâr

67·1

Musahar

67·7

Muchi

68·7

Kaibartta

65·4

Kahâr

66·6

Lodha

67·6

Pathân

67·1

Râjbansi

65·1

Maghaiya Dom

65·7

Barhi

67·1

Goâla

65·1

Koeri

66·9

Pod

65·0

Chamâr

66·9

[cxxxvi]

Bâgdi

64·9

Kâyasth

66·7

Kâyasth

64·2

Bâbhan

66·6

Muhammadan

63·7

Kewat

66·6

Guriya

66·4

Banya

66·3

Kanjar

66·3

Lohâr

66·2

Kol

66·1

Thâru

65·9

Dom

65·7

Khatri

65·5

[cxxxvii]

“It thus appears that in Bengal the Brâhman is at one end of the scale and the cultivated Kâyasth at the other, whilst at the top of the Bihâr list the fisherman, priest, farm labourer, landlord and cowherd are in close proximity. In the North-Western Provinces the Kshatriya, the Râjput soldier and the Khatri, the Râjput trader, stand at opposite extremes; rat-catchers, carpenters, dancing women, cultivators, toddy-drawers and priests coming in between. No evidence could be more convincing, if anthropometry has any meaning. The Indian races and tribes in the valley of the Ganges from the Afghân frontier to the Bay of Bengal are so absolutely intermingled in blood, that it is impossible to discriminate between the skull characteristics of the castes or functional guilds which have grown up under later Brâhmanical usage.” [cxxxix]

[Contents]

CHAPTER III.

THE OCCUPATIONAL FORM OF CASTE.

Caste based on occupation. We have thus mainly on the evidence from anthropometry endeavoured to establish the fact that, as we find the existing population, the theory of the ethnological basis of caste must be to a great extent abandoned. We have then to search for some other solution of the question of the origin of our present castes. This can only be found in community of function or occupation. The most able advocate of this theory is Mr. J. C. Nesfield.[24] To use his words:—“The bond of sympathy or interest which first drew together the families or tribal fragments, of which a caste is composed, was not, as some writers have alleged, community of creed or community of kinship, but community of function. Function, and function only, as I think, was the foundation upon which the whole caste system of India was built up.”

2. And he goes on to say[25]: “Such a theory as the above is not compatible with the modern doctrine which divides the population of India into Aryan and Aboriginal. It presupposes an unbroken continuity in the national life from one stage of culture to another, analogous to what has taken place in every country in [cxl]the world whose inhabitants have emerged from the savage state. It assumes, therefore, as its necessary basis, the unity of the Indian race. While it does not deny that a race of ‘white-complexioned foreigners,’ who called themselves by the name of Arya, invaded the Indus Valley viâ Kâbul and Kashmîr some four thousand years ago, and imposed their language and religion on the indigenous races by whom they found themselves surrounded, it nevertheless maintains that the blood imported by this foreign race became gradually absorbed into the indigenous, the less yielding to the greater, so that almost all traces of the conquering races eventually disappeared, just as the Lombard became absorbed into the Italian, the Frank into the Gaul, the Roman (of Roumania) into the Slav, the Greek (of Alexandria) into the Egyptian, the Norman into the Frenchman, the Moor (of Spain) into the Spaniard, and as the Norwegians, Germans, etc., are at the day becoming absorbed into Englishmen in North America, or as the Portuguese (of India) have already become absorbed into Indians. I hold that for the last three thousand years at least no real difference of blood between Aryan and Aboriginal (except perhaps in a few isolated tracts, such as Râjputâna, where special causes may have occurred to prevent the complete amalgamation of race) has existed; and the physiological resemblance observable between the various classes of the population, from the highest to the lowest, is an irrefragable proof that no clearly-defined racial distinction has survived, a kind of evidence which ought to carry much greater weight than [cxli]that of language, on which so many fanciful theories of Ethnology have been lately founded. Language is no test of race; and the question of caste is not one of race at all, but of culture. Nothing has tended to complicate the subject of caste so much as this intrusion of a philological theory, which within its own province is one of the most interesting discoveries of modern times, into a field of enquiry with which it has no connection. The ‘Aryan brother’ is, indeed, a much more mythical being than Râma or Krishna, or any other of the popular heroes of Indian tradition whom writers of the Aryan school have vainly striven to attenuate into Solar myths. The amalgamation of the two races (the Aryan and the Indian) had been completed in the Panjab (as we may gather from the “Institutes” of Manu) before the Hindu, who is the result of this amalgamation, began to extend his influence into the Ganges Valley, where by slow and sure degrees he disseminated among the indigenous races those social and religious maxims which have been spreading wider and wider ever since throughout the continent of India, absorbing one after another, and to some extent civilising, every indigenous race with whom they are brought into contact, raising the choice spirits of the various tribes into the rank of Brâhman, Chhatri, and leaving the rest to rise or fall into the social scale according to their capacities and opportunities.”

3. It is unnecessary to follow Mr. Nesfield through his detailed analysis of the stages through which this differentiation of function was developed. The example, [cxlii]as he attempts to show,[26] was given by the Brâhman, who developed from the primitive house priest into the hierophant with the increasing intricacy of his ritual. His example was followed by the Kshatriya, the trader, the agriculturist, and the artisan. Many facts will be noted in succeeding pages illustrative of this process of development.

The fair and the dark races. 4. The remarks on the evidence from anthropometry will have shown that there is proof of the stratification of the existing races; and we must not overlook the possibility of the basis of caste being found to some extent in the antipathy between the fairer and the darker race which comes out so strongly through the whole range of early Indian myth. This is not directly opposed to the occupational theory of the origin of the caste system, because even its most ardent advocates admit that it began with an attempt on the part of the priestly class to exclude outsiders and monopolise the right to perform worship and sacrifice.

5. Mr. Nesfield has, however, gone further and attempted to classify all the existing castes on the basis of occupation. He would divide the existing population, excluding the religious orders and foreign races resident in the Province, into eleven groups. He begins with what he calls the “casteless tribes,” who include the so-called Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau, and a collection of vagrants and gypsy-like people, [cxliii]such as Nats, Kanjars, with menials like the Dom and the Musahar. These comprise something like half a million of people. Then we have the “castes allied to the hunting state,” such as Bauriyas, Baheliyas, Pâsis, and the like, to the number of nearly two millions. Then we have about the same number of castes “allied to the fishing state”—Meos, Binds, Mallâhs, Dhîmars, and so on. Next come some five and-a-half millions of people “allied to the pastoral state,” such as Ahîrs, Jâts, and Gadariyas. These are followed by some six millions of agriculturists—the Lodha, the Kurmi, the Taga, Bhuînhâr, and so on. Next come some three millions of Râjputs, who are the “landlord and warrior caste.” In the same way he deals with artisans. We find, to begin with, those artisans who preceded the age of metallurgy, who practise trades like the workers in cane and reed, thread and leather, distillery, pottery, and extraction of salt, and ranging from the Bânsphor and Dharkâr, to the Mochi, Teli, Kalwâr, Kumhâr and Luniya. These represent nearly nine millions of people. Beyond these again are the artisans “coeval with metallurgy,” workers in stone, metals and wood, and ending with dyers and confectioners, aggregating about a million and-a-half. To these follow the groups of traders, including more than a million and-a-half, and these are succeeded by nearly two-and-a-half millions of the “serving castes,” ranging from the Bhangi and Dhobi to the Bhât and the Kâyasth. Last of all come nearly five millions of Brâhmans, who comprise the “priestly castes.” [cxliv]

6. As regards this classification, which has an imposing air of simplicity and completeness, it is necessary to speak a word of caution. If it is meant that this progressive development of function represents the actual, normal course by which, in the ordinary progress of culture, the savage becomes civilised, it may be said that we are too ignorant of the principles of the development of civilisation to be sure that it was conducted on this or similar lines. Further, it may be well to guard against the supposition that this classification of castes in any way represents existing facts. It must not be forgotten that there are few of the present occupational groups which invariably adhere to the original trade or handicraft which may have caused their association in past times. There may be some like the Âtishbâz or fire-work makers, the N’alband or farriers, and so on, which do really adhere to the business from which they take their name. But this is certainly not the case with the associations of longer standing. The Chamâr is no more always a worker in leather than the Ahîr, a grazier; the Banjâra, a carrier; or the Luniya, a salt-maker. They all at some time or other cultivate or do field labour, or tend cattle.

7. Hence the extreme difficulty of framing a classification of existing castes on the basis of traditional occupation, and this is very clearly brought out in the classification at the last Census, of which an abstract is given in the Appendix to this chapter: when we compare this with their actual occupations as individually recorded this fact comes out clearly. The Ahiwâsi, [cxlv]Baidguâr, Belwâr, Nâik, and Rahbâri, an aggregate of 86,674 persons, are classed as “carriers”—a trade which is carried on by no less than 185,431 individuals. There are about 6½ millions, which include the agricultural tribes; while Mr. Baillie estimates the actual number of persons connected with the land as no less than 34¾ millions. There are 4¾ millions of Brâhmans recorded as priests, but only 412,449 declared this as their occupation. There are about 5½ millions of so-called pastoral trades, while only 336,995 people recorded cattle breeding and tending as their occupation. The instances of this might be largely added to if necessary. What is quite clear is that the existing groups which may have been, and very possibly were, occupational in origin do not now even approximately confine themselves to their primitive occupation.

The effect of the Muhammadan invasion on caste. 8. Again, it will be noted how many of these occupational groups have adopted Muhammadan names. There is no name for the aggregate of the boating castes, but Mallâh, which is Arabic. There were tailors, of course, from the beginning of things, but they are now known as Darzi, not Sûji: the turner must be an old handicraftsman, but his name, Kharâdi, is Arabic. So with the Dafâli, drummer; the Mirâsi, singer; the Tawâif, prostitute; the Rangsâz, painter; the Qalâ’igar, tinner; the Rangrez, cotton printer, and so on. In fact, in the silence of history, we seem to have only a faint idea of the tremendous bouleversement in Indian society, caused by the invasions of brutal invaders like Mahmûd [cxlvi]of Ghazni and Shahâb-ud-din Ghori. They came like a mighty flood over the land, and left the Hindu political and social organism a mass of ruins. To begin with, they broke the power of the Râjput completely and drove him from the fertile domains of the Ganges-Jumna valley to the deserts of Râjputâna, or the forests of Oudh. It is to this stupendous event that much of the form of modern Hindu society is due. The downfall of the Kshatriya implied the rehabilitation of the Brâhman, and the needs of a new race of conquerors, and of a court at no time lacking in splendour, and with the house of Timûr rising to unexampled magnificence, gave encouragement to the growth of new industries and the accompanying reorganization of the caste system under a new environment. [cxlvii]

Appendix.

Classification of castes by traditional occupation.

Class.

Caste or Tribe.

Strength.

Military and dominant

Bhuînhâr

221,031

Jât

698,826

Râjput

3,633,843

Taga

128,563

TOTAL

4,682,263

Cultivators

Barai

153,421

Bhar

417,745

Bhurtiya

423

Dângi

2,363

Gâra

51,088

Golapûrab

9,723

Jhojha

26,847

Kâchhi

703,368

Kamboh

8,578

Khâgi

43,435

Kirâr

18,363

Kisân

364,455

Koeri

540,245

Kurmi

2,005,802

Kunjra

85,529

Lodha

1,029,225

Mâli

245,943[cxlviii]

Meo

10,642

Mewâti

60,332

Murâo

664,916

Râin

15,243

Râwa

25,451

Ror

4,459

Sâini

99,245

TOTAL

6,586,841

Cattle-breeders and Graziers

Ahar

244,167

Ahîr

3,917,100

Dogar

340

Gaddi

51,970

Ghosi

27,760

Gûjar

344,631

TOTAL

4,585,968

Sheep-breeders

Gadariya

929,463

Forest and Hill Tribes

Baiswâr

1,898

Bhîl

190

Bhoksa

1,208

Bhuiya

849

Chero

4,883

Goli

21

Gond

8,861

Kharwâr

176[cxlix]

Kol

68,556

Korwa

33

Mahra

699

Majhwâr

16,268

Mânjhi

6,122

Musahar

40,662

Soiri

17,822

Sonthâl

1

Thâru

25,492

TOTAL

193,741

Priests

Brâhman

4,725,061

Mahâbrâhman

19,829

TOTAL

4,744,890

Devotees

Faqîr

623,506

Genealogists

Bhât

161,144

Writers

Kâyasths

514,327

Astrologers

Joshi

35,069

Musicians and Ballad Singers

Dafâli

42,075

Dhârhi

1,322

Dom Mirâsi

28,363

Panwariya

512

TOTAL

72,272 [cl]

Dancers and Singers

Barwa

1,631

Beriya

15,313

Bhagat

485

Gandharb

664

Hurkiya

801

Kathak

2,034

Paturiya

4,714

Râdha

4,354

Tawâif

22,969

TOTAL

52,965

Actors and Mimes

Bhând

4,014

Traders

Banya

1,369,052

Bhâtiya

265

Bohra

1,131

Dhûsar Bhârgava

12,279

Khatri

46,250

TOTAL

1,428,997

Pedlars

Bisâti

959

Ramaiya

4,095

TOTAL

5,054 [cli]

Carriers

Ahiwâsi

9,502

Baidguâr

420

Banjâra

67,097

Belwâr

6,194

Nâik

2,563

Rahbâri

898

TOTAL

86,674

Goldsmiths

Sunâr

255,629

Barbers

Nâi

862,273

Blacksmiths

Lohâr

592,220

Na’lband

429

TOTAL

592,649

Carpenters and Turners

Barhai

559,617

Kharâdi

1,204

TOTAL

560,821

Painters

Rangsâz

1,486

Masons

Râj

6,633

Brass and Copper Smiths

Jastgar

13

Qala’igar

89

Kasera

7,273[clii]

Rangdhar

185

Thathera

21,361

TOTAL

28,921

Tailor

Darzi

228,926

Grain Parchers and Confectioners

Bharbhûnja

310,216

Halwâi

96,246

TOTAL

406,462

Perfumers, Druggists, Sellers of Betel Leaf.

Gandhi

858

Tamboli

73,943

TOTAL

74,801

Weavers

Julâba

880,231

Kori

919,750

Panka

6,502

TOTAL

1,806,483

Cloth Printers and Dyers

Chhîpi

35,177

Rangrez

35,143

TOTAL

70,320 [cliii]

Washermen

Dhobi

658,745

Cotton Cleaners

Dhuna

401,987

Kadhera

51,756

TOTAL

453,743

Oil Pressers

Teli

934,080

Potters

Kumhâr

713,000

Glass and Lac Workers

Chûrihâr

28,953

Lakhera

3,763

Manihâr

65,630

Potgar

12

TOTAL

98,358

Bead Stringers

Patwa

30,977

Firework Makers

Âtishbâz

534

Salt and Earth Workers

Biyâr

18,821

Beldâr

37,299

Dhângar

519

Ghasiyâra

198

Luniya

412,822

TOTAL

469,659

Collectors of Goldsmiths’ Refuse.

Niâriya

258 4,651 [cliv]

Iron Smelters

Agariya

938

Saun

257

TOTAL

1,195

Fishermen, Boatmen, Palanquin Bearers, Cooks, etc.

Bargâh

918

Bargi

1,076

Bâri

69,708

Bhatiyâra

30,658

Bihishti

80,147

Châin

28,610

Gond

115,651

Gorchha

963

Kahâr

1,191,560

Kewat

315,882

Lorha

2,622

Mallâh

369,008

Mukeri

6,245

Nânbâi

2,177

Sejwâri

286

TOTAL

2,215,511

Rice Huskers

Barwâr

2,379

Kûta

4,029

TOTAL

6,408 [clv]

Distillers

Kalwâr

348,790

Toddy Drawers

Bind

76,986

Tarmâli

27

TOTAL

77,013

Butchers

Chik

9,430

Khatîk

189,925

Qassâb

148,516

TOTAL

347,871

Lime Burners

Sunkar

1,396

Leather Workers

Chamâr

5,816,487

Dabgar

1,482

Dhâlgar

8,019

Mochi

11,693

TOTAL

5,837,681

Village Watchmen

80,574

Balâhar

2,359

Boriya

26,909

Dhânuk

146,190

Dhârhi

12,972

Khangâr

32,929

Kotwâr

97[clvi]

Pahriya

495

Pâsi

1,219,311

TOTAL

1,521,836

Scavengers

Bhangi

414,946

Domar

16,037

TOTAL

430,983

Grindstone Makers and Stone Quarriers.

Khumra

5,198 3,730

Knife Grinders

Saiqalgar

4,206

Mat Makers and Cane Splitters.

Bânsphor

17,333

Basor

25,447

Dharkâr

29,639

Dom

270,560

Dorha

68

Dusâdh

82,913

Kharot

5,641

Pankhiya

913

Tarkihâr

2,747

TOTAL

435,261

Hunters, Fowlers, etc.

Aherîya

19,768

Baheliya

33,755

Bandi

110[clvii]

Bangâli

1,353

Gandhîla

134

Gidiya

17

Kanjar

17,873

TOTAL

73,010

Miscellaneous, and Disreputable Livers.

Baddhik

126

Barwâr

2,703

Bâwariya

2,729

Bhântu

372

Dalera

2,223

Hâbûra

2,596

Harjala

275

Hijra

1,125

Sânsiya

4,290

Siyârmâr

1

TOTAL

16,440

Tumblers and Acrobats

Nat

63,584

Castes foreign to the Province

Satgop

177

Sûd

147

TOTAL

324 [clviii]

Indian Nationalities not returned by castes.

Bhotiya

7,467

Mandrâji

31

Marhatta

732

Pindâri

27

TOTAL

8,527

Sectarian Castes

Nau-muslim

88,444

Sâdh

1,870

TOTAL

90,314

Non-Indian Asiatic Races

Biloch

13,672

Irâqi

11,677

Mughal

76,673

Pathân

700,393

Shaikh

1,333,566

Sayyid

242,811

Turk

4,994

TOTAL

2,383,786

Non-Asiatic Races

Armenians

54

Europeans

27,941

Habshi

194

TOTAL

28,189 [clix]

Eurasians

Eurasians

7,040

Christian Converts

Native Christians

23,406

Castes, unspecified

22,489

Provincial Total

Hindu

40,380,168

Musalmân

6,346,667

Jaina

84,601

Christian

58,441

Arya

22,053

Sikh

11,343

Buddhist

1,387

Pârsi

342

Jew

60

Brahmo

14

Deist

3

Unspecified

22

GRAND TOTAL

46,905,101

[clxi]

[Contents]

CHAPTER IV.

TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE.

Territorial titles. The question of the origin of tribal nomenclature is a very interesting one, but too wide for detailed analysis at present. The broad features of it are plain enough. We have, to begin with, the territorial title. Such abound in various forms all through the tribal lists, and the preference shown for special places, raises many curious considerations. To attempt a rough classification of this kind of title, we have first those of the most general kind, such as Desi, “of the land,” and Pardesi, “from beyond the land.” Then come Pûrabi, “Eastern,” Dakkhinâha, “Southern,” Pachhiwâha, “Western,” and Uttarâha “Northern,” which are arranged in the order of their popularity. We have next names indicating geographical areas, such as Madhesiya, “residents of Madhyadesa,” “the middleland,” roughly speaking, bounded by the Himâlayas on the north, the Vindhyas on the south and along the Ganges Plain from the Panjâb frontiers to Allahâbâd. Similar to this is Antarvedi, or “those resident in the Lower Ganges-Jumna-Duâb,” from about Etâwah to the junction at Allahâbâd; and Banaudhiya, or those of South Oudh, with parts of Azamgarh, Jaunpur and Benares.

Names derived from rivers. 2. Next we have names taken from the position of tribes and clans in relation to the great rivers—Gangapâri, “those [clxii]beyond the Ganges,” Jumnapâri, “those beyond the Jumna,” and, most popular of all, Sarwariya, or Sarjupâri, “those beyond the Sarju.”

Names derived from famous cities. 3. Then we have a set of names derived from famous cities which have long sunk into decay, such as Kanaujiya, “those of Kanauj;” Srivastâvya, corrupted into Sibâstav or Bâtham, from Srâvasti, in North Oudh, now represented by Sahet-Mahet. Another of these ruined cities is Sankisa, in the Farrukhâbâd District, which gives its name to the Saksena Kâyasths, and to many other tribal sections. If Dhusiya is a corruption of Jhusiya it embodies the name of the old town of Jhûsi, on the Ganges, the capital of King Harbong, who is famous in folklore as the hero of many tales of the “Wise men of Gotham” type. Why Jais, now a petty town in the Râê Bareli District, gave its name to the numerous Jaiswâr sections, no one can tell, except on the supposition that it was a much more important place than it is now. The ruins and ancient mounds at Ahâr and Baran prove their former greatness. The name of the ancient kingdom of Magadha survives in that of the Magahiya Doms and many other tribal sections.

Names derived from religious sites. 4. The famous religious sites throughout the Province have naturally left their trace on the caste nomenclature—such are Ajudhya, the land of Braj, Mathura and Brindâban, Gokul and Hardwâr, Chunâr and Rajghât, which are all represented; but it is curious how little trace there is of Prayâga or Allahâbâd, and Kâshi or Benares, while [clxiii]places like Bindhâchal, Badarinâth, Bithûr and Batesar are not found at all.

Names derived from other towns. 5. Among existing towns and cities within the Province, Amethi, Azamgarh, Bahrâich, Ghâzipur, Gorakhpur, Hamîrpur, Jalesar, Mainpuri (in connection with its Chauhâns), Partâbgarh, Râjpur, Râmnagar, Râmpur, Fatehpur, Sikri (if the theory be correct that the name of the Sakarwâr sect is derived from it), Jaunpur (in remembrance of its Sharqi Kings), give their name to many sections. But the great capitals like Delhi and Agra, probably owing to their comparatively recent origin, have left little trace, and Lucknow is not found at all; while Cawnpur (Kânhpur) gives its name to an important Râjput sept, and many sections of less important tribes.

Names derived from places outside the province. 6. Many of these local names are taken from places outside the Province. From Bengal we have Baksar, Bhojpur, Gaur (if the old Bengal capital has anything to say to the many tribes and sections of the name), Hâjipur, Patna; from the Panjâb, Panjâbi, Lâhauri and Multâni; from the North, Naipâli, Janakpuri, Kashmîri; from the far West, Bhatner, Gujarât, Indaur, Jaypur, Jodhpur, Mârwâr, Osi, and Pâli are all found; from Madras we have Karnâtak; from Persia, Shirâzi.

Names derived from ancient tribes. 7. It is a curious fact that so few of the tribes mentioned in the Mahâbhârata and in mediæval lists, such as those of the Vishnu Purâna, have left their trace in the tribal [clxiv]nomenclature. Panchâla, the great kingdom which extended north and west of Delhi, and from the Himâlaya to the Chambal, has disappeared. The Abhîras, in name at least, are represented by the Ahîrs: the Ambashthas by one very doubtful legend with the Amethiya Râjputs: the Gahvaras or Girigavaras with the Gaharwâr Râjputs: the Haihayas with the Hayobans: the Kambojas with the Kambohs: the Kaivartas with the Kewats: the Khasakas or Khasikas with the Khasiya Râjputs: the Kulindas possibly with the Kunets: the Mâlavas with the Mâlavis: the Malas with the Mals: the Nishâdas with the Nikhâd section: the Takkas with the Tânk Râjputs: the Tomaras with the Tomars: the Yâdavas with the Jâdons. But of the Angas of Bhâgalpur, the Aparakâshis near Benares, the Bahlîkas, the Bahîkas, the Bahayas, the Bhojas, the Kûrus, the Mekâlas, the Sâkas, Salwas, Surasenas, Yamunas, there is perhaps no trace in the existing caste lists. The fact seems to be that these were nations or tribes, and it was on the break up of their tribal organization that the existing castes arose. As Dr. Robertson Smith showed, the same state of things existed in early Arabian History.[27]

Eponymous titles. 8. Next to these names derived from the local areas occupied by tribes, septs, and sections, we have the eponymous titles derived from the worthies of the ancient days. Thus Vatsa seems to give his name to the Bachgoti, Râja Vena to the Benbans: the Rishi Bhâradwaja constantly appears, [clxv]while Vasishtha is absent. Râja Durga is represented in the Durgbansis; and we meet constantly with Garga, Gautama, Parâsara, Raghu, and Sandila. Later in history come saints and holy men like Kabîr, Lâlbeg, Madâr, Malûkdâs, and Nânak. Akbar, Humâyun and Shâhjahân have disappeared, and perhaps the only monarchs of the Delhi line who have survived in the caste names are Shêr Shâh and Salîm Shâh, who give their name to two divisions of the Bhathiyâras. A sub-caste of the Chhîpis take their name from Todar Mal, the famous minister of Akbar.

Names derived from Râjput septs. 9. Much of the caste nomenclature is taken from that of the famous Râjput septs who employed or protected the menial peoples. No names recur more often among the sections of the inferior castes than Chauhân, Gaharwâr, Gahlot, Bargûjar, Râthaur, Kachhwâha, Jâdon and Tomar, which possibly represent the serfs and helots attached to them.

Occupational titles. 10. Next comes the great mass of occupational titles, the Bardhiya, “ox-men;” Bedbâf, “cane twisters;” Bâzigar, “acrobats;” Beldâr, “spademen;” Bhainsaha, “buffalo-men;” Bhusiya, “chaff men;” Chiryamâr, “fowlers;” Chobdâr, “mace-bearers;” Dhâlgar, “shield makers;” Dhankûta, “grinders of paddy;” Dhânuk, “bowmen;” Dharkâr, “rope twisters;” Dhelphor, “clod breakers;” Dhenkuliya, “those who work the water lever;” Dhobi, “the washermen;” Dholi, “drummers;” Gadariya, “shepherds;” Ghosi, “those that shout after the cattle;” Guâla, “cow-keepers;” Hardiya, “turmeric growers;” [clxvi]Jauhari, “jewellers;” Jonkâha, “leech men;” Julâha, “thread makers;” Kamângar, “makers of bows;” Khâlranga, “dyers of hides;” Kingriya, “violin players;” Kisân and Koeri, “ploughmen;” Kûnchhand, “makers of weavers’ brushes;” Kuppêsâz, “leather vessel moulders;” Lakarhâr, “the workers in wood;” Lohiya, “the dealers in iron;” Luniya, “the saltmen,” and Labâna, “the salt carriers;” Machhimâra, “the fish-killer;” Manihâr, “the jeweller;” Pahlwân, “the wrestler;” Pattharâha, “the stone workers;” Pâwariya, “the singer on a mat;” Piyâzi, “the growers of onions;” Singiwâla, “the cupper;” and Sirkiband, “the people who live under a thatch.”

Personal or contemptuous titles. 11. Then we have names derived from personal peculiarities or used in a contemptuous sense. The sweeper is Mehtar or “prince,” and Bhangi, “the rascal who intoxicates himself with hemp:” in the same range are Barpagwa, “he that wears the broad turban;” Kabûtari, “she that flirts like the pigeon;” Kâlkamaliya, “they that wear black blankets;” Kâmchor, “the loafer;” Kanphata, “he with the torn ears;” Kodokhânê, “they who eat the kodo millet;” and Maskhân, “the eaters of flesh.” Like these are the titles of Khalîfa for a cook or tailor, Jamadâr for a sweeper, and so on.[28] [clxvii]

Totemistic titles. 12. Incidentally some reference has been elsewhere made to totemism in connection with the origin of exogamy. From the details which are given in the following pages, and need not be repeated here, it will be seen that there are undoubted survivals of totemism among some of the Dravidian and menial tribes. These take the form of section names obviously derived from those of animals, plants, trees, and the like, the destruction, eating or even touching of which by members of the section whose names are thus derived is prohibited by a rigid tribal sanction. Though the evidence for the existence of totemism among at least one part of the population of this part of India seems sufficient, it will be seen that it now-a-days lurks only among the most primitive tribes. The fact seems to be that, like so many usages of the kind, it has been carried away by the flood of Brâhmanism which has overflowed the land. There is a constant tendency for tribes as they rise in the social scale to adopt the Brâhmanical gotras, because it is a respectable fact to belong to one of them. Thus all the stricter Hindu castes, like Banyas, Khatris, and even Kâyasths, recognise the gotra. The fiction of common descent from the eponymous ancestor naturally disappears, and among such people the gotra has no higher significance than the pedigree worked up to order in the Herald’s College, which ranks the novus homo through the use of a common crest and coat-of-arms with the great houses of Cavendish, Russel, or Howard. [clxviii]

The family and the sept. 13. We have seen that it is in the groups or camps of the vagrant tribes like the Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya, that we must look to find what is perhaps the most primitive form of human association, and that the family was almost certainly not the primitive unit, but the sept. The family, in short, arose out of the sept when the stage arrived at which paternity and the incidents connected with it came to be recognised. But of the real tribal form of caste in which the association is based on actual or assumed community of blood through a common ancestor, we find little or no trace, except as Mr. Ibbetson[29] showed to be the case among the Pathâns and Bilûches of the western frontier, who are foreigners in this part of India. But even here the fiction of common descent is being gradually weakened by the wholesale admission of outsiders into the fraternity, who do not even pretend to be able to establish a genealogical connection with the original founder of the sept. Here, too, the differentiation of industries is leading to a distinction, even among the members of the association linked together in theory by the bond of blood. In theory any Pathân, Mughal or Sayyid may marry any girl of his tribe; but if he falls in social position or adopts any degrading occupation his difficulty in marrying into a respectable family is as difficult as it would be in Germany or even in some grades of English society for a parvenu to marry into a family whose claims to rank are undisputed. [clxix]

Distinctions of the occupational type. 14. To return to the occupational type of caste, there is here, as Mr Ibbetson[30] has already pointed out, a further distinction. There is the true occupational caste like the Nâi, Chamâr, or Bhangi, and there is the trade-guild association, which is much more flexible than the former, and is generally found in towns, and bears a Muhammadan name, like the Darzi, Âtishbâz, or Nâlband. This form is most unstable at the present day, and one of the main difficulties of the classification of caste statistics lies in the fact that from one decennial period to another new groups are constantly organizing themselves by a process of fission from other groups. Thus the Bâghbân, or gardener, is an offshoot of the Kâchhi, the Sangtarâsh or stone-cutter, from the Gonr, or others who engage in similar industries, the Mewafarosh, or fruit-seller, and the Sabzifarosh, or seller of herbs, from the Kunjra or greengrocer. Here, in fact, we can stand and watch the creation of new so-called castes before our eyes. And the process is facilitated by the creation of new religious groups, which base their association on the common belief in the teaching of some saint or reformer. Most of these sects are connected with the Vaishnava side of Hinduism, and are devoted to the solution of much the same religious questions which beset the searcher after truth in western lands. All naturally aim at the abolition of the privileges and pretensions of the dominant Brâhman Levite, and the establishment of a purer and more intellectual form of public worship. [clxxi]

[Contents]

CHAPTER V.

EXOGAMY.

1. No enquiry into the social relations of the Hindus can leave out of account the thorny subject of the origin of exogamy. By exogamy is generally understood the prohibition which exists against a man marrying within the group to which he belongs: to follow Mr. D. McLennan’s definition,[31] exogamy is prohibition of marriage between all persons recognized as being of the same blood, because of their common blood—whether they form one community or parts of several communities, and accordingly it may prevent marriage between persons who (though of the same blood) are of different local tribes, while it frequently happens that it leaves persons of the same local tribe (but who are not of the same blood) free to marry one another. “Endogamy,” on the other hand, “allows marriage only between persons who are recognised as being of the same blood connection or kindred, and if, where it occurs, it confines marriage to the tribe or community, it is because the tribe regards itself as comprising a kindred.”

Various forms of exogamy. 2. Before discussing the possible origin of exogamy it may be well to explain some of its various forms, of which numerous details, so far as it has been possible to ascertain them, are given in the subsequent pages. We have, then, first [clxxii]the Brâhmanical law of exogamy. Persons are forbidden according to the Sanskrit law-books, to intermarry, who are related as sapindas, that is to say, who are within five degrees of affinity on the side of the father. The person himself is counted as one of these degrees, that is to say, two persons are sapindas to each other, if their common ancestor being a male is not further removed from either of them than six degrees, or four degrees where the common ancestor is female.[32]

The gotra. 3. These prohibitions form a list of prohibited degrees in addition to the ordinary formula, which prevents a Brâhman or a member of those castes which ape the Brâhmanical organization, from marrying within his gotra or exogamous section. The word gotra means “a cow-pen,” and each bears the name of some Rishi or mythical saint, from whom each member of the group is supposed to be descended. Theoretically all the Brâhmanical gotras have eight great ancestors only—Viswamitra, Jamadagni, Bhâradvaja, Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha, Kasyapa, and Agastya. These occupy with the Brâhmans pretty much the same position as the twelve sons of Jacob with the Jews; and only he whose descent from one of these mighty Rishis was beyond all doubt could become a founder of a gotra.[33] The next point to remark is that, as Mr. Ibbetson[34] has pointed out, the names of many [clxxiii]of the founders of these gotras appear among the ancient genealogies of the earliest Râjput dynasties, the Râjas in question being not merely namesakes of, but distinctly stated to be the actual founders of the gotra; and it would be strange if enquiry were to show that the priestly classes, like the menials, owe their tribal divisions to the great families to whom their ancestors were attached.

All that we know at present about the evolution of the Brâhmanical tribal system tends to confirm this theory. At any rate, whatever may be the origin of these Brâhmanical gotras, it must be remembered that the system extends to all respectable Hindus. As soon as a caste rises in the social scale a compliant priest is always ready to discover an appropriate gotra for the aspirant, just as an English brewer, raised to the peerage, has little difficulty in procuring a coat-of-arms and a pedigree which links him with the Norman conquest. It is obvious in such cases that the idea of common descent from the eponymous founder of the gotra becomes little more than a pious fiction. But among many of the Râjputs who have been promoted at a later date, and in particular with more recent converts to orthodox Hinduism from the forest tribes, with a comical disregard for the theory of gotra exogamy, we find the sept enjoying only a single gotra, and this is very often that of Bhâradvaja, which is a sort of refuge for the destitute who can find no other place of rest. As has already been shown, some of the sectional titles are eponymous, like those of the gotras named after the [clxxiv]famous Rishis; others like the Durgbans Râjputs take their name from an historical personage; others, again, are totemistic, and others purely territorial.

Exogamy among the lower castes. 4. Passing on to the inferior castes, such as those of the agriculturists, artisans, and menials generally, we find very considerable differences in their internal structure: some are divided into regular endogamous sub-castes, which again are provided with exogamous sections, or, where these are absent, practise a special exogamous rule which bars intermarriage by reckoning as prohibited degrees seven (sometimes more or sometimes less) generations in the descending line. But it is obvious that, as in the case of Brâhmans, this rule which prohibits intermarriage within the section, is one-sided in its application, as Mr. Risley remarks:—“In no case may a man marry into his own section, but the name of the section goes by the male side, and consequently, so far as the rule of exogamy is concerned, there is nothing to prevent him from marrying his sister’s daughter, his maternal aunt, or even his maternal grandmother.” Hence came the ordinary formula which prevails generally among the inferior castes that a man cannot marry in the line of his paternal uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt. But even this formula is not invariably observed. What the low caste villager will say if he is asked regarding his prohibited degrees, is that he will not take a bride from a family into which one of his male relations has married, until all recollection of the relationship has disappeared. And as rural memory runs hardly [clxxv]more than three generations, any two families may intermarry, provided they were not connected by marriage within the last sixty or seventy years. It is only when a man becomes rich and ambitious, begins to keep an astrologer and Pandit, and to live as an orthodox Hindu, that he thinks much about his gotra. To procure one and have the proper prohibited degrees regularly worked out is only a matter of money.

5. Having thus endeavoured briefly to explain the rules of exogamy which regulate the different classes of Hindus,[35] we are now in a position to examine the various explanations which have been suggested to account for this custom.

McLennan’s theory of exogamy. 6. The earliest theory was that of Mr. McLennan,[36] who began by calling attention to the fact that there are numerous survivals of marriage by capture, such as the mock struggle for the bride and so on, to which more particular reference is made in another place: that these symbols show that at one time people were accustomed to procure their wives by force. He went on to argue that among primitive nomadic groups, where the struggle for existence was intense, the girls would be a source [clxxvi]of weakness to the community: such children would be ill-protected and nourished, and female infanticide would occur. Hence, owing to the scarcity of brides, youths desirous of marrying would be obliged to resort to violence and capture women by force from the groups. This would in time produce the custom in favour of, or the prejudice against, (which in the case of marriage would soon have the force of tribal law) marrying women within the tribe. This theory has been criticized at length by Mr. Herbert Spencer and Dr. Westermarck[37] mainly on the following grounds:—“The custom cannot have originated from the lack of women, because the tribes that use it are mostly polygamous. It is, again, not proved to prevail among races which practise polyandry. The evidence of the widespread custom of female infanticide among groups in this assumed stage of social development is not conclusive. Primitive man does not readily abandon the instinct of love of the young which he possesses in common with all the lower animals, and women, so far from being useless to the savage, are most valuable as food providers. Further, there may be a scarcity of women in a tribe, and youths unable to find partners be forced to seek wives in another group, the difficulty remains why marriage with surviving tribal women should not only be unfashionable, but prohibited by the severest penalties; in some cases that of death. The position of such women would be nothing [clxxvii]short of intolerable, because they could not marry unless an outsider chose to ravish them.”

Spencer’s theory of exogamy. 7. Conscious of these and other difficulties which surrounded Mr. McLennan’s explanation, Mr. Herbert Spencer suggested another theory. According to him[38] exogamy is the result of the constant inter-tribal war which prevailed in early societies. Women, like all other livestock, would be captured. A captured woman, besides her intrinsic value, has an extrinsic value: “like a native wife she serves as a slave; but, unlike a native wife, she also serves as a trophy.” Hence to marry a strange woman would be a test of valour, and non-possession of a foreign wife a sign of cowardice. The ambition, thus stimulated, would lead to the discontinuance of marriage within the tribe. This theory is, as has been shown by Mr. Starcke[39] and Dr. Westermarck,[40] open to much the same objections as that of Mr. McLennan. As before, even if it became customary to appropriate foreign women by force, we are a long way from the absolute prohibition against marrying women of the tribe. The desire of the savage for polygamy would impel him to marriage with any woman whether of the tribe or not. The women of a tribe habitually victorious in war would be condemned to enforced celibacy: a usage based on victory in war could not have extended to the vanquished: the powerful feeling against [clxxviii]marriage with near relations could not have arisen merely from the vain desire to possess a woman as a trophy: and lastly, we have no examples of a tribe which did or does marry only captive women, or, indeed, in which such marriages are preferred.

Lubbock’s theory of exogamy. 8. Sir John Lubbock’s[41] theory again depends on his theory of what he calls communal marriage, by which all the women of the group were at the general disposal of all the males. This, however, he thinks, would not be the case with women seized from a different tribe. This theory, so far as it is concerned with communal marriage and polyandry, is discussed elsewhere. It is enough here to say that the evidence for the existence of either among the primitive races of this part of India appears entirely insufficient, and it is difficult to understand, even if communal marriage prevailed, how women captured, as must have been the case, by the general act of members of the group, could have been protected from that form of outrage which would naturally have been their lot.

Starcke’s theory. 9. Mr. Starcke[42] in his account of exogamy attempts to draw a distinction between the license which would permit intercourse between kinsfolk and prohibit marriage between them:—“The clan, like the family, is a legal group, and the groups were kept together by legal bonds long [clxxix]before the ties of blood had any binding power. The same ideas which impelled a man to look for a wife outside his family, also impelled him to look for her outside the clan.” This depends upon the further assumption that early marriage was not simply a sexual relation, a fact which he can hardly be considered to have fully established.

Tylor’s theory of exogamy. 10. All these theories, it will be observed, base exogamy more or less on the abhorrence of incest. Dr. Tylor,[43] on the other hand, represents it as a means by which “a growing tribe is enabled to keep itself compact by constant unions between its spreading clans.” That exogamy may have been a valuable means of advancing political influence is true enough, but, as Dr. Westermarck objects, it does not account for the cases in which inter-tribal cohabitation was repressed by the most stringent penalties, even by death.[44]

Morgan’s theory of exogamy. 11. Next comes that advocated by Mr. Morgan[45] and others, that it arises from the recognition of the observed evils of intermarriage between near relations. This theory has been with some slight modifications accepted by Dr. Westermarck[46] and Mr. Risley.[47] Briefly put, it comes to this: No theory of exogamy can be satisfactorily [clxxx]based on any conscious recognition by the savage of the evils of interbreeding. Of all the instincts of primitive man the erotic are the most imperious and the least under control. To suppose that a man in this stage of culture calmly discusses the question whether his offspring from a woman of his group are likely to be weaklings is preposterous. But the adoption of marriage outside the group would, in the end, by the process of natural selection, give the group practising it a decided physical advantage. As Mr. Risley puts it:—“As a result of the survival of the fittest the crossed families would tend more and more to replace the pure families, and would at the same time tend to become more and more exogamic in habits, simply as the result of the cumulative hereditary strengthening of the original instinct. It would further appear that the element of sexual selection might also be brought into play, as an exogamous family or group would have a larger range of selection than an endogamous one, and would thus get better women, who again, in the course of the primitive struggle for wives, would be appropriated by the strongest and most warlike man.”

12. This theory, which bases exogamy on the unconscious result of natural selection, gradually weeding out those groups which persisted in the practice of endogamy, and replacing them by a healthier and more vigorous race, seems on the whole best to account for existing facts. It is, however, perhaps premature to suppose that in all cases the same end was reached by the same course. All through the myths of early India [clxxxi]nothing comes out more clearly than the instructive hatred of the Arya or white man for the Dasyu, or the man of the black skin. The balance of opinion now seems to be moving in the direction of assuming that the so-called Aryan invasion was much more moral than physical, that the attempt to discriminate between the ethnological strata in the population is practically impossible. The conversion may have been the work, not of armies of invaders moving down the valleys of the Ganges and Jumna, but of small bodies of missionaries who gradually effected a moral conquest and introduced their religion and law among a population with whom they ultimately to a large extent amalgamated. That some form of exogamy was an independent discovery made by the autochthones prior to their intercourse with the Aryans seems certain; but it is possible that the special form of prohibited degrees which was enforced among the higher races may have been to some extent the result partly of their isolation in small communities among a black-skinned population, and partly, as Dr. Tylor suggests, as a means of enhancing the political importance and establishing the influence of these groups. That this procuring of suitable brides from foreign groups was sometimes impossible is proved by the curious Buddhistic legend that the Sakyas became endogamous because they could get no wives of their own rank, and were in consequence known as “pigs” and “dogs” by their neighbours.[48] [clxxxii]

Exogamy and Totemism. 13. There is, however, another side to the discussion on the origin of exogamy which must not be neglected. In another place I have collected some of the evidence as to the existence of totemism in Northern India.[49]

The present survey has given indication of the existence of totemistic sections among at least twenty-four tribes, most of whom are of Dravidian origin.

Now we know that one of the ordinary incidents of totemism is that persons of the same totem may not marry or have sexual intercourse with each other,[50] and it is perhaps possible that, among the Dravidians at least, one basis of exogamy may have rested on their totemistic group organization. The indications of totemism are, however, too vague and uncertain, being mainly based on the fact that the names of many of their sections are taken from those of animals and plants, to make it possible at present to express a definite opinion on such an obscure subject. [clxxxiii]

[Contents]

CHAPTER VI.

FORMS OF HINDU MARRIAGE.

Communal marriage. Reference has already been made to the question of communal marriage in connection with the origin of exogamy. It has been observed that the evidence is insufficient to justify the belief that among any of the tribes or castes of this part of India the women are at the common service of all the men of the group. On the authority of a compilation entitled, “The People of India,”[51] it has been regarded as established that “the Teehurs of Oudh live together almost indiscriminately in large communities, and even when two people are regarded as married the tie is but nominal.” This has been since quoted as one of the stock examples of communal marriage in India.[52] Now of the Tiyars we have fairly complete accounts. The Oudh people of that name are a sept of Râjputs in the Sultânpur District, who do not appear in the enumeration of the last census. There is another body of Tiyars who are a sub-caste of the Mallâh, or boatman class, found to the number of 1,865 souls in the Ghâzipur District. They are numerous in Behâr and Bengal, and Mr. Risley has given a full account of them.[53] There is no evidence whatever that anything like communal marriage [clxxxiv]prevails among them. The fact seems to be that by the necessities of their occupation the husbands leave their wives for long periods at a time and go on voyages as far as Calcutta. That a high standard of female morality is maintained during their absence it would be rash to assert: but this is very different from communal marriage. A rather better example comes from the Beriyas, one of the nomadic and criminal gypsy tribes. The girls of the tribe are reserved, in the Central Ganges-Jumna-Duâb, for prostitution, and if any member of the tribe marries a girl devoted to this occupation, he has to pay a fine to the tribal council. This is what Sir John Lubbock would term “expiation for marriage,” the annexation of the woman by one individual man of the group being regarded as improper.[54] Dr. Westermarck, it may be remarked, disputes the connection of this custom with communal marriage.[55]

Laxity of female morality. 2. It is true that among many of the Dravidian tribes and those of the lower Himâlayas, like the Thârus, the standard of female morality is very low. Intrigues of unmarried girls, or even of married women, are very lightly regarded, provided the paramour is a clansman. Numerous instances of customs of this kind will be found in the following pages. The penalty on the relatives of the offenders is usually a fine in the shape of a compulsory feast to the tribesmen. On the other hand, the penalty is much more [clxxxv]severe if the woman’s lover belongs to a strange tribe. If he belongs to one of the higher tribes, the punishment is much less than if he belongs to one of the degraded menial races, such as the Dom, Dharkâr, or Bhangi. In such cases the woman is almost invariably permanently excommunicated. The tolerance of intertribal immorality, while significant is, however, far from actually legalised community of women.

The jus primæ noctis. 3. The custom of the jus primæ noctis has been also adduced as a proof of the existence of communal marriage. Of this the examples collected in the present survey are slight and inconclusive. The Ahîrs and many similar tribes have a custom of paying a fee to the village landlord at a marriage. This is known as mandwâna from mândo, the hut or pavilion in which the marriage is performed. This is hardly more than one of the common village manorial dues, and it is pressing the custom to an illegitimate extent to regard it as a commutation for the jus primæ noctis. There is reason to believe that in comparatively modern times some of the Râjas of Rîwa, a native state bordering on these Provinces, in their annual progresses, insisted on a supply of girls from the lower tribes, and there are still villages which are said to have been presented to the ancestors of women honoured in this way. But this is far from sufficient evidence for anything like the general prevalence of the custom, which is regarded with abhorrence by the public opinion of the country side. [clxxxvi]

Polyandry. 4. The same feeling prevails as regards polyandry which, according to Mr. McLennan, formed one of the regular stages in the evolution of marriage. There is certainly no ground for believing that at any time polyandry flourished as a permanent domestic institution. At the same time it seems quite certain that it has prevailed and does still prevail in Northern India, but usually among isolated communities and under exceptional circumstances.

5. To begin with the evidence from history or myth. The legend of the five Pândavas who took Draupadî as a joint wife, has been generally accepted as a proof that it existed among the people whom, for the sake of convenience, we call the early Aryans. It is true that the compilers of the Mahâbhârata clearly wish to refer to it as an exceptional case, and to whittle away its significance by representing it as a result of their misconception of their mother’s order. But there is reason to believe that it was not so exceptional as they endeavour to make out. In the discussion which followed, one of the princes quoted as a precedent the case of Jatilâ, “that most excellent of moral women who dwelt with seven saints, and Varkshî, the daughter of a Muni, who cohabited with ten brothers, all of them Prachetas, whose souls had been purified by penance.” We have next the case of the Aswins who had between them one woman, Sûryâ, the daughter of the sun. Even in the Râmâyana the giant Viradha imputes that Râma and [clxxxvii]Lakshmana jointly share the favours of Sîtâ.[56] Professor Lassen’s theory that the whole story of Draupadî and her five lovers is only the symbolical indication of an alliance between the king of Panchâla and the five tribes represented by the five Pândavas has met with little support.

For the fraternal form of polyandry practised by some of the Himalayan races, there is ample evidence. According to Mr. Drew, a very careful observer, it originated in the smallness of the amount of land which could be tilled and the general inelasticity of the country’s resources: while the isolation from the rest of the world, isolation of manners, language and religions, as well as geographical isolation, hindered emigration.[57] According to Dr. Wilson, polyandry in Tibet is not due to the scarcity of women, as a number of surplus women are provided for in the Lama nunneries.[58]

6. As regards the plains, we know that the prevalence of polyandry was noticed by the Greeks in the Panjâb.[59] Of the Gakkars Farishta[60] tells us that “it was the custom as soon as a female child was born to [clxxxviii]carry her to the door of the house and there proclaim aloud, holding the child with one hand, that any person who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several husbands to one wife. When the wife was visited by one of her husbands she left a mark at the door, which, being observed by any of the other husbands, he withdrew till the signal was taken away.” Similar customs prevailed among the Khokars of the Panjâb,[61] and the Panjâb Jâts.[62]

7. In all these cases it would seem that polyandry is associated with, and in fact dependent on, female infanticide. In the course of the present survey, it has been ascertained that the custom prevails among some of the pastoral tribes, such as Ahîrs, Gûjars and Jâts, chiefly in the upper valleys of the Ganges and Jumna. It has even been embodied in the current proverb:—Do khasam kî joru, Chausar ka khel,—“The wife with two lords is like a game of backgammon.” The arrangement suits these pastoral people, who graze their herds in the river valleys. The brothers take it in turn to attend the cattle, and one remains at home in charge of the house-wife.

Niyoga and the levirate. 8. Whether the customs known as niyoga and the levirate are or are not connected with polyandry has been the subject of [clxxxix]much controversy. Mr. McLennan[63] asserted that the levirate, that is the practice of marrying the widow of a deceased brother, was derived from polyandry. The niyoga, or the custom of a widow cohabiting with the brother of her deceased husband, seems to be referred to in the Veda.[64] Manu[65] allows such unions of a widow with a brother-in-law or other relative of the deceased husband to continue only till one or at the most two sons have been begotten, and declares that they must then cease. In the verses which follow he restricts such temporary unions to classes below the twice-born, or (in contradistinction to what proceeds) condemns them altogether. By the law, as stated by Gautama,[66] a woman whose husband is dead, and who desires offspring, may bear a son to her brother-in-law. “Let her obtain the permission of her gurus (husband’s relatives under whose protection she lives), and let her have intercourse during the proper season only. On failure of a brother-in-law she may obtain offspring by cohabiting with a sapinda, or sagotra, or samân-pravara, or one who belongs to the same caste. Some declare that she shall cohabit with none but her brother-in-law. She shall not bear more than two sons. The child belongs to him who begot it, except if an agreement to the contrary have been made, and the child begotten at a living husband’s request on his wife [cxc]belongs to the husband, but if it was begotten by a stranger, it belongs to the latter, or to both the natural father and the husband of the mother, but being reared by the husband belongs to him.”

9. The best recent opinion is in opposition to the theory that the levirate or niyoga is a survival of polyandry. “The levir,” says Mr. Mayne, “did not take his brother’s widow as his wife. He simply did for his brother or other near relation, when deceased, what the latter might have authorised him, or any other person to do during his lifetime. And this, of course, explains why the issue so raised belonged to the deceased and not to the begetter. If it were a relic of polyandry, the issue would belong to the surviving polyandrous husband, and the wife would pass over to him as his wife.”[67]

10. In modern times, in this part of India, practically all the tribes which permit widow marriage allow the levirate in the restricted form that it is only the younger son of the late husband who is allowed or expected to take the widow to wife. Whatever may have been the idea connected with this practice in early times, the fiction that the son was supposed “to raise up seed unto his brother” seems to have altogether disappeared, and no survival of this rule of affiliation has been discovered. In fact, according to common custom, the widow is regarded as a kind of property which has been purchased into the family by the payment of the bride-price; [cxci]and among some of the Dravidian tribes there is a rule of tribal law that if the widow goes to live with a stranger to the family, he is bound to repay the bride-price, and in some cases the costs incurred in her first marriage, to her younger brother-in-law or his father. It is noticeable that in this form of the levirate alliance with the elder brother of her late husband is rigidly prohibited: in fact all through the Hindu caste system any intercourse, even to the extent of speaking to, touching, or appearing unveiled in the presence of, her husband’s Jeth, or elder brother, is strictly guarded by a special taboo. There is a Behâr proverb—Latul bhainsur dewar barâbar—“a weak elder brother-in-law is like a younger brother-in-law, with whom you may take liberties.”

Prevalence of widow marriage. 11. The statistics of the last Census fully illustrate the prevalence of widow marriage. To use Mr. Baillie’s summary of the figures[68] “of 10,000 of the total Hindu population, 331 males and 817 females are widowed, 306 males and 747 females among Muhammadans, and no less than 639 males and 1,054 females among Jains.[69] It is clear, therefore, that both males and females, but particularly the latter, re-marry more extensively amongst Muhammadans than Hindus, and very much more frequently [cxcii]among Hindus than amongst Jains. As regards females this is exactly what might have been expected from what is known of the social circumstances of the three religions. Muhammadans permit re-marriage alike amongst males and females, and the excess of female widowed is due to the same reasons as the excess in England. The higher proportion of widowed of both sexes as compared with England is, of course, mainly due to the higher proportion of marriages. The somewhat higher proportion of excess among Muhammadan widows over Muhammadan widowers, as compared with English figures, is probably due to the greater facilities an English widow enjoys for re-marriage. Amongst Hindus, as is well known, re-marriage is in the higher castes permitted only for males. The castes which do not permit widow marriage are roughly one-fourth of the whole,[70] so that Hindus as regards female re-marriage occupy a position between Muhammadans and Jains, but nearer the former than the latter. The latter are practically, as regards such matters, Hindus of high caste, and permit no widow re-marriage: hence the high proportion of widows.” [cxciii]

12. This marriage of widows, known to the east of the Province as sagâi and to the west as karâo and dharewa, is a perfectly legal form of marriage, and when recognised by the tribal council the children are regarded as legitimate and succeed to their father’s estate. In subsequent pages will be found numerous details of the ritual in widow marriages. Among many of the lower castes the general rule appears to be that the widow is married to a widower: but this rule is subject to exceptions. The prohibited degrees for the widow are the same as for the virgin bride, with the additional limitation, as already explained, that she cannot marry her elder brother-in-law or her senior cousin. Though the marriage is quite legitimate, there is a certain amount of secrecy connected with it. It is performed at night. The bridegroom after eating with the woman’s friends invests her with a new robe and some jewelry, and withdraws with her to a private room. Next day he brings her home and procures the recognition of the union by feasting his clansmen. The rules as regards the custody of children by the first marriage are not very clearly defined. The usual course seems to be that if she has an infant she takes it with her to her new home, where it is practically adopted by its step-father. Children who have passed the stage of helplessness fall under the guardianship of their uncles, who manage their estate until they attain years of discretion, or, in the case of girls, arrange their marriages.

Age for marriage. 13. As regards the age for marriage the following table taken from the last Census Report[71] deserves re-production. [cxciv]

Age periods.

ABSOLUTE NUMBER OF MALES AND FEMALES MARRIED.

PROPORTION TO 10,000 OF SAME SEX AND AGE PERIODS.

Males.

Females.

Males.

Females.

0 Year

857

1,114

10

13

1
,,

857

1,172

24

31

2
,,

1,883

2,713

31

43

3
,,

3,382

5,504

47

73

4
,,

6,097

10,014

90

149

0 4
,,

13,076

20,517

41

63

5 9
,,

139,773

291,373

433

999

TOTAL 0 9
,,

152,849

311,890

238

506

10 14
,,

684,952

1,221,070

2,417

5,744

15 19
,,

1,020,582

1,507,733

5,014

9,119

20 24
,,

1,443,669

1,911,373

6,923

9,404

25 29
,,

1,654,290

1,856,524

7,849

9,155

30 34
,,

1,778,861

1,747,479

8,206

8,501

35 39
,,

1,135,619

988,812

8,526

8,040

40 44
,,

1,393,582

1,050,977

8,157

6,438

45 49
,,

661,188

434,907

7,970

6,002

50 54
,,

885,634

454,625

7,541

3,891

55 59
,,

263,152

142,643

7,134

4,216

60 and over

746,220

245,005

6,142

1,688

TOTAL

11,820,598

11,873,838

4,863

5,253

[cxcv]

Thus 1,971 persons are shown as married in the first year of life. What is known as the petmanganiya or “womb betrothal,” that is the engagement of unborn children should they turn out to be of different sexes, is noted in the case of Kanjars. It is remarkable that the returns show that the proportion of children married below the age of 4 is as high among Muhammadans as Hindus. Mr. Baillie believes that the custom prevails mainly among Muhammadan sweepers; but this is not quite certain. Assuming 9 to be about the age of puberty, about 2½ per cent. of boys and 5 per cent. of girls enter the state of matrimony below that age. But it must be noted that this does not imply premature consummation: these infant marriages are probably nearly all in the families of persons of some wealth and social importance, and in such cases cohabitation is practically always postponed till puberty, when the gauna or bringing home of the bride takes place. Mr. Baillie goes on to remark:—“Between 10 and 14 nearly nine-tenths of the female population pass into the married state; but considerably more than one-half of the males remain unmarried. Between 15 and 19 there are 15 married females for each one unmarried, whilst at the end of the period only 60 per cent. of the males have been married. By 24 practically the whole of the female population have been married, almost the whole of those unmarried at this and later ages being women whose avocations preclude marriage, or whose physical or mental health forbids it. Of men considerably more than a fourth are unmarried up to 24, whilst an appreciable but diminishing number [cxcvi]remains unmarried through all subsequent age periods.”[72]

Bachelors and old maids. 14. The census figures show, as might have been expected, that “the largest proportion of males who remain permanently unmarried is among Jâts, Râjputs, Brâhmans, Kâyasths, Khatris, and to a less extent among Banyas. It shows that marriage is latest for men in these castes also, while it is earliest for the low-caste cultivators, forest and hill tribes, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, fishing castes, Chamârs, Pâsis and vagrant castes, the highest figure of all being for Kumhârs. The figures for women are in certain respects both more pronounced and more important than for men. For women, the largest numbers permanently unmarried among respectable Hindus are amongst Râjputs and Khatris. The high proportion among the former may have to do with the claim made by many of the dancing castes to be [cxcvii]Râjputs. Why it should be so high among Khatris I have been unable to understand or imagine.[73] Banjâras and vagrant Hindu castes show proportionately much higher numbers. Amongst the Muhammadans, the higher the caste, the higher the proportion of women not married at all. Female infant marriage is most extensive amongst cultivating castes, grazing castes, forest and hill tribes, Koris, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, Chamârs, Pâsis, sweepers, and vagrant castes. Of the whole Pâsis are easily first, Kumhârs following a close second. Widows are most numerous among Brâhmans, Râjputs, Kâyasths, Banyas, Khatris and Sayyids easily, the highest proportion being among Khatris and Brâhmans. The lowest proportion of widows is among the forest and hill tribes, and after them amongst sweepers, Pâsis, Julâhas and Chamârs, in all of which castes woman is peculiarly a helpmate to man.”[74] The prenubial laxity of Dravidian girls enables the men to avoid marriage till they are well advanced in life, and desire to found homes for their old age.

Polygamy. 15. Polygamy is permitted both among Hindus and Muhammadans. As Mr. Mayne remarks[75]:—“One text of Manu seems to indicate that there was a time when a second marriage [cxcviii]was only allowed to a man after the death of his former wife (V., 168; IX., 101, 102). Another set of texts lays down special grounds, which justify a husband in taking a second wife, and except for such causes it appears she could not be superseded without her consent (Manu, IX., 72–82). Other passages provide for a plurality of wives, even of different classes, without any restriction (Manu, III., 12; VIII., 204; IX., 85–87). A peculiar sanctity, however, seems to have been attributed to the first marriage.… It is now quite settled that a Hindu is absolutely without restriction as to the number of his wives, and may marry again without his wife’s consent, or any justification except his own wish.” There seems no doubt that a Muhammadan may marry as many as four wives: but the question is debated by the authorities.[76] In spite of this polygamy is most infrequent. The last Census shows 11,820,598 married males to 11,873,838 married females. Similarly in the Panjâb there are 101·2 wives to 100 husbands. The proportion of husbands who have more than one wife is probably under 1 per cent.

Marriage by capture. 16. Something has already been said on the subject of marriage by capture. It may be well to consider if there are any facts which indicate that the people of Upper India in early times procured brides by force. Mr. McLennan, as we have seen, in his theory of marriage, starts with the stage of communal marriage next to polyandry, merging in the [cxcix]levirate. This stage attained, some tribes branched off into endogamy, some to exogamy. Exogamy was based on infanticide, and led to marriage by capture.[77] We have already seen the weakness of the evidence for the existence of a general stage of polyandry or communal marriage.

17. In describing the various forms of marriage Manu speaks of that known as Râkshasa:—“The seizure of a maiden by force from her house, while she weeps and calls for assistance, after her kinsmen and friends have been slain in the battle, or wounded, and their houses broken open, is the marriage called Râkshasa”.[78]

18. The difficulty in examining the apparent survivals of marriage by capture lies in determining which are indications of the usual maiden modesty of the bride, her grief at leaving home and her dread at entering a new family, and which are signs of violence on the part of the bridegroom and his friends.

19. From the early literature, beyond the reference in Manu, to which reference has already been made, the traces of the custom in myth are not very numerous or clear. The myth of Urvasî probably indicates the existence of some ancient rule or taboo which prevented ordinary unrestrained intercourse between husband and wife, with the inference that possibly from capture their relations were strained.[79] In the Mahâbhârata the followers of Kîchika attempted to burn Draupadî with [cc]his corpse, apparently because from the fact of her capture she was assumed to have been his wife. In the same epic Bhîshma declares that the Swayamvara is the best of all modes of marriage for a Kshatriya, except one, that of carrying away the bride by force. He acquired in this way the beautiful daughters of the Râja of Kâshi as wives for his brother Vichitra Vîrya. In the Sûtras it was provided that at a certain vital stage in the marriage ceremony a strong man and the bridegroom should forcibly draw the bride and make her sit down on a red ox skin.[80]

20. There are numerous examples of feigned resistance to the bridegroom. Thus among the Korwas the bridegroom and his party “halt at a short distance from the bride’s house, and there await her party. Presently emerges a troop of girls all singing, headed by the mother of the bride, bearing on her head a vessel of water surmounted by a lighted lamp. When they get near enough to the cavaliers they pelt them with balls of boiled rice, then coyly retreat, followed, of course, by the young men, but the girls make a stand at the door of the bride’s house and suffer none to enter until they have paid toll in presents to the bridesmaid.”[81] In a Gond marriage “all may be agreed between the parties beforehand, nevertheless the bride must be abducted for the fun of the thing: but the bridegroom has only to overcome the opposition of the young lady’s female friends—it is not [cci]etiquette for the men of her village to take any notice of the affair.”[82]

21. Numerous instances of similar practices have been recorded at the present survey. Thus, among the Ghasiyas, the bride hides in a corner of the house, and the youth goes in and drags her out into the presence of the assembled clansmen. It is etiquette that she makes some resistance. Much the same custom prevails among the Bhuiyas and Bhuiyârs. The Kanjar bridegroom comes armed to the bride’s house after the negotiations have been settled, and demands delivery of the girl in threatening tones. Similarly the bridegroom is armed with a bow and arrow.

22. There are numerous other customs which seem to be based on the same form of symbolism. Thus, the members of the bridegroom’s party are mounted on horses and armed: they, on arriving at the bride’s village, do not enter her house, but halt outside; the bridegroom on reaching her door makes a feint of cutting at the arch (toran) with a sword: there is the invariable fiction, no matter how near the houses of the bride and bridegroom are, that she must be carried in some sort of equipage. This the Mânjhis and some other Dravidian tribes call “a boat,” or jahâz; possibly a survival of the time when the bride was taken away by water.

23. We have then the etiquette by which the bride screams and wails as she is being carried away. When she reaches her new home she is lifted across the threshold [ccii]by her husband, or carried inside in a basket. This was an old custom on the Scotch border,[83] and may be as much a survival of the respect paid to the threshold as a reminiscence of marriage by capture. As she enters the door is barred by her husband’s sister, who will not allow her to enter until she is propitiated with a gift.

24. We have just noticed the fiction by which a bride is supposed to be brought from a distance. This is a standing rule among the Orâons and Kurmis of Bengal,[84] and more than one example of it may be found in the present survey, as among the Nâis and Pankas. This repugnance to marriage among people residing in close communities has been taken by Dr. Westermarck to be one of the causes which have led to exogamy.[85] In this connection, the system of gang exogamy, prevalent among the gypsy Kanjars and Sânsiyas, with whom it is a rule that the bride must be selected from an encampment different from that of the bridegroom, is most significant. It is possible that here we are very close to exogamy in its most primitive form.[86]

25. In the same category are the numerous taboos of intercourse between a man and his wife and her relations. We have already noticed the legend of Urvasî. The wife must not mention her husband by name, and if he addresses her, it is in the indirect form of mother [cciii]of his children. Mr. Frazer has directed attention to the rule by which silence is imposed on women for some time after marriage as a relic of the custom of marrying women of a different tongue. Hence the familiar incident of the Silent Bride which runs through the whole range of folklore.[87] On the same lines is the taboo of intercourse between a man and his mother-in-law, of which Dr. Tylor, though he gives numerous instances, is unable to suggest an explanation.[88] This, also, perhaps accounts for the use of the terms “brother-in-law” (sâla), “father-in-law” (sasur), as abusive epithets.

Runaway marriages. 26. The next form of marriage is the runaway marriage, which was dignified by the early Hindu lawgivers with the name of Gandharva, “the reciprocal connection of a youth and a damsel, with mutual desire, contracted for the purpose of amorous embraces, and proceeding from sensual inclination.”[89] This prevails largely among the Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau. At the periodical autumn feast the Ghasiya damsel has only to kick the youth, of whom she approves, on the ankle, and this is a signal to her relatives that the sooner the connection is legalised the better. We have the same custom in another form in the well known institution of the Bachelors’ Hall among the Orâons and Bhuiyas.[90] This merges [cciv]into the Mutʼah marriage, which is legalised among Muhammadans.

Marriage by exchange. 27. Next comes marriage by exchange, known commonly as adala badala, where two fathers exchange daughters in marriage between their sons. This is the simplest form of marriage by purchase.[91] The present survey has disclosed instances of this among Barhais, Bhuiyas, Dharkârs, Ghasiyas, Kanaujiyas, Meos, Musahars and Tarkihârs. It thus is in a great measure confined to the lower castes, and Mr. Ibbetson remarks[92] that in the East of the Panjâb “exchange of betrothal is thought disgraceful, and, if desired, is effected by a triangular exchange,—A betrothing with B, B with C, and C with A: in the West, on the contrary, among all classes, in the Hills and Submontane Districts, apparently among all but the highest classes, and among the Jâts, almost everywhere, except in the Jumna District, the betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.”

Beena marriage. 28. The next stage is what has been called by ethnologists Beena marriage,[93] in which the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride and wins her after a period of probation as Jacob wins Rachel. In these Provinces the custom seems to be confined to the Dravidian tribes of the [ccv]Vindhyan plateau, Bhuiyârs, Cheros, Ghasiyas, Gonds, Kharwârs, Majhwârs, and Parahiyas. Among them it bears the name of gharjanwai, which means “the son-in-law residing in the house of the bride.”

Bride purchase. 29. Immediately arising out of this is the more common form of bride purchase which prevails among most of the inferior tribes. In many cases, as will be seen by the examples which have been collected, the bride-price is fixed by tribal custom, and it marks a progressive stage in the evolution of marriage, where the purchase of the bride is veiled under the fiction of a contribution given by the relatives of the youth to cover the expenses of the marriage feast, which is, except in the dola or inferior form of marriage, provided by the relatives of the bride. “Let no father,” says Manu,[94] “who knows the law, receive a gratuity, however small, for giving his daughter in marriage: since the man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity for that purpose, is a seller of his offspring.”

Marriage with dowry. 30. The last stage is when the relatives of the bride provide a dowry for the bride, which is the subject of careful negotiation, and is paid over in the presence of the tribesmen when the wife lives with her husband. [ccvi]

Confarreatio. 31. In all these forms of marriage the ceremony of Confarreatio, or the feeding of the married pair by the relatives on both sides, takes an important place. We have seen that it is the main rite in widow marriage. It is regulated by rigid rules of etiquette, one of the chief of which is that both bride and bridegroom must at first refuse the proffered food, and accept it only after much pressure and conciliation by gifts.

The Matriarchate. 32. According to Baudhayana “there is a dispute regarding five practices both in the South and in the North. Those peculiar to the South are to eat in the company of an uninitiated person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale food, to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or paternal aunt. He who follows these in any other country than the one where they prevail commits sin.”[95] There is some want of moral perspective in the classification of these prohibitions: but they chiefly concern us in connection with the matriarchal theory. The prohibition of marriage with a cousin on the mother’s side has been accepted as an indication of the uncertainty of male parentage. There can be no doubt that in Northern India there is some special connection between a boy and his maternal uncle, as is shown by many instances drawn from the usages of the inferior tribes, such as the Agariya, Majhwâr and other Dravidian races. We also find among the Doms and Dharkârs that it is the [ccvii]sister’s son who performs the duties of priest at the cremation and worship of the sainted dead, which follows it. He is not, however, regarded as an heir to the deceased to the exclusion of his sons. Similarly though a foster-child has no rights to succeed,[96] the relationship is universally recognised as a bar to intermarriage. There is thus some evidence for some of the tests of female kinship as laid down by Professor Robertson Smith.[97] [ccviii]

GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.

DISTRICT.

Area in square miles.

Population.

Density per square mile.

RELIGIONS OF THE PEOPLE.

Hindu.

Musalmân.

Jain.

Christian.

Arya.

Sikh.

Buddhist.

Parsi.

Jew.

Brahmo.

Deist.

Unspecified.

Dehra Dûn

1192·9

168,135

140·9

143,718

19,896

234

2,743

784

755

2

3

…

…

…

…

Sahâranpur

2242·0

1,001,280

446·5

667,494

324,432

6,084

1,974

496

792

…

8

…

…

…

…

Muzaffarnagar

1658·2

772,874

466·1

542,563

218,990

9,396

127

1,032

766

…

…

…

…

…

…

Meerut

2369·7

1,391,458

587·2

1,047,650

316,971

16,380

5,435

2,784

2,237

…

1

…

…

…

…

Bulandshahr

1911·1

949,914

497·0

764,937

179,019

1,284

210

4,430

34

…

…

…

…

…

…

Aligarh

1952·4

1,043,172

534·3

918,730

120,338

2,507

465

992

126

…

14

…

…

…

…

Mathura

1440·6

713,421

495·2

646,385

62,657

2,403

846

209

919

…

2

…

…

…

…

Agra

1845·5

103,796

543·9

879,319

104,443

13,462

4,758

989

540

254

41

…

…

…

…

Farrukhâbâd

1720·3

858,687

499·1

756,194

99,476

1,048

828

877

24

232

8

…

…

…

…

Mainpuri

1700·9

762,163

448·0

714,294

41,529

5,760

132

326

122

…

…

…

…

…

…

Etâwah

1691·2

727,629

430·3

682,863

42,325

2,117

134

169

19

…

2

…

…

…

…

Etah

1740·7

702,063

403·3

622,833

72,953

4,945

520

764

43

…

4

…

…

…

1[ccix]

Bareilly

1594·6

1,040,691

652·6

789,603

245,039

4

5,271

351

300

111

12

…

…

…

…

Bijnor

1898·4

794,070

418·2

521,891

267,162

998

908

2,046

1,065

…

…

…

…

…

…

Budaun

2016·5

925,598

459·0

733,179

148,289

229

2,581

1,215

105

…

…

…

…

…

…

Morâdâbâd

2282·5

1,179,398

516·7

773,001

400,705

1,002

3,307

1,305

75

…

3

…

…

…

…

Shâhjahânpur

1744·1

918,551

526·6

787,136

129,266

36

1,328

640

144

…

1

…

…

…

…

Pilibhît

1371·7

485,366

353·8

402,120

82,486

11

365

383

1

…

…

…

…

…

…

Cawnpur

2363·2

1,209,695

511·9

1,103,990

101,541

415

3,036

620

52

…

32

3

6

…

…

Fatehpur

1633·1

699,157

428·1

621,923

77,061

83

71

15

4

…

…

…

…

…

…

Banda

3060·1

705,832

230·6

664,679

40,662

284

74

76

49

2

…

…

…

…

6

Hamîrpur

2288·7

513,720

224·4

480,215

33,281

107

50

37

11

…

19

…

…

…

…

Allahâbâd

2852·3

1,548,737

542·6

1,341,934

199,853

568

5,933

…

155

268

25

1

…

…

…

Jhânsi

1640·0

409,419

249·6

380,804

23,067

2,521

1,877

131

946

…

66

4

2

…

1

Jâlaun

1479·6

396,361

267·9

370,604

25,501

168

67

12

5

…

4

…

…

…

…

Lalitpur

1947·4

274,200

140·8

258,595

5,946

9,546

63

…

49

…

…

…

…

…

1

Benares

1009·5

921,943

913·7

831,730

88,401

138

1,364

…

52

255

1

2

…

…

…

Mirzapur

5223·0

1,161,508

222·4

4,085,232

75,240

281

465

102

188

…

…

…

…

…

…

Jaunpur

1549·8

1,264,949

816·0

1,148,505

116,344

6

93

…

1

…

…

…

…

…

…

Ghâzipur

1462·0

1,077,909

737·3

974,340

102,726

27

576

86

150

…

…

4

…

…

…[ccx]

Ballia

1169·7

942,465

805·7

876,095

66,353

…

15

…

…

…

2

…

…

…

…

Gorakhpur

4676·1

2,994,057

654·3

2,691,164

301,630

44

1,176

…

2

…

19

21

…

…

1

Basti

2767·0

1,785,844

645·1

1,509,989

275,729

…

66

60

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

Kumâun

2148·3

1,728,625

804·6

1,502,911

225,639

…

74

…

…

…

1

…

…

…

…

Azamgarh

7151·0

563,181

78·8

549,572

11,969

5

1,601

…

…

34

…

…

…

…

…

Garhwâl

5629·0

407,818

72·4

403,603

3,605

2

573

2

…

33

…

…

…

…

…

Tarâi

962·7

210,568

218·7

135,160

75,207

39

23

130

9

…

…

…

…

…

…

Lucknow

967·0

774,163

800·6

605,625

161,369

797

5,769

553

379

193

66

…

…

…

12

Unâo

1778·0

953,636

536·4

877,451

73,920

8

106

123

28

…

…

…

…

…

…

Râê Bareli

1751·2

1,036,521

591·7

950,290

85,965

23

145

2

96

…

…

…

6

…

…

Sîtapur

2254·9

1,075,413

476·9

916,680

157,639

234

717

88

44

1

4

…

…

…

…

Hardoi

2324·5

1,113,211

478·9

998,339

114,674

13

167

…

16

2

…

…

…

…

…[ccxi]

Kheri

2964·8

903,615

304·7

784,855

113,057

10

505

132

56

…

…

…

…

…

…

Faizâbâd

1728·1

1,216,959

703·7

1,076,831

138,461

161

1,254

55

171

…

4

22

…

…

…

Gonda

2879·9

1,459,229

506·6

1,253,514

205,425

…

248

…

42

…

…

…

…

…

…

Bahrâich

2680·3

1,000,432

373·2

829,701

169,798

48

124

37

721

…

…

3

…

…

…

Sultânpur

1709·9

1,075,851

629·2

958,952

116,846

…

53

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

Partâbgarh

1438·2

910,895

633·4

819,835

90,838

130

77

…

15

…

…

…

…

…

…

Bârabanki

1740·2

1,130,906

649·9

943,740

185,938

1,043

147

…

35

…

…

…

…

3

…

TOTAL

107,502·8

46,905,085

436·4

40,380,168

6,346,651

84,601

58,441

22,053

11,343

1,387

342

60

14

3

22

[ccxiii]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND ANTHROPOMETRICAL DATA.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

Number.

Caste.

Name.

Residence.

Occupation.

Height of Vertex.

Height of Trunk.

Span.

Left Foot.

Left Middle Finger.

Right Ear Height.

Round Head.

Inion to Glabella.

Tragus to Tragus.

Vertex to Chin.

Anteroposterior Diameter.

Maximum Transverse Diameter.

Minimum Frontal Diameter.

Bizygomatic Diameter.

Nasal Width.

Nasal Height.

Facial Angle (Cuvier).

1

Agariya

Musai

Billi Bari, Mirzapur

Iron smelting

1610

800

1690

244

107

57

540

340

340

212

187

135

109

130

41

50

65

2

Baheliya

Thakuri

Mirzapur

Shikari

1700

840

1760

250

113

63

550

330

330

193

185

136

108

134

38

56

73

”

,,

Prayâg

Ditto

Ditto

1710

860

1800

252

110

57

540

340

340

216

187

135

105

132

36

57

70

3

Bairâgi

Baldeo Dâs

Niraon, Mirzapur

Begging

1630

810

1669

250

110

62

560

360

360

196

190

145

107

134

32

56

64

4

Baiswâr

Bagesari Lâl

Chatarwar, Mirzapur

Agriculture

1670

860

1710

263

114

64

540

330

330

215

192

135

109

133

40

59

67

”

,,

Deo Nârâyan

Ditto

Ditto

1650

870

1670

259

117

61

550

350

350

209

192

137

104

130

35

60

71

”

,,

Mohan

Ditto

Ditto

1600

810

1640

260

110

62

540

340

340

205

180

137

103

132

33

54

75

”

,,

Mithai Lâl

Ditto

Ditto

1590

820

1590

244

111

57

560

350

340

218

194

136

107

124

37

57

70

5

Banya

Girdhâri

Robertsganj, Mirzapur

Grain-dealer

1690

850

1770

249

115

62

550

350

350

214

195

139

108

135

35

61

68

36

Bhotiya

…

…

…

Not measured. [ccxiv]

7

Bhuiyâr

Raghunandan

Arjhat, Mirzapur

Wood-cutter and ploughman

1610

800

1660

249

109

56

530

330

340

199

179

132

113

128

38

50

70

8

Bind

Ramphal

Robertsganj, Mirzapur

Ploughman

1690

840

1760

268

117

54

560

350

360

213

190

144

110

142

37

56

70

9

Biyâr

Bhuar

Sajaur, Mirzapur

Ditto

1620

820

1700

239

106

57

560

350

340

187

192

140

115

135

35

52

60

”

,,

Raghu

Ghuas, Mirzapur

Ditto

1520

780

1580

231

103

56

530

330

320

190

184

132

107

123

32

54

58

10

Chamâr

Mekhuri

Gothani, Mirzapur

Shoemaker and ploughman

1630

810

1660

229

108

67

540

330

330

202

185

133

107

137

30

53

60

”

,,

Nathua (child)

Ditto

Ditto

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

11

Chero

Chhandu

Birar, Mirzapur

Wood-cutter and ploughman

1590

800

1630

246

108

59

540

340

350

200

186

139

114

140

37

54

60

”

,,

Faujdâr

Katauli, Mirzapur

Ditto

1650

830

1770

245

114

62

550

350

350

217

188

136

105

132

36

55

63 [ccxv]

”

,,

Muniya (female)

Salkhan, Mirzapur

Wood-cutter and field-labour

1490

720

1460

237

108

58

560

360

350

214

191

135

107

127

36

49

69

”

,,

Katwâru (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1560

770

1560

229

105

66

540

340

330

200

187

132

108

123

35

53

62

”

,,

Mangaru

Ditto

Ditto

1600

830

1600

233

104

63

550

340

340

209

183

131

108

128

35

55

66

12

Dhângar

Beni

Bardiha, Mirzapur

Field-labour and basket-making

1710

850

1800

245

115

59

560

360

350

206

195

138

114

140

35

53

66

”

,,

Dukhi

Ditto

Ditto

1560

800

1540

239

102

65

530

330

340

214

182

135

107

132

40

54

67

”

,,

Har Lâl

Ditto

Ditto

1700

820

1760

245

110

63

550

350

340

206

189

134

110

135

36

55

68

”

,,

Râj Kali (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1530

760

1580

230

106

66

530

340

350

206

175

129

102

125

35

54

70

”

,,

Sugiya (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1400

650

1400

210

96

59

520

320

320

186

181

131

100

122

31

52

69

”

,,

Child

Ditto

Ditto

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

13

Dharkâr

Dipu

Robertsganj, Mirzapur

Basket-making

1560

790

1610

229

103

54

540

350

340

199

181

143

112

129

36

53

65

”

,,

Ekadasiya (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1500

770

1520

224

104

53

530

330

340

190

178

128

100

123

35

52

63

14

Dom

Dwârika

Ditto

Working in bamboo

1710

850

1730

260

115

60

550

340

340

209

139

134

110

137

38

55

68

”

,,

Bhagwanti (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1600

810

1620

236

112

58

560

360

360

206

186

139

110

132

37

53

61

15

Ghasiya

Baghola

Katauli, Mirzapur

Ploughman and wood-cutter

1670

850

1620

256

114

65

540

340

350

215

189

131

105

130

42

58

61

16

Gond

Buddhu

Sanjaur, Mirzapur

Ditto

1620

810

1730

249

111

53

530

330

330

205

177

142

111

133

31

58

68

17

Jalâli

Amîr Ali Shâh

Mirzapur

Beggar

1670

860

1680

250

112

60

570

360

360

201

195

134

112

132

35

49

72

18

Kol

Machhal

Chirahuli, Mirzapur

Ploughman

1640

810

1760

251

112

59

540

330

330

213

182

130

105

129

33

49

65

18

,,

Bhondu

Sahijan, Mirzapur

Ploughman

1720

850

1790

264

116

64

560

360

350

221

195

140

103

133

38

51

71 [ccxvi]

18

,,

Bhondu

Sahijan, Mirzapur

Ploughman

1720

850

1790

264

116

64

560

360

350

221

195

140

103

133

38

51

71

”

,,

Biranjiya (female)

Ditto

Ditto

1540

790

1490

232

100

54

550

340

340

190

187

129

106

124

38

57

76

19

Korwa

Karîman

Bisrâmpur, Mirzapur

Ditto

1530

820

1560

245

110

60

540

330

340

209

186

134

110

135

42

51

69

20

,,

Bodhu

Ditto

Ditto

1640

820

1720

259

118

67

550

350

350

218

190

134

102

132

41

52

64

”

,,

Chhotu

Ditto

Ditto

1580

790

1630

252

117

60

540

340

330

213

185

133

109

130

35

51

62

21

Kumhâr

Sarnâm

Robertsganj, Mirzapur.

Potter

1570

820

1580

242

105

61

530

340

340

202

183

127

99

128

37

54

62

22

Mahâbrâhman.

Murlidhar

Kusumha, Mirzapur

Funeral priest

1620

820

1630

243

107

66

570

360

360

200

194

140

115

136

32

56

68

”

,,

Baban

Ditto

Ditto

1540

790

1540

225

100

56

550

350

350

201

189

134

112

125

31

50

65

23

Mallâh

Makholi

Kota, Mirzapur

Boatman and fisherman.

1570

810

1680

252

114

59

520

330

340

204

175

132

114

130

35

50

67

”

,,

Mangaru

Ditto

Ditto

1640

860

1680

251

114

60

560

360

350

219

193

133

107

131

35

56

64

[1]

[1]  Rig Veda, X., 90; 6, 7. ↑

[2]  Chips from a German Workshop, II., 312. ↑

[3]  Ibid, 211, Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 17 sq. ↑

[4]  Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, XLIII., I., 20. ↑

[5]  The translation is from the North British Review, L., 521, note. ↑

[6]  Monier Williams, loc. cit., 51 sq. ↑

[7]  Loc. cit., 345 sq. ↑

[8]  Institutes, III., 12–15; 44: IX., 22, 24; 85–87: III., 16–19: X., 5, 6; 10–15: with Duncker’s comments, History of Antiquity, IV., 245 sq. ↑

[9]  Erato, 60. ↑

[10]  Institutes V., 22 sqq. ↑

[11]  Wilson, Rig Veda, II., 319. ↑

[12]  III., 8026. ↑

[13]  See Vishnu Purâna, Book IV., Cap. I., p. 359: Cap. XIX., p. 451: Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 222 sqq.; 227; 238; 426 sqq. Wilson, Rig Veda, I., 42 note: Essays, II., 309: Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, II., 339 sq. Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 58 sq., and compare Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, II., 266. ↑

[14]  Grant, Introduction, Central Provinces Gazetteer, CX., sq. ↑

[15]  Highlands of Central India, 8. ↑

[16]  Brief View, 79. ↑

[17]  Oudh Gazetteer, I., 305. ↑

[18]  Ibid., III., 229: I., 365. ↑

[19]  Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, VI., 351, 2. ↑

[20]  Ibid., VIII., Part III., 49. ↑

[21]  Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, I., 209; 211: II., 12. ↑

[22]  Journey through Oudh, I., 213. ↑

[23]  The derivation from the root such “to be afflicted” hardly deserves consideration. ↑

[24]  Brief view of the caste system of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. The same theory was, however, advocated before Mr. Nesfield by Mr. Ibbetson in the Panjab Census Report of 1881, page 173, sq. ↑

[25]  Loc. cit., 3. ↑

[26]  Loc. cit., 115. ↑

[27]  Kinship, 239. ↑

[28]  Some of Mr. Nesfield’s identifications and derivation of tribal names must be received with caution e.g., the connection of the Musahar and Bâri; of the Koli and Koiri with the Kol; the Kalwâr with the Kharwâr or Khairwâr; the Bâdi with the Bhât. ↑

[29]  Panjâb Ethnography, 176. ↑

[30]  Loc. cit. 178. ↑

[31]  Quoted by Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., Introduction, XLIII. ↑

[32]  Manu, Institutes, III., 5, and other authorities quoted by Mayne, Hindu Law, 73. ↑

[33]  For further details see Haug, Aitareya Brâhmanam, II., 479 sq. ↑

[34]  Panjâb Ethnography, 182. ↑

[35]  The formula of Musalmân exogamy is thus given in the Qurân, Surah IV., 27:—“Ye are forbidden to marry your mothers, your daughters, your sisters and your aunts both on the father’s and on the mother’s side; your brother’s daughters and your sister’s daughters; your mothers who have given you suck and your foster sisters; your wives’ mothers and your daughters-in-law born of your wives with whom ye have cohabited. Ye are also prohibited to take to wife two sisters (except what is already past) nor to marry women who are already married.” ↑

[36]  Studies in Ancient History, 75 sqq. ↑

[37]  Principles of Sociology, I., 614, sqq.; History of Human Marriage, 311, sqq. ↑

[38]  Loc. cit. I., 619, sqq. ↑

[39]  Primitive Family, 216, sqq. ↑

[40]  History of Human Marriage, 316, sq. ↑

[41]  Origin of Civilisation, 135, sq. ↑

[42]  Primitive Family, 230, sq. ↑

[43]  Journal Anthropological Institute, XVIII., 267, sqq. ↑

[44]  Loc. cit., 317. ↑

[45]  Ancient Society, 424. ↑

[46]  Loc. cit. Chapter XV. ↑

[47]  Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Introduction, LXII. ↑

[48]  Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 136, 293, 318. ↑

[49]  Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 278, sqq. ↑

[50]  Frazer, Totemism, 58, sqq. ↑

[51]  II. Page 85. ↑

[52]  e.g., by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 89. ↑

[53]  Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II., 328, sqq. ↑

[54]  Origin of Civilization, 126. ↑

[55]  History of Human Marriage, 73. ↑

[56]  For a discussion on these early cases of supposed polyandry see Dr. J. Muir, Indian Antiquary, VI., 260, sqq.: E. Thomas, ibid., VI., 275: Rig Veda, I., 119, 5: Wilson, Essays, II., 340: Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44, sqq.: Westminster Review, 1868, page 412: Lang, Custom and Myth, II., 155. ↑

[57]  Jummoo, 250. ↑

[58]  Abode of Snow., 231. For Tibetan Polyandry generally see C. Horne, Indian Antiquary, V., 164: C. R. Stulpnagel, ibid., VII., 132, sqq.: Yule, Marco Polo, II., 33, 38, 40: Williams, Memo of Dehra Dûn, 175. ↑

[59]  Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd Edition, II., 454. ↑

[60]  Briggs, Translation, I., 183, sq. ↑

[61]  Ghulâm Bâsit: Dowson’s Elliot, History, VIII., 202. ↑

[62]  Kirkpatrick, Indian Antiquary, VII., 86, sq. ↑

[63]  Studies, 112, sqq. ↑

[64]  Rig Veda, X., 40, 2; and Muir’s remarks, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, V., 459. ↑

[65]  Institutes, IX., 59, 62; with Muir’s comment, Indian Antiquary, VI., 315. ↑

[66]  Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, Part I., 267, sq. ↑

[67]  Hindu Law, 61; and see Starcke, Primitive Family, 141, sqq.: Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 510, sqq. ↑

[68]  Census Report, North-Western Provinces, 1891, 249. ↑

[69]  The Panjâb returns show 145 widows to 1,000 women, 23 per cent. of women over 15 years of age are widows. This rises to 25 for Hindus and falls to 21 for Muhammadans. (Maclagan, Census Report, 226). Mr. O’Donnell (Bengal Census Report, 186) attributes much of the relative increase of Muhammadans in that Province to their toleration of widow marriage. ↑

[70]  The exact figures are:—

Not permitting widow marriage

9,713,087,

or

24·05

per cent.

Permitting widow marriage

30,667,081,

or

75·95

per cent.

TOTAL HINDUS

40,380,168,

or

100

per cent.

These figures are, however, subject to the correction that some even of the lower castes partially prohibit widow marriage, and this is represented by the Byâhut section, which appears in many of them. In the whole of the Behâr Provinces (Census Report, 200) the Musahars of the north-eastern area, with only 5·5 per cent. of widows amongst women between 15 and 40 years, are most addicted to widow marriage. The Thârus of Champâran, and the Dhobis, Lohârs and Dusâdhs of North-West Behâr, follow them very closely in this respect. ↑

[71]  Page 246. ↑

[72]  Of the Panjâb Mr. Maclagan remarks (Report, 255) that “the practice of child marriage among girls prevails mainly in the east of the Province. It is primarily a Hindu practice, and is found most strongly developed in the districts where Hinduism is the prevailing religion; and in the Province generally it is much more common among Hindus than among Musalmâns. But the early marriage of girls has now become a matter more of custom than of religion, and the Musalmâns in Hindu districts are nearly as much addicted to it as the Hindus, while among Hindus in Musalmân districts it is almost as rare as among the Musalmâns. In fact, the Muklâwa is very little in vogue among Hindus anywhere in the extreme south and west of the Province.” The Bihâr returns (Census Report, 199) show that “the age of Kâyasth and Brâhman girls before they find husbands to be much higher than that assigned by popular opinion. The Râjput girl marries, like the Bâbhan and the aboriginal Thâru, a little later than the Dusâdh. So do the Nuniya, Lohâr, Kurmi and Kahâr, but only on an average a month or two later. The Dhânuk girl marries earlier than females in any other large caste in this area, though a year later than girls of low caste in North-East Bihâr.” ↑

[73]  Mr. Ibbetson shows that the difficulty of marrying among the Khatris of the Panjab is due to the strong law of hypergamy or necessity of marrying a girl in a higher grade than her husband, which prevails among them as well as among Brâhmans and hill Râjputs (Report, 356). This probably explains the fact in these Provinces. ↑

[74]  Census Report, 255. ↑

[75]  Hindu Law, 77. ↑

[76]  Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 462, sqq. ↑

[77]  Primitive Marriage, 138. Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 102, sq. ↑

[78]  Institutes, III., 33. ↑

[79]  On this see Lang, Custom and Myth, 65, sqq. ↑

[80]  Weber, Indische Studien, 325, quoted by McLennan, Primitive Marriage, 34, sq. ↑

[81]  Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology, 223, sq. ↑

[82]  Ibid., 278, and see Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, 158: Rowney, Wild Tribes, 37, sq. ↑

[83]  Henderson, Folklore of the Northern Countries, 38: Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 151. ↑

[84]  Dalton, loc. cit., 248, 319. ↑

[85]  History of Human Marriage, 321, sq. ↑

[86]  Ibid., 330, sqq. ↑

[87]  Totemism, 68. ↑

[88]  Researches into Early History, 285: and compare Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 13: Wake, Serpent Worship, 169: Development of Marriage, 330. ↑

[89]  Manu, Institutes, III., 32. ↑

[90]  Dalton, loc. cit., 142. ↑

[91]  Westermarck, loc. cit., 390. ↑

[92]  Panjab Census Report, 355. ↑

[93]  Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 78. ↑

[94]  Institutes, III., 15. ↑

[95]  Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part I., Intro. L. ↑

[96]  Mayne, Hindu Law, 117. ↑

[97]  Kinship in Arabia, 143, 154, 155, 159, 165. ↑

[Contents]

THE

TRIBES AND CASTES

OF THE

NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

VOLUME I.

A

Abhyâgat.—(Sans. “Abhyâgata,” “a guest,” “a visitor”) is hardly a special sect. It is referred generally to mendicants and Brâhmans who live by begging. It is practically synonymous with Atît (q.v.). Some live a solitary life, others associate in monasteries (math) under an abbot (mahant).

Agariya.[1]—A Dravidian tribe found in scanty numbers only in the hilly parts of Mirzâpur south of the Son, where, according to the last Census, they number 481 males and 457 females, in all 938 souls. The Mirzâpur Agariyas confined themselves almost entirely to mining and smelting iron. They are certainly quite a different people from those described by Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley in Chota Nâgpur,[2] who claim to be Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra and live by cultivation. The Mirzâpur Agariyas seem to be almost certainly of non-Aryan origin. A tribe of the same name and occupation in the Mandla District of the Central Provinces is described as a sub-division of the Gonds and among the laziest and most drunken of that race.[3] Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley again describe a people of the same name as a sub-division of the Korwas, who are undoubtedly Dravidians.[4] It is with these people that the Mirzâpur tribe are almost certainly connected.

AGARIYA.

Appearance. 2. In appearance the Agariyas approximate very closely to allied Dravidian tribes, such as the Korwas, Parahiyas, etc., but they have a particularly [2]gaunt appearance and worn expression of countenance, which is undoubtedly the result of the severe occupation which they follow.

Tribal organization. 3. Those in Mirzâpur have seven exogamous septs all of totemistic origin. The Markâm is also a sept of the Mânjhis (q.v., paragraph 3). The word means “a tortoise,” which the members of this sept will neither kill nor eat. The Goirâr take their name from a tree so called, which the members of this sept will not cut. The Paraswân take their name from the palása tree (Butea frondosa), and members of this sept will not cut the tree or eat out of platters (dauna) made of its leaves. The Sanwân say that they take their name from san or hemp, which they will not sow or use. The Baragwâr are named from the bar tree (Ficus Indica), from the leaves of which they will not eat, and which they will not cut or climb.[5] Banjhakwâr, the name of the fifth sub-division, is said to be a corruption of Bengachwâr from beng, “a frog,” which the members of this sept will not kill or eat. The Gidhlê, which is also the name of a sept of the Bengal Orâons,[6] will not kill or even throw a stone at a vulture (Gidh). The Census returns give the chief sept as Bâjutheb, which was not recorded by the members of the tribe examined on the spot.

Tribal council. 4. They have a tribal council (panchâyat) at which all adult males attend. The meetings, in default of any specially urgent business, assemble when the members meet on the occasion of marriages or deaths. The members are summoned by the President of the council (mahto), who circulates a root of turmeric among them. The council deals with caste matters, such as adultery, fornication, and the like. The orders are enforced in the usual way (see Mânjhi, paragraph 9). The office of President is permanent and hereditary. If the incumbent happens to be a minor he can select another clansman to act for him until he becomes competent to fill the post.

Rules of exogamy. 5. The only rule of exogamy is that no one may marry within his sept (kuri). This obviously admits of very close marriage connections, but it is not supplemented by the usual formula which prohibits marriage in the [3]family of both the paternal and maternal uncles and paternal and maternal aunts. It is, in fact, admitted on all sides that a man may marry the daughter of his paternal uncle. It is essential that the bridegroom must not be engaged in any degrading labour, such as shoe-making or groom’s work. There is no restriction as to place of origin or family worship, but he must nominally conform to the tribal religion.

Traditions of origin. 6. The Mirzâpur Agariyas say that some five or six generations ago they emigrated from Rîwa, hearing that they could carry on their business in peace in British territory. Their first settlement was in the village of Khairahi in Pargana Dudhi. Their head-quarters in Rîwa are at the village of Rijaura; they do not make any pilgrimages to their original settlements or draw their priests or tribal officials from there.

Marriage. 7. The bride is purchased and her price by tribal custom is fixed at ten rupees. Polygamy is permitted, and an Agariya may have as many wives as he can afford to purchase and maintain. The senior wife (Jethi Mehrâru) is head of the household; she joins her husband in the family worship and she receives a degree of respect among the clansmen at marriages, etc., which is denied to the junior wives. If there are more wives than one they live in the same house, but in separate huts. Concubinage with women who are not members of the tribe and polyandry are prohibited. The women enjoy a considerable amount of liberty both before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a clansman, her father can get her married to her lover on paying a tribal fine of ten rupees and providing a feast for the clansmen to the amount of one goat and the necessary quantity of rice. If she offends with a stranger she is permanently expelled.

Marriage ceremonies. 8. The age for marrying girls is between five and ten, and the parents are disgraced if they do not marry their daughters at an early age. The boy’s maternal uncle (mâmu) arranges the marriage.[7] There are no professional marriage brokers. The consent of the parents on both sides is essential, and the parties have no freedom of choice. When the preliminaries are arranged, the boy’s father sends to the girl’s [4]father ten rupees and two loin cloths (dhoti). This is the invariable rate whatever the means of the parties may be. None of this becomes the property of the bride and bridegroom, except one of the loin cloths which is given to the bride; but her father is expected to spend the cash received on the marriage feast. No physical defects are a bar to marriage, and if after marriage the bridegroom discovers any defect in the bride he must take her home. But this very seldom happens because the relatives on both sides take care to inspect the bride and bridegroom before the preliminaries are arranged. The betrothal consists in the approval of the bride by the boy’s maternal uncle and his acceptance of a dinner from the father of the girl. After this the wedding day is fixed. Their marriages usually take place in the light half of the month of Mâgh (January–February). Five days before the wedding day, the matmângar ceremony is performed in the usual way. On the marriage day the bridegroom comes with his procession to the house of the bride. They are put up in a place (Janwânsa) arranged for their reception. On that day it is not the custom for the father of the bride to entertain the party. Next morning the bridegroom comes with his friends to the bride’s house, and going into the inner chamber, where she is hiding, drags her out into the courtyard. This, and the rule of not entertaining the friends of the bridegroom before the marriage, are obvious survivals of marriage by capture. In the courtyard is fixed up a sort of pavilion (mânro), in the centre of which is planted a branch of the sâl tree (Shorea robusta). The sâl is the sacred tree of many of the Dravidian races, and its use at marriages seems to imply that tree marriage was the original custom. Round this the pair walk five times, and then the bride’s father makes a mark with turmeric on the foreheads of both, and warns them to live in unity. After this the clansmen are fed, and the bride is sent home with her husband. When she arrives at the door of her husband’s house his sister (nanad) bars the entrance, and will not admit the bride until the bridegroom gives her a couple of pice. After this the bridegroom’s father feeds his clansmen, who return home next day. Before they enter their new home there is a sort of confarreatio ceremony when the pair have to sit down outside and eat together. The essential part of this marriage ceremony, which is known as charhauwa, because the bride is offered (charhâna) to the bridegroom, is the payment of the bride price and the marking of the foreheads of the pair by the father of the bride. [5]

Divorce. 9. There is no real divorce: merely expulsion of the faithless wife from hearth and home. The only ground for expulsion is proof of the wife’s adultery to the satisfaction of the clansmen. In fact, it is understood that no proof short of her being caught in the act of adultery will be sufficient. If a woman is put away for adultery, she cannot be remarried in the tribe. Concubinage with strange women is forbidden. All the sons of all the wives rank and share equally. If a woman has a child by a man of another tribe, he is not received into the caste, cannot be married in the tribe, and the clansmen will not eat with him.

Widow Marriage. 10. Widow marriage in the Sagâi form is allowed. When a man proposes to marry a widow, he can do so with the consent of the head of the family. Both parties give a tribal dinner, and the man rubs some oil on the woman’s head and some red lead on the parting of her hair, and brings her home. When he brings her home he has to entertain the clansmen. The levirate is permitted, with the usual restriction that it is only the younger brother of her late husband who is entitled to claim her. It is only on his renouncing his right to her that she can marry an outsider. If she have children by her first husband, they do not accompany her to her new home, but remain with their father’s brother. The widow, on re-marriage, has no rights to her first husband’s property. If the children are very young, the uncle, who maintains them, gets half their property as his remuneration. In the same way if their uncle does not care to look after them, and they go to their step-father, he receives half their inheritance, and in this case the children are considered to be his own.

Adoption. 11. Adoption is permitted to a sonless man or one whose son is permanently expelled from caste; but there is no idea of religious merit in adoption. The son adopted must be of the sept (kuri) of the adopter, and is in most cases a brother’s son. Having once adopted he cannot adopt again as long as the adopted son is alive. A bachelor, an ascetic, or a blind man cannot adopt, nor can a married woman without the leave of her husband, and under no circumstances has the widow this power. A man may give his eldest, but not his only son, in adoption to another. There is no condition of age in the boy to be adopted. Girls cannot be adopted. The adopted [6]son is not excluded from succeeding to his natural father, and will do so if he have no other son. If a natural son be born after adoption, both share equally in the estate.

These are the rules as stated in a meeting of the caste, but they obviously represent the influence of their Hindu neighbours. It is very doubtful if the real Agariyas have any idea of adoption.

Succession. 12. The rules of succession are very similar to those of the Mânjhis (q.v.). When a man dies leaving a widow or widows, a son or sons, a daughter or daughters, brothers or other relatives, the sons alone inherit, and primogeniture is so far observed that the eldest son gets one animal or article, an ox, a brass pot, etc., in excess of the others. The sons take their shares per capita. When a man leaves only a sonless widow, his brothers inherit with the obligation of maintaining the widow for her lifetime or until she marries again. She can be expelled for unchastity. Stepsons inherit only the amount of their father’s property which their step-father may have received, but he is bound to support and marry them. Many of the elaborate rules which the tribe pretend to observe are derived from Hindu practice; and it is obvious that it is seldom difficult for an Agariya to dispose of his simple property.

Relationship. 13. The relations of the husband are regarded as relations of the wife, and vice versâ. The scheme of relationship agrees with that of the Kols (q.v.).

Birth ceremonies. 14. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. Contrary to ordinary Hindu custom the woman lies on a bed facing east during delivery. She is attended during seclusion by the Chamâin midwife, who cuts the cord and buries it outside under the eaves of the house. The mother is dosed with a decoction of dill (ajwâin), and gets in the evening a mess of boiled sâwân, millet and konhrauri or balls made of urad pulse, and cucumber (konhra). On the sixth day the clothes of the mother and all the household are washed by one of them. They do not employ a Dhobi which, as the birth pollution is much dreaded, marks a very low stage of ceremonial purity. On the same day mother and child are bathed by the midwife, who gets a loin cloth (dhoti) as her fee. The mother then cooks for the family and a few of the neighbouring clansmen. On the same day the delivery room (saur) is cleaned and replastered by the sister of the husband (nanad), who receives a fee of four annas for her trouble. On the twelfth day the clansmen and their wives who live in the neighbourhood are fed. [7]

Couvade. 15. The husband is allowed to do no work on the day his wife is delivered, and has to take the first sip of the cleansing draught which is given her after delivery. He does not cohabit with his wife for a month after her confinement.

Puberty ceremonies. 16. There is no regular ceremony on arrival at puberty. The only rite in the nature of initiation is the ear-boring, which is done both for boys and girls in the fifth year. Up to this they may eat from the hands of a person of any caste. After this ceremony they must conform to tribal usage.

Death ceremonies. 17. The dead, except young children and those dying of small-pox, are cremated in the jungle. This is done very carelessly, and in times of epidemic disease the corpses are merely exposed in the jungle to be eaten by wild animals. The corpse is laid face upwards on the pyre with the feet to the south. The nearest kinsman moves five times round the pyre and touches the face of the corpse five times with a straw torch. As soon as the pyre blazes all go and bathe. Then they fill their vessels (lota) with water and return to the house of the deceased, where each pours the water he has brought in the court-yard. No fire is lit and no cooking done in the house that day. The food is cooked at the house of the brother-in-law (bahnoi) of the dead man. On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at some running water, and then go and eat at the house of the deceased. The bones which remain after cremation are thrown into the nearest running stream. They are not buried, and subsequently, when convenient, conveyed to the Ganges, as is the custom with the similarly named tribe in Chota Nâgpur.[8]

Ancestor worship. 18. On the day of the Phagua (Holi) they feed a fowl with gram and kill it in the name of the sainted dead. But they recognise no deceased ancestor beyond their father and mother, in whose name after the sacrifice they pour a little water on the ground. Only the members of the family eat the flesh of the victim. They do not employ Brâhmans at funerals; they have no Srâddha, and the sister’s son has no special functions on this occasion. [8]

Religion. 19. They call themselves Hindus, but worship none of the regular Hindu deities. In the month of Aghan they get the Baiga to worship the village gods (dih). The offering consists of five fowls and a goat. The Baiga chops off the heads of the victims with his axe and takes the heads as his perquisite, while the worshipper and his family cook and eat the rest of the meat at the shrine. In the month of Pûs they worship the tribal deity—the goddess of iron—Lohâsur Devi. To her is offered a female goat which has never borne a kid and some cakes made of flour and molasses fried in butter. These cakes are broken into pieces before dedication. A fire offering (hom) is lit and some of the scraps of cake are thrown into it. The remainder are eaten by the worshippers. There is no temple or image of this deity. Brâhmans are never employed by them, and they do all their religious business themselves, except the worship of the village gods, which is entrusted to the Baiga. Among them the Baiga is always one of the Parahiya (q.v.) caste. The village gods are worshipped at their special shrine; offerings to Lohâsur Devi and the sainted dead are made in the court-yard of the house. It is only in the case of the sacrifice to the local gods that the Baiga receives the head of the victim; in other cases the whole of the meat is consumed by the worshippers themselves. No substitutes are used in sacrifice, and they do not offer parts of their own bodies, such as locks of hair, drops of blood, etc.

Festivals. 20. Their festivals are the Phagua or Holi and the Baisâkhi called after the months in which they occur. At both they sacrifice to deceased ancestors and drink liquor. Both these are regular fixed feasts. They have no other Hindu holidays, nor at the Phagua do they light the holy fire as Hindus do. Before they offer the black goat to Lohâsur Devi they worship it, and before sacrificing it pour water on its head. Ancestors are worshipped to ward off evil from the household. They do not sacrifice animals at funerals, nor do they make any funeral offerings.

Ghosts. 21. They dread the ghosts of the dead who appear in dreams, not because their obsequies have not been duly performed, but because they have not received their customary periodical worship. They are then appeased by the sacrifice of goats and fowls. [9]

Tattooing. 22. All the Dravidian tribes of Mirzapur, the Kharwâr, Majhwâr, Patâri, Panka, Ghasiya, Bhuiya, Parahiya, Bhuiyâr, Korwa, Agariya, etc., have their bodies tattooed. This is done both to married and unmarried girls as soon as they attain to puberty. A widow cannot get herself tattooed, unless she marries again by the sagâi form. If a widow gets tattooed it is believed to bring trouble on the village. There are twenty-four forms of tattoo, any of which may be used by any woman of any of the castes. In general opinion tattooing is a sacred rite by which the body is sanctified. They say that the road to the heaven of Parameswar is full of difficulties, and at the end is a great gate guarded by terrible demons. The keepers will let no woman pass who is not tattooed. Accordingly every woman has to be tattooed, and in particular it is advisable to have the mark of some god marked on the body. They also believe that women who are not tattooed during life are tortured by the keepers of the gate of heaven. They burn them in the fire and brand them with a hot iron. They also roll them among thorns and afflict them in sundry ways. Some are taken to the top of the gate and flung down from thence. The only ornament which accompanies the soul to the other world is the godna or tattoo.[9] Besides being a religious obligation the tattoo is used as a decoration, and it hence takes the form of various kinds of jewelry. The tattooing is done by the women of the Bâdi or Malâr tribes of Nats. The remuneration varies according to the wealth of the patient and the character of the ornament. It ranges from half an anna to four annas. Women get themselves tattooed on the wrists, arms, shoulders, neck, breast, thighs, knees and below the knees. It is done with lamp-black mixed with the milk of the patient. If a woman be unmarried or barren, the milk of another woman of the family is used. If the milk of a woman of another caste be used it is considered most injurious to health. While the operation is going on, the patient is kept amused by the recitation of verses usually obscene. Tattooing is also used as a remedy for pains in various parts of the body. The black substance is made by burning the roots of certain jungle plants known as the gaihora and Chainshora. [10]Opium is also mixed with the black pigment to reduce the pain. A favorite remedy for barrenness is to tattoo the part of the stomach below the navel. In the same way a woman whose children are unhealthy and die gets a tattoo mark made on her armpit or stomach.

The chief forms of tattoo used by these jungle tribes are as follows:—The elephant; this is the sign of Ganesa, and women have it done on both arms; the sacred book (pothi),—this is done on the shoulders and arms; Mahâdeva,—this represents the name of Siva and is done on the breast; sankha or the conch shell,—this is done on the wrist, but is prohibited to women of the Majhwâr and Patâri tribes. It is the sign of coverture, and the woman who wears it does not become a widow in this world or in the life to come; pahunchi and chûra—these represent bangles or bracelets; the pahunchi is done on the arms, and the chûra below the knee; Jata Mahâdeva—this represents the matted locks of Siva and is done on the breast and other parts of the body; the hansuli or necklace—this is made on the neck in the place where the necklace is worn. While this mark is being tattooed, the mother of the girl seats her daughter on her knee because it is believed that the existence of this mark ensures that they both shall meet in the next world; the person who makes this mark receives extra remuneration. Pân pattar or betel leaf, châwal or rice mark, and the kharwariya are done on the arms in the place where the ornaments known as the bâju or jaushan are worn. Women of the Bhuiya and Parahiya tribes call this mark rijhwâr or “pleasing.” The bhanwara or large bumble bee is done on the knees and thighs. The murli-manohar is the representation of Krishna as the flute-player. It is done on the wrists and arms. The phulwâri or flower garden is done on the breasts and arms. The dharm gagariya is a mark which is supposed to make the wearer holy in the world to come. The râwana is the sign of Rawana, the enemy of Râma Chandra. It is done on the breast and hands. Garur is the sign of the bird Garuda, the vehicle of Vishnu. It is done on the arms chiefly by women of the Majhwâr, Patâri and Panka tribes. Chandrama is the sign of the moon, and is delineated on the breast and arms. Râdha Krishna is the sign of Krishna and his consort, done on the breast, wrist, and arms. The dhandha or “work” is the mark made below the navel by barren women in the hope of obtaining offspring. Muraila is the mark of the peacock made on the breast. Many of these marks are probably [11]totemistic in origin, but the real meaning has now been forgotten, and they are at present little more than charms to resist disease and other misfortunes, and for the purpose of mere ornament.

Tree worship. 23. The only tree they respect is the sâkhu or sâl which is used at these marriages.

Clothes and jewelry. 24. There is nothing peculiar about their clothes, except their extreme scantiness. The men wear rings of brass or gold in the ear-lobes. The women wear ear ornaments made of palm-leaf (tarki), glass bangles (chûri), heavy pewter anklets (pairi), and on the arm brass rings (ragari), with bead necklaces on the throat.

Oaths. 25. They swear on the head of their son and believe that they die if they forswear themselves. They have no form of ordeal.

Witchcraft. 26. There appears to be no idea that their women, like those of the Bengal Agariyas, are notorious witches.[10] They have Ojhas in the tribe, who announce, by counting the grains of rice put before them in a state of ecstacy, what particular Bhût has attacked the patient. The usual result is that he decides that some particular godling (deota) is clamouring for an offering. They believe in dreams which are interpreted by the oldest man in the family. They are usually due to inattention to the wants of the sainted dead. They do not profess to believe in the Evil Eye. But this is more than doubtful.

Food. 27. They eat all kinds of meat, including beef. They will not touch a Dom; they will touch a Chamâr, Dharkâr, Ghasiya, or Dhobi, but will not eat from their hands. They have a special detestation for Doms.

Taboos. 28. They will not touch a menstrual woman or their younger brother’s wife, or mother-in-law, or a connection through the marriage of children (Samdhin). They will not name their wives or elders in the family or the dead. In the morning they will not speak of death or quarrels or unlucky villages or persons of notorious character. They will not eat the flesh of monkeys, horses, crocodiles, lizards or snakes. [12]

Social usages. 29. Children eat first, then the men and women eat together, but in separate vessels. They have no ceremony at eating. They use liquor and chewing tobacco freely; they do not use the huqqa, but smoke out of pipes made of the leaf of the sâl tree. When they cannot get liquor to offer to deceased ancestors they mix flowers of the Mahua (Bassia latifolia) in water. They believe that the use of liquor keeps off sickness, but consider drunkenness disreputable. They salute in the same form as the Mânjhis (q.v.). They will eat food cooked in butter (pakka) from the hands of Kahârs, and boiled rice from Chhatris. There is no caste which will drink water touched by them.

Occupation. 30. They practically do no agriculture. Their business is smelting and forging iron. The following account of the manufacture is given by Dr. Ball[11]:—“The furnaces of the Agariyas are generally erected under some old tamarind or other shady tree on the outskirts of a village, or under sheds in a hamlet where Agariyas alone dwell, and which is situated in convenient proximity to the ore or to the jungle of sâl (Shorea robusta), or bijay sâl (Pterocarpus marsupium), where the charcoal is prepared. The furnaces are built of mud and are about three feet high, tapering from below upwards from a diameter of rather more than two feet at base to eighteen inches at top, with an internal diameter of about six inches, the hearth being somewhat wider. Supposing the Agariya and his family to have collected the charcoal and ore, the latter has to be prepared before being placed in the furnace. The magnetic ores are first broken into small fragments by pounding, and are then reduced to a fine powder between a pair of mill-stones. The hematite ores are not usually subjected to any other preliminary treatment besides pounding. A bed of charcoal having been placed on the hearth, the furnace is filled with charcoal and then fired. The blast is produced by a pair of kettle-drum-like bellows, which consist of basins loosely covered with leather in the centre of which is a valve. Strings attached to these leather covers are connected with a rude form of springs which are simply made by planting bamboos or young trees into the ground in a sloping [13]direction. The weight of the operator, or pair of operators, is alternately thrown from one drum to the other, the heels acting at each depression as stoppers to the valves. The blast is conveyed to the furnace by a pair of hollow bamboos, and has to be kept up steadily without intermission for from six to eight hours. From time to time ore and fuel are sprinkled on the top of the fire, and as fusion proceeds the slag is tapped off by a hole pierced a few inches from the top of the hearth. For ten minutes before the conclusion of the process, the bellows are worked with extra vigour, and the supply of ore and fuel from above is stopped. The clay luting of the hearth is then broken down, and the ball (giri) consisting of semi-molten iron slag and charcoal is taken out and immediately hammered, by which a considerable portion of the included slag which is still in a state of fusion is squeezed out. In some cases the Agariyas continue the further process, until after various reheatings in open furnaces and hammerings, they produce clean iron fit for the market, or even at times they work it up themselves into agricultural tools, etc. Not unfrequently, however, the Agariya’s work ceases with the production of the giri which passes into the hands of the Lohârs. Four annas or six-pence is the price paid for an ordinary giri, and as but two of these can be made in a very hard day’s work of fifteen hours’ duration, and a considerable time has also to be expended on the preparation of charcoal and ore, the profits are very small. The fact is that although the actual price which the iron fetches in the market is high, the profits made by the native merchants (Mahâjan) and the immense disproportion between the time and labour expended and the outturn, both combine to leave the unfortunate Agariya in a miserable state of poverty.” Some further enquiries recently made in Mirzapur prove the hopelessness of competition between native and imported iron. The native iron is specially valued for tools, etc., but with the diminution of jungle its manufacture will probably soon disappear.

Agariya: Agari.—There is another set of people known under this name who are found in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duâb who have no connection with the Agariyas of Mirzâpur. They claim to be Chauhân Râjputs, and say that they emigrated to Bulandshahr about two centuries ago from Sambhal in the Morâdâbâd district. They are, as a rule, settled, but in the hot weather they migrate to Rohtak, in the Panjab, where they settle in rude [14]huts near villages and pursue their trade of making salt (khâri nimak) and saltpetre. They follow the customs of Râjputs in their marriage ceremonies, except that they levy a bride price from the relations of the bridegroom. They profess not to permit widow marriage, but they recognise the levirate. A wife may be put away for adultery or other misconduct with the sanction of the tribal council, and then she can re-marry by the karâo form. Some of them now live by agriculture. Gûjars, they say, will eat and smoke with them.

2. A caste known as Agari are miners and smelters in the hills: there they are regarded as a branch of the Doms.

3. Of the Agaris of the Panjab Mr. Ibbetson writes:—“The Agari is the salt-maker of Râjputâna and the east and south-east of the Panjab, and takes his name from the Agar or shallow pan in which he evaporates the saline water of the lakes or wells at which he works. The city of Agra derives its name from the same word. The Agaris would appear to be a true caste, and in Gurgâon are said to claim descent from the Râjputs of Chithor. There is a proverb,—“The Ak, the Jawása, the Agari and the cartman: when the lightning flashes these four give up the ghost:” because, I suppose, the rain which is likely to follow would dissolve their salt. The Agaris are all Hindus and are found in the Sultânpur tract on the common borders of the Delhi, Gurgâon and Rohtak districts, where the well water is exceedingly brackish, and where they manufacture salt by evaporation. Their social position is fairly good, being above that of the Lohârs, but, of course, below that of Jâts.”[12]

4. Another name for them in these provinces is Gola Thâkur, or illegitimate Râjput. At the last Census they were included in the Luniyas.

Agarwâla.[13]—Usually treated as a sub-caste of the great Banya caste, a wealthy trading class in Upper India. There are various explanations of the name. According to one account they take their title from dealing in the aromatic wood of the agar (Sans. aguru), the eagle wood tree (Aquilaria agallocha). There is, however, no evidence that the sale of this article is, or ever was, a speciality [15]of the Agarwâlas. Another story is that there were a thousand families of Agnihotri Brâhmans settled in Kashmîr, and that they were supplied with agar wood for their sacrifices by a special tribe of Vaisyas. When Alexander the Great invaded India he broke their sacred fire pits (Agni kunda), and these Vaisyas were dispersed and settled in the neighbourhood of Agra, whence they derived their name. A third legend again refers the name to Agroha, an ancient town in the Hissâr district of the Panjab, where a lâkh of families of Vaisyas were settled by King Agra Sena. Round this Râja Agra Sena there is a whole cycle of legend. His ancestor was Dhana Pâla, Râja of Pratâpnagar, which some identify with the present State in Râjputâna, and some place vaguely in the Dakkhin or Southern India. He had eight sons—Shiu, Nala, Anala, Nanda, Kunda, Kumuda, Vallabha, Suka, and a daughter, Mukuta. At that time there was a Râja Visâla, who had eight daughters—Padmâvati, Mâlati, Kanti, Subhadra, Sra, Srua, Basundhara and Râja. They were married to the eight sons of Dhana Pâla. Each of these, except Nala, who became an ascetic, had a kingdom of his own. In the family of Shiu there reigned in succession Vishnu Râja, Sudarsana, Dhurandhara, Samadi, Mohan Dâs and Nema Nâtha, who populated Nepâl and called it after his own name. His son Vrinda performed a great sacrifice at Brindâban, and named the place after himself. His son was Râja Gurjara, who occupied Gujarât. Râja Harihar succeeded him, and he had one hundred sons. One of these, Rangji, became Râja, and the others, for their impiety, were degraded into Sûdras. To him, in the fifth generation, succeeded Râja Agra Sena. At that time, Râja Kumuda of Nâga Loka, or “Dragon land,” had a very beautiful daughter named Mâdhavi, who was wooed by the God Indra; but her father preferred to marry her to Râja Agra Sena. After his marriage he performed notable sacrifices at Benares and Hardwâr, and then went to Kolhâpur where he won the daughter of the Râja Mahidhara in the swayamvara. Finally he settled in the neighbourhood of Delhi and made Agra and Agroha his capitals. His dominions reached from the Himâlaya to the Ganges and the Jumna, and as far as Mârwâr on the west. He had eighteen queens, who bore him fifty-four sons and eighteen daughters. In his latter days he determined to perform a great sacrifice with each of his queens. Each of these sacrifices was in charge of a separate Achârya or officiant priest, and the gotras which sprang from him are named after these Achâryas. When he was performing the last [16]sacrifice, he was interrupted, and so there are seventeen full gotras and one half gotra. There are considerable differences in the enumeration of these gotras. One list, which seems authoritative, gives them as follows with the Veda, Sâkha and Sutra, to which they conform:—

Gotra.

Veda.

Sâkha.

Sutra.

1.

Garga

Yajurveda.

Mâdhyandina.

Kâtyâyana.

2.

Gobhila

,,

,,

,,

3.

Gautama

,,

,,

,,

4.

Maitreya

,,

,,

,,

5.

Jaimini

,,

,,

,,

6.

Saingala

Sâmaveda.

Kausthami.

Gobhila.

7.

Vâsala

,,

,,

,,

8.

Aurana

Yajurveda.

Mâdhyandina.

Kâtyâyana.

9.

Kausika

,,

,,

,,

10.

Kasyapa

Sâmaveda.

Kausthami.

Gobhila.

11.

Tandeya

Yajurveda.

Mâdhyandina.

Kâtyâyana.

12.

Mândavya

Rigveda.

Sakila.

Aswilâin.

13.

Vasishtha

Yajurveda.

Mâdhyandina.

Kâtyâyana.

14.

Mudgala

Rigveda.

Sakila.

Aswilâin.

15.

Dhânyâsha

Yajurveda.

Mâdhyandina.

Kâtyâyana.

16.

Dhelana

,,

,,

,,

Dhauma

17.

Taitariya

,,

,,

,,

17½.

Nagendra

Sâmaveda.

Kausthami.

Gobhila.

The lists given by both Mr. Risley and Mr. Sherring differ considerably from this. Mr. Risley gives—

(1) Garg; (2) Goil; (3) Gâwâl; (4) Batsil; (5) Kâsil; (6) Singhal; (7) Mangal; (8) Bhaddal; (9) Tingal; (10) Airan; (11) Tairan; (12) Thingal; (13) Tittal; (14) Mittal; (15) Tundal; (16) Tâyal; (17) Gobhil; (17½) Goin.

Mr. Sherring gives the Gotras as follows:—

(1) Garga; (2) Gobhila; (3) Garwâla; (4) Batsila; (5) Kasila; (6) Sinhal; (7) Mangala; (8) Bhadala; (9) Tingala; (10) Erana; (11) Tâyal; (12) Terana; (13) Thingala; (14) Tittila; (15) Nîtal; (16) Tundala; (17) Goila and Goina; (17½) Bindal. [17]

Agarwâlas again have the divisions Dasa and Bîsa, the “tens” and the “twenties” like the Oswâls (q.v.). One account of their origin is that when the daughters of Râja Vâsuki, the king of the snakes, married the sons of Râja Agra Sena, they each brought a handmaid with them, and their descendants are the Dasas. The Bîsa or pure Agarwâlas do not eat, drink or intermarry with the Dasas.

Connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas. 2. Regarding the legend of the connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas Mr. Risley[14] writes:—“With the Agarwâlas, as with all castes at the present day, the section names go by the male side.

In other words a son belongs to the same gotra as his father, not to the same gotra as his mother, and kinship is no longer reckoned through females alone. Traces of an earlier matriarchal system may perhaps be discerned in the legend already referred to, which represented Râja Agar Nâth as successfully contending with Indra for the hand of the daughters of two Nâga Râjas, and obtaining from Lakshmi the special favor that his children by one of them should bear their father’s name. The memory of this Nâga princess is still held in honor. “Our mother’s house is of the race of the snake” (jât kâ nânihâl nâgbansi hai) say the Agarwâlas of Behâr; and for this reason no Agarwâla, whether Hindu or Jain, will kill or molest a snake. In Delhi Vaishnava Agarwâlas paint pictures of snakes on either side of the outside doors of their houses, and make offerings of fruit and flowers before them. Jaina Agarwâlas do not practise any form of snake-worship. Read in the light of Bachofen’s researches into archaic forms of kinship, the legend and the prohibition arising from it seem to take us back to the prehistoric time when the Nâga race still maintained a separate national existence, and had not been absorbed by the conquering Aryans; when Nâga women were eagerly sought in marriage by Aryan chiefs; and when the offspring of such unions belonged by Nâga custom to their mother’s family. In this view the boon granted by Lakshmi to Râja Agar Nâth that his children should be called after his name, marks a transition from the system of female kinship, characteristic of the Nâgas, to the new order of male parentage introduced by the Brâhmans, while the Behâr saying about the Nânihâl is merely a survival of those matriarchal ideas according to [18]which the snake totem of the race would necessarily descend in the female line. In the last of the six letters entitled “Orestes—Astika, Eine Griechisch—Indische Parallele” Bachofen has the following remarks on the importance of the part played by the Nâga race in the development of the Brâhmanical polity. The connection of Brâhmans with Nâga women is a significant historical fact.

Wherever a conquering race allies itself with the women of the land, indigenous manners and customs come to be respected, and their maintenance is deemed the function of the female sex. A long series of traditions corroborate it in connection with the autochthonous Nâga race. The respect paid to Nâga women, the influence which they exercised, not merely on their own people, but also in no less degree on the rulers of the country, the fame of their beauty, the praise of their wisdom—all this finds manifold expression in the tales of the Kashmîr chronicle, and in many other legends based upon the facts of real life.”

Snake-worship among Agarwâlas. 3. In connection with these speculations it may be noted that Agarwâlas have a special form of worship in honor of the Saint Astika Muni. He was the son of Jaratkâru by the sister of the great serpent Vâsuki and saved the life of the serpent Takshaka, when Janmejaya made his great sacrifice of serpents. This worship appears to be peculiar to the Agarwâlas, and is said to be performed only by Tiwâri Brâhmans. On the fourth day of the light half of Sâwan they bathe in the Ganges and make twenty-one marks on the wall of the house with red lead and butter; and an offering is presented consisting of cocoa-nuts, clothes, five kinds of dry fruits, and twenty-one pairs of cakes (pâpar), some yellow sesamum (sarson) flowers and a lamp lighted with butter. Some camphor is then burnt, and the usual ârti ceremony performed.

These things are all provided by the Agarwâla who does the worship. Astika Muni they believe to have been the preceptor (Guru) of the Nâga, and Agarwâlas call themselves Nâga Upâsaki or snake-worshippers. After this the women of the family come to the house of the officiating Brâhman. The ârti ceremony is again done by burning camphor, and the Brâhman marking their foreheads with red (rori) gives them part of the cakes as a portion of the sacred offering (prasâda). Each woman presents two pice to the Brâhman in return. This sesamum they sprinkle in their houses as a preservative against snake-bite. [19]

They are taught a special mantra or spell for this purpose which is said to run:—“I say that at whosoever’s birth the ceremony of Astika is performed the most poisonous snake runs away when he calls out Snake! Snake!”

This ceremony is performed once a year, and the day after it each person who joins in it gives the officiating Brâhman a present of uncooked grain.

Exogamy. 4. Agarwâlas follow the strict rules of the Shâstras in regulating the prohibited degrees. “All the sections are strictly exogamous, but the rule of unilateral exogamy is supplemented by provisions forbidding marriage with certain classes of relations. Thus a man may not marry a woman, (a) belonging to his own gotra; (b) descended from his own paternal or maternal grandfather, great-grandfather or great-great-grandfather; (c) descended from his own paternal or maternal aunt; (d) belonging to the grand maternal family (nânihâl) of his own father or mother. He may marry the younger sister of his deceased wife, but not the elder sister, nor may he marry two sisters at the same time. As is usual in such cases, the classes of relations barred are not mutually exclusive. All the agnatic descendants of a man’s three nearest male ascendants are necessarily members of his own gotra, and, therefore, come under class (a) as well as class (b). Again, the paternal and maternal aunt and their descendants are included among the descendants of the paternal and maternal grandfathers, while some of the members of the nânihâl must also come under class (b). The gotra rule is undoubtedly the oldest, and it seems probable that the other prohibited classes may have been added from time to time as experience and the growing sense of the true nature of kinship demonstrated the incompleteness of the primitive rule of exogamy.”[15]

Birth ceremonies. 5. In these Provinces when the moment of delivery comes, it is the etiquette for the husband to go himself and call the Chamârin midwife. This is always so in case of the birth of a son; but if it is a girl he can either go himself or send a servant to fetch her. She comes and cuts the cord, which is not, as is the case with many other castes, buried in the delivery room. A fire (pasanghi) is kept burning near the mother to keep off evil spirits, and guns are fired to scare the [20]dreaded demon Jamhua. After the child is born the mother is given a dose of assafœtida and water, the bitterness and smell of which she is not under the circumstances supposed to be able to feel. The Chamârin remains three days in attendance, and during that time the mother is fed on fruits and not allowed to eat grain in any form. On the third day she is bathed and the Chamârin dismissed. After this she is fed on grain. On the sixth day is the Chamar Chhathiya when the women keep awake all night and have lamps burning. All the women take lamp-black from one of these lamps and mark their eyes with it to bring good luck, and a little is also put on the eyes of the baby. Within fifteen days of delivery when the Pandit fixes an auspicious time the mother is bathed. There is no twelfth day (barahi) ceremony. The astrological (râs) name is fixed by the Pandit; the ordinary name by the head of the family. The mother is again bathed on the fortieth day, and is then pure and can rejoin her family. If the family can afford it, after this the Pandit is sent for and there is a formal naming ceremony (nâma karma), but this is not absolutely necessary.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. There is no fixed age for marriage. The wealthier members of the tribe marry their daughters in infancy; poorer people keep them till they are grown up in default of a suitable match being arranged. The marriage follows the usual high caste form. When the horoscopes agree (râs barag) and the friends are satisfied, a Pandit is asked to fix a lucky day. No bride price is given or received. Then the boy’s father sends to the bride’s house a maund of curds, some sweets and two rupees in cash to clench the proposal. The curds are sent in an earthen pot smeared with yellow; some red cloth is put over the mouth and on this the money is placed. This constitutes the betrothal. When the marriage day approaches the boy’s father sends the bride some ornaments made of alloy (phûl), a silken tassel, some henna and pomegranates, some sweetmeats, toys and a sheet (sâri). The number of trays of presents should be at least eleven and not more than one hundred and twenty-five. The girl’s father keeps for the bride only the shawl, some sweets and flowers, and sends back the rest. Next day these flowers are tied in the bride’s hair. If the marriage takes place in a town she goes to a temple and worships, and there she meets her future mother-in-law for the first time. After this follows the anointing of the bride and bridegroom, [21]known as Tel-hardi. When the bridegroom reaches the house of the bride, he is seated on a wooden stool, and the women of the family take up the bride in their arms and revolve her in the air round the bridegroom. During this the bride sprinkles rice (achhat) over him.

This ceremony is known as Barhi phirâna. Then comes the Sakhran ceremony. Some curds are put in a bag and hung up. When all the whey has escaped, the remainder is mixed with the same quantity of milk and sugar, some cardamoms, pepper and perfume; this is first offered to the family god (kula-deva), the other godlings (deota), and to a Brâhman, and is then distributed in the form of a dinner (jeonâr). This is always given on the day the tilak ceremony is performed. The girl is brought into the marriage pavilion by a near relation (mân), generally her father’s son-in-law, and seated in her father’s lap. He puts her hand in his with some wheat dough and a gold ring. Then he does the Kanyâdân or solemn giving away of the bride to the bridegroom, while the priest reads the formula of surrender (sankalpa). Then a cloth is hung up, and behind it in secret the bridegroom puts five pinches of red-lead on the parting of the bride’s hair, and they march round the pavilion five times. The girls of the family tie the clothes of the pair in a knot. When this is over they are taken to the retiring room (kohabar) where they are escorted by the next-of-kin (mân) of the bride, who sprinkles a line of water on the ground as they proceed. There the bridegroom’s head-dress (sehra) is removed. It is not the custom for the bride to return at once with her husband; there is a separate gauna. This gauna must take place on one of the odd years first, third or fifth after the regular marriage.

Adoption. 7. In a recent[16] case it was held that according to the usage prevailing in Delhi and other towns in the North-Western Provinces among the sect of Agarwâlas who are Sarâogis, a sonless widow takes an absolute interest in the self-acquired property of her husband, has a right to adopt without permission from her husband or consent of his kinsmen, and may adopt a daughter’s son who on the adoption takes the place of a son begotten. It was questioned whether on such an adoption a widow is entitled to retain possession of the estate either as proprietor or as manager of her adopted son. [22]

Agarwâlas and Chamârs. 8. Between the Agarwâla, who is perhaps, in appearance, the best bred of the tribes grouped under the name of Banya, and the dark non-Aryan Chamâr, it is difficult to imagine any possible connection, but it is curious that there are legends which indicate this. Thus it is said that an Agarwâla once unwittingly married his daughter to a Chamâr. When after some time the parents of the bridegroom disclosed the fact, the Agarwâla murdered his son-in-law. He became a Bhût and began to trouble the clansmen, so they agreed that he should be worshipped at marriages. Hence, at their weddings they are said to fill a leather bag with dry fruits, to tie it up in the marriage shed, to light a lamp beneath it, and to worship it in the form of a deity called Ohur, which is supposed to save women from widowhood. A similar story is told at Partâbgarh:—“I have heard it alleged (and the story is current, I believe, in parts of the Panjab) that once upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, named Chamu and Bamu. These married and each gave birth to a son, who in time grew up to be prodigies of strength (pahalwân). An elephant happened to die on the Râja’s premises, and being unwilling that the carcase should be cut up and disposed of piecemeal within the precincts of his abode, he sought for a man of sufficient strength to carry it forth whole and bury it. Chamu’s son undertook and successfully performed this marvellous feat. The son of Bamu, stirred no doubt by jealousy, professed to regard this act with horror and broke off all relations with his cousin and pronounced him an outcaste. Chamârs are asserted to be descendants of the latter and Banyas of the former, and hence the former in some parts, though admitting their moral degradation, have been known to assert that they are in reality possessed of a higher rank in the social scale than the latter.”[17] The story is worth repeating as an instance of some of the common legends regarding the original connection of castes. Why the Chamârs should have selected in the Agarwâla Banyas the most unlikely people with whom to assert relationship, it is very difficult to say. Agarwâlas are also said at marriages to mount the bridegroom secretly on an ass which is worshipped. If this be true, it is probably intended as a means of propitiating Sîtalâ mâi, the dreaded goddess of small-pox, whose vehicle is the ass. [23]

Religion. 9. Most of the Agarwâlas are Vaishnavas; some are Jainas or Sarâogis. At the last Census 269,000 declared themselves as Hindus, and 38,000 as Jainas. A small minority are Saivas or Sâktas, but in deference to tribal feeling they abstain from sacrificing animals and using meat or liquor. As Mr. Risley says[18]:—“Owing, perhaps, to this uniformity of practice in matters of diet, these differences of religious belief do not operate as a bar to intermarriage; and when a marriage takes place between persons of different religions, the standard Hindu ritual is used. When husband and wife belong to different sects, the wife is formally admitted into her husband’s sect and must in future have her own food cooked separately when staying at her father’s house.” Their tribal deity is Lakshmi. They venerate ancestors at the usual Srâddha. They worship snakes at the Nâgpanchami in addition to the special tribal worship described in para. 3. Among trees they venerate the pîpal, kadam, sami and babûl. Their priests are generally Gaur Brâhmans. Some of them profess to abstain from wearing certain kinds of dress and ornaments, as they say, under the orders of their family Sati.

Social rules. 10. As regards food, the use of the onion, garlic, carrot and turnip is forbidden. At the commencement of meals a small portion is thrown into the fire, and a little known as Gogrâs is given to the family cow. “All Pachhainiya and most Purabiya Agarwâlas wear the sacred thread. In Behâr they rank immediately below Brâhmans and Kâyasths, and the former can take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats from their hands. According to their own account they can take cooked food only from Brâhmans of the Gaur, Tailanga, Gujarâti and Sanâdh sub-castes; water and sweetmeats they can take from any Brâhmans, except the degraded classes of Ojha and Mahâbrâhman, from Râjputs, Bais Banyas, and Khatris (usually reckoned as Vaisyas), and from the superior members of the so-called mixed castes, from whose hands Brâhmans will take water. Some Agarwâlas, however, affect a still higher standard of ceremonial purity in the matter of cooked food, and carry their prejudices to such lengths that a mother-in-law will not eat food prepared by her daughter-in-law. All kinds of animal food are strictly prohibited, and the [24]members of the caste also abstain from jovanda rice which has been parboiled before husking. Jaina Agarwâlas will not eat after dark for fear of swallowing minute insects. Smoking is governed by the rules in force for water and sweetmeats. It is noticed that the Purohits of the caste will smoke out of the same huqqa as their clients.”[19]

Occupation. 11. The Agarwâlas are one of the most respectable and enterprising of the mercantile tribes in the Province. They are bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. These rights in land have generally been acquired through their mercantile business. It is a joke against them that the finery of the Agarwâla never wears out because it is taken so much care of. They are notorious for their dislike to horsemanship, and for the skill of their women in making vermicelli pastry and sweetmeats. The greatness of Agroha, their original settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan[20] that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant to recommence trade with advantage.

Distribution of Agarwâlas by the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Jainas.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

2,109

234

2,343

Sahâranpur

26,448

5,988

32,436

Muzaffarnagar

28,237

9,029

37,266

Meerut

37,792

16,307

54,099

Bulandshahr

26,272

1,053

27,325

Aligarh

16,083

9

16,092

Mathura

27,323

1,196

28,519

Agra

22,439

1,447

23,886

Farrukhâbâd

2,281

122

2,403

Mainpuri

2,350

157

2,507

Etâwah

2,048

137

2,185[25]

Etah

2,518

69

2,587

Bareilly

7,401

4

7,405

Bijnor

12,222

779

13,001

Budâun

1,968

3

1,971

Murâdâbâd

10,968

255

11,223

Shâhjahânpur

1,065

33

1,098

Pilibhît

2,255

11

2,266

Cawnpur

6,004

70

6,074

Fatehpur

543

543

Bânda

860

…

860

Hamîrpur

1,542

…

1,542

Allahâbâd

3,340

…

3,340

Jhânsi

3,482

14

3,496

Jâlaun

1,907

1,907

Lalitpur

119

119

Benares

2,833

3

2,836

Mirzâpur

1,920

…

1,920

Jaunpur

263

…

263

Ghâzipur

1,067

26

1,093

Ballia

510

…

510

Gorakhpur

1,539

40

1,579

Basti

277

277

Azamgarh

1,049

1,049

Kumâun

260

260

Garhwâl

1,755

1,755

Tarâi

1,348

36

1,384

Lucknow

2,831

422

3,253

Unâo

149

8

157[26]

Râê Bareli

140

23

163

Sîtapur

266

124

390

Hardoi

106

…

106

Kheri

276

…

276

Faizâbâd

1,022

…

1,022

Gonda

802

…

802

Bahrâich

292

30

322

Sultânpur

205

…

205

Partâbgarh

295

…

295

Bâra Banki

500

887

1,387

GRAND TOTAL

269,761

38,516

308,277

Agastwâr.—A sect of Râjputs found principally in Pargana Haveli of Benares. They claim to take their name from the Rishi Agastya, who appears to have been one of the early Brâhman missionaries to the country south of the Vindhya range, which he is said to have ordered to prostrate themselves before him.

Aghori, Aghorpanthi, Aughar.[21]—(Sanskrit aghora “not terrific,” a euphemistic title of Siva), the most disreputable class of Saiva mendicants. The head-quarters of the sect are at Râmgarh, Benares. The founder of it was Kinna Râm, a Râjput by caste, who was born at Râmgarh, and was a contemporary of Balwant Sinh, Râja of Benares. When he was quite a boy he retired to a garden near Benares and meditated on the problems of life and death. He became possessed of the spirit and his parents shut him up as a mad-man. When they tried to wean him from the life of an ascetic and marry him, he made his escape and retired to Jagannâth. Some time after he was initiated by a Vaishnava Pandit from Ghâzipur. Then he went to Ballua Ghât at Benares and began to practise austerities. Some time after one Kâlu Râm came from Girnâr Hill, and Kinna Râm attended on him for some years. One day he announced his intention of making a second pilgrimage to Jagannâth, when Kâlu said,—“If I bring Jagannâth before your eyes here will you give up [27]your intention?” Kinna Râm agreed, and then by his supernatural power Kâlu Râm did as he had promised to do. This shook the faith of Kinna Râm and he abandoned the Vaishnava sect and was initiated as a Saiva. From that time he became an Aughar or Aghori. Kâlu Râm gave him a piece of burning wood which he had brought from the Smasâna Ghât or cremation ground at Benares, and ordered him with this to maintain the perpetual fire. After this Kâlu Râm returned to Girnâr and Kinna Râm went to the garden where he had stayed at the opening of his life and erected a monastery there. He performed miracles and attracted a number of disciples out of his own tribe.

2. Some time after his own Guru who had initiated him into the Vaishnava sect came to see him. Kinna Râm directed him to go to Delhi, where a number of Sâdhus were then suffering imprisonment at the hands of the Muhammadan Emperor for their faith, and to procure their release by working miracles. The Guru went there and shared their fate. Long after when the Guru did not return Kinna Râm went himself to Delhi in order to effect his release. Kinna Râm, on his arrival, was arrested and sentenced to work on the flour-mills. He asked the Emperor if he would release him and the other Sâdhus, if he was able, by his miraculous power to make the mills move of themselves. The Emperor agreed and he worked the miracle. The Emperor was so impressed by his power that he released the Sâdhus and conferred estates on Kinna Râm. The Sâdhus whom he had released became his disciples, and he returned to Benares, where at Râmgarh he established the Aghori sect and became the first leader. He lived to a good old age, and was succeeded by one of the members elected by general vote of the society.

Form of initiation. 3. The form of initiation into the sect is as follows:—The candidate for initiation places a cup of liquor and a cup of bhang on the stone which covers the tomb of Kinna Râm. It is said that those who wish to become Aughars without losing caste drink only the bhang, while those who desire to be fully initiated drink both the bhang and spirits. Some say that when the candidate has perfect faith, the cups come to his lips of themselves. Then a sacrifice is performed in which various kinds of fruits are thrown into the fire which has been kept alight since it was first lighted by Kinna Râm, and an animal, usually a goat, is sacrificed. It is believed that the animal thus [28]sacrificed often comes to life again when the function is over. After this the hair of the candidate is moistened in urine, by preference that of the head of the sect, and shaved. Subsequently the candidate has to meditate on the precepts and teaching of Kinna Râm, which are recorded in a book known as the Bîjaka. Those who are illiterate have these read over to them by other Aughars. The initiation ceremony ends with a feast to all the disciples present, at which spirits and meat are distributed. This is followed by a probation term of twelve years, during which the initiated eats any kind of filthy food, the flesh of corpses being included. Their life is spent in drinking and smoking intoxicating drugs, and they are most abusive to those who will not give them alms. When they go to beg they carry a bottle either empty or full of spirits. They demand alms in the words Jây Kinna Râm ki (Glory to Kinna Râm). It is said that after leading this life for twelve years they abandon the use of spirits and only eat filthy food.

4. A great resort of this class of ascetics is the Asthbhuja hill near Bindhâchal in the Mirzapur District. According to Lassen, quoted by Mr. Risley,[22] the Aghoris of the present day are closely related to the Kapâlika or Kapâladhârin sect of the middle ages who wore crowns and necklaces of skulls and offered human sacrifices to Châmunda, a horrible form of Devi or Pârvati. In support of this view it is observed that in Bhavabhuti’s Drama of Mâlati Mâdhava, written in the eighth century, the Kapâlika sorcerer, from whom Mâlati is rescued, as she is about to be sacrificed to Châmunda, is euphemistically described as an Aghorakantha, from aghora, “not terrible.” The Aghoris of the present day represent their filthy habits as merely giving practical expression to the abstract doctrine of the Paramahansa sect of the Saivites that the whole universe is full of Brahma, and consequently that one thing is as pure as another. The mantra or mystic formula by which Aghoris are initiated is believed by other ascetics to be very powerful and to be capable of restoring to life the human victims offered to Devi and eaten by the officiating priest. Not long since a member of the sect was punished in Budaun for eating human flesh in public. Of the Panjab Mr. MacLagan[23] writes:—“The only real sub-division of the Jogis which are at all commonly recognised are the well-known sects of Oghar and Kanphattas. The Kanphattas, as their name denotes, [29]pierce their ears and wear in them large rings (mundra) generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of the novice are pierced by the Guru, who gets a fee of Re. 1–4–0. Among themselves the word Kanphatta is not used; but they call themselves Darshani or ‘one who wears an ear-ring.’ The Oghar, on the contrary, do not split their ears, but wear a whistle (nâdha) of wood, which they blow at morning and evening and before meals. Kanphattas are called by names ending in Nâth, and the names of the Oghar end in Dâs. The Kanphattas are the more distinctive sect of the two, and the Oghars were apparently either their predecessors or seceders from their body. One account says that the Kanphattas are the followers of Gorakhnâth, the pupil of Jalandharanâth, who sometimes appears in the legends as an opponent of Gorakhnâth. Another account would go further back and connect the two sects with a sub-division of the philosophy of Patanjali.” The difference between the Aughar and Aghori does not seem to be very distinct; the Aghori adds to the disgusting license of the Aughar in matters of food the occasional eating of human flesh and filth.

Distribution of Aghorpanthis and Aughars by the Census of 1891.[24]

DISTRICT.

Aughar.

Aghori including

Kinnarâmi.

TOTAL.

Dehrà Dûn

86

…

86

Muzaffarnagar

1,235

…

1,235

Meerut

1,646

…

1,646

Bulandshahr

49

…

49

Agra

32

13

45

Etah

8

…

8

Bijnor

821

…

821

Budâun

15

…

15

Morâdâbâd

52

…

52

Pilibhît

16

9

25

Cawnpur

…

8

8

Bânda

…

6

6

Hamîrpur

14

9

23

Allahâbâd

1

17

18

Jhânsi

2

…

2

Benares

186

…

186

Ghâzipur

9

100

109

Ballia

…

67

67

Gorakhpur

…

260

260

Basti

…

96

96

Azamgarh

7

…

7

Kumâon

5

…

5

Tarâi

54

…

54

Lucknow

6

29

35

Râî Bareli

…

3

3

Unâo

1

…

1

Sîtapur

12

…

12

Faizâbâd

…

13

13

Gonda

45

…

45

Sultânpur

15

…

15

GRAND TOTAL

4,317

630

4,947

[30]

Agnihotri.[25]—A class of Brâhmans who are specially devoted to the maintenance of the sacred fire. The number of such Brâhmans now-a-days is very limited, as the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure and the rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. They are seldom found among the Pancha Gaur Brâhmans, who are not devoted to the deep study of the Vedas; they are most numerous among the Pancha Drâvira or Dakshini Brâhmans. In one sense, of course, the offering of part of the food to fire at the time of eating is one of the five daily duties of a Brâhman; but the regular fire sacrifice is the special duty of the Agnihotri. In order to secure the requisite purity he is bound by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for any lengthened period; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his family; not to give much attention to worldly affairs; to speak the truth; to bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in the morning; to offer pindas to his deceased ancestors on the 15th of every month before he takes food; not to eat food at night; not to eat alkaline salt (khâri nimak), honey, meat, and inferior grain, such as urad pulse or the kodo millet; not to sleep on a bed, but on the ground; to keep awake most of the night and study the Shâstras; to have no connection with, or unholy thoughts regarding, any woman except his wife; or to commit any other act involving personal impurity.

2. In the plains there are three kinds of Agnihotris: first, hereditary Agnihotris; second, those who commence maintaining the sacred fire from the time they are invested with the Brâhmanical cord; and third, those who commence to do so later on in life. The proper time to begin is the time of investiture. If any one commence it at a later age, he has to undergo certain purificatory rites, and if subsequently the maintenance of the fire is interrupted, the ceremony of purification has to be undergone again. The ceremony of purification is of the kind known as Prajâpatya vrata, which is equal to three times the krichchhra, which latter lasts for four days, and consists in eating the most simple food once in the 24 hours; to eat once at night on the second day; not to ask for food, but to take what is placed before him; to eat nothing on the fourth day. This course, carried out for twelve days, constitutes [31]the Prajâpatya vrata. In default of this the worshipper has to give as many cows to Brâhmans as years have passed since his investiture. In default of this he must tell the gâyatri mantra ten thousand times for every year that has passed since he was invested. Or finally, if he can do none of these, he may place in the sacrificial pit (kunda) as many thousand offerings (âhuti) of sesamum (tila) as years have passed.

3. Agnihotri Brâhmans keep in their houses a separate room, in which is the pit at which the fire sacrifice is performed, and a second pit out of which is taken fire to burn the Agnihotri himself or any of his family when they die; besides these, a third pit is maintained from which fire is taken when it is required for ordinary household work. The first is known as the havaniya kunda, the second dagdha kunda, and the third, grâhya patya. The pit is one cubit in cubic measurement. All three are of the same dimensions. Around it is a platform (vedi), twelve finger breadths in width, and made of masonry or clay. One-third of it is coloured black, and is known as tama, “darkness” or “passion”; one-third, coloured red, is rajas, or “impurity,” and one-third, white, signifying sat, or “virtue.” Sometimes the pit is made in the form of the leaf of a pîpal tree and has the mouth in the shape of the yoni. In the morning the Agnihotri should place in the pit an oblation (âhuti) of ghi: this should be the product of the cow; if this be not procurable, it may be replaced with buffalo ghi, or that of the goat, sesamum oil, curds, milk, or, in the last resort, pottage (lapsi). On certain occasions an offering of rice-milk (khîr) is allowed. Some also offer incense.

4. The sacrifice is made in this way: First of all the pit should be swept with a bundle of kusa grass, and the ashes and refuse thrown into a pure place in the house facing the north-east; next the pit is plastered with cow-dung; then three lines are drawn in the middle with a stalk of kusa grass; from these lines three pinches of dust are collected and thrown towards the north-east. The pit and altar are then sprinkled with water from a branch of kusa grass. Fire is then kindled with the arani, or sacred drill, and lighted with wood of the sandal tree, or palâsa, which are also used for replenishing the fire. After this is performed the nândi srâddha, or commemorative offering to the manes preliminary to any joyous occasion, such as initiation, marriage, etc., when nine balls (pinda) are offered in threes—three to the deceased father, his father, and [32]grandfather; three to the maternal grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather; three to the mother, paternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. Water is then filled into the sacrificial vessel (pranîta), and twenty blades of kusa grass are arranged round the altar, so that the heads of all be facing the east. All the sacrificial vessels (pâtra) are arranged north of the pit and the altar. First of all the pranîta is so placed; then three blades of kusa grass; then another sacrificial vessel called the prokshani pâtra; then the âjya or ajyasthalipâtra, which holds the offering of ghi; after these the samârjana, or brush, the sruva, or sacrificial ladle, and the pûrna pâtra, another vessel. The vessels are purified with aspersion from a bunch of kusa grass dipped in water, after which the ghi is poured on the fire out of a bell-metal cup, and, with a prayer to Prajâpati, the fire is replenished with pieces of wood soaked in ghi.

5. Certain ceremonies (sanskâra) are incumbent on Agnihotris. On the fifteenth of every Hindu month they must perform the srâddha for their deceased ancestors: on the last day of every month they must do the srâddha and fire sacrifice (homa) every day during the four months of the rainy season. They must do the homa on a large scale: they must do the srâddha on the eighth day of both the fortnights in Sâwan and Chait: they must do a great fire sacrifice in Aghan and feed Brâhmans. Whenever a man begins to perform the fire sacrifice he always starts on the Amâvas, or fifteenth day of the month. There is a special elaborate ritual when an offering of rice-milk is made, in which sacred mortars and pestles and sacred winnowing fans are used with special mantras in extracting the rice from the husk.

The Agnihotris of the Hills. 6. Of these, Pandit Janardan Datta Joshi writes:—“They originally came from Gujarât, and are worshippers of the Sâma Veda. An Agnihotri commences fire worship from the date of his marriage. The sacred fire of the marriage altar is carried in a copper vessel to his fire-pit. This fire is preserved by a continual supply of fuel, and when the Agnihotri dies this fire alone must be used for his funeral pyre. He takes food once a day only and bathes three times. He must not eat meat, masûr pulse, the baingan, or egg-plant, or other impure articles of food. He never wears shoes: he performs the fire sacrifice (homa) daily with ghi, rice, etc., and recites the mantra of the Sâma Veda. The fire-pit which I have seen was forty feet long and fifteen broad, and is known as Agni Kunda. [33]He has to feed one Brâhman daily before he can take his food, and he eats always in the afternoon. Generally, the eldest son alone is eligible for this office, but other sons may practise it if they choose.

7. “The method of producing fire by the arani is as follows:—The base is formed of sami wood one cubit long, one span broad and eight finger breadths deep. In the block a small hole is made four finger breadths deep, emblematical of the female principle (sakti yoni). The middle arani is a shaft eighteen inches long and four finger breadths in diameter. An iron nail, one finger breadth long, is fixed to its end as an axis or pivot. The top arani, which is a flat piece of wood, is pressed on this nail, and two priests continue to press the bottom arani and maintain them in position. The point in the drill where the rope is applied to cause it to revolve, is called deva yoni. Before working the rope the gâyatri must be repeated, and a hymn from the Sâma Veda in honour of the fire god Agni. After repeating this hymn the fire produced by the friction is placed in a copper vessel, and powdered cowdung is sprinkled over it. When it is well alight it is covered with another copper vessel, and drops of water are sprinkled over it while the gâyatri is recited three times. The sprinkling is done with kusa grass. Again a Sâma Veda hymn in honour of Agni is recited. It is then formally consigned to the fire-pit. If the Agnihotri chance to let his fire go out he must get it from the pit of another Agnihotri, or produce it by means of the arani.”

Agrahari: Agrehri.—A sub-caste of Banyas found in considerable numbers in the Allahâbâd, Benares, Gorakhpur, Lucknow, and Faizâbâd divisions. They claim partly a Vaisya and partly a Brâhmanical descent, and wear the sacred cord. Their name has been connected with the cities of Agra and Agroha. Mr. Nesfield derives it from the agara or aloe wood, which is one of the many things which they sell. There is no doubt that they are closely connected with the Agarwâlas, and Mr. Nesfield suggests that the two groups must have been “sections of one and the same caste which quarrelled on some trifling question connected with cooking or eating, and have remained separate ever since.” Mr. Sherring remarks that they, unlike the Agarwâlas, allow polygamy, and Mr. Risley[26] suggests that if this be true it may [34]supply an explanation of the divergence of the Agraharis from the Agarwâlas. In Mirzapur they do allow polygamy, but with this restriction, that a man cannot marry a second wife in the lifetime of the first without her consent.

Internal organisation. 2. They have a large number of exogamous groups (gotra), the names of which are known only to a few of their more learned Bhâts. In Mirzapur they name seven—Sonwân; Payagwâr or Prayâgwâl; Lakhmi; Chauhatt; Gangwâni; Sethrâê; and Ajudhyabâsi. There are also the Purbiya or Purabiya, “those of the East;” Pachhiwâha, “those of the West,” and Nariyarha. To these Mr. Sherring adds, from Benares, Uttarâha, “Northern;” Tanchara; Dâlamau from the town of Dalmau, in the Râê Bareli District; Mâhuli from the Pargana of Mâhul, in Azamgarh; Ajudhyabâsi, from Ajudhya, and Chhiânawê, from a Pargana of the name in Mirzapur. In Mirzapur they regard the town of Kantit, near Bindhâchal, as their head-quarters. The levirate is recognised, but is not compulsory on the widow.

Religion. 3. Some of them are initiated in the Sri Vaishnava sect and some are Nânakpanthis. To the east of the Province their clan deities are the Pânchonpîr and Mahâbîr, and, as a rule, the difference of worship is a bar to intermarriage. Their family priests are Sarwariya Brâhmans. The use of meat and spirits is prohibited; but a few are not abstainers, and these do not intermarry with the more orthodox families.

Occupation. 4. They are principally dealers in provisions (khichari-farosh) and they have acquired some discredit as compared with their kinsfolk the Agarwâlas by not isolating their women and allowing them to attend the shop. They also specially deal in various sweet-smelling woods which are used in religious ceremonies, such as agara or aloe-wood and sandal-wood (chandana), besides various medicines and simples. The richer members of the caste are bankers, dealers in grain, etc., or pawnbrokers. All Banyas, but not Brâhmans, or Kshatriyas, will eat pakki from their hands; only low castes, like Kahârs or Nâis, will eat kachchi cooked by them, and they will themselves eat kachchi only if cooked by one of their own caste or by their Brâhman Guru. [35]

Distribution of the Agrahari Banyas according to Census, 1891.

DISTRICT.

Numbers.

Dehra Dûn

4

Meerut

26

Farrukhâbâd

1

Cawnpur

856

Fatehpur

5,708

Bânda

3,605

Allahâbâd

5,871

Benares

2,984

Mirzapur

6,354

Jaunpur

9,600

Ghâzipur

744

Ballia

11

Gorakhpur

6,106

Basti

17,256

Azamgarh

3,564

Lucknow

898

Unâo

42

Râê Bareli

7,439

Faizâbâd

9,713

Gonda

796

Bahrâich

88

Sultânpur

14,944

Partâbgarh

4,597

Bârabanki

21

TOTAL

1,01,228

Ahar.—A pastoral and cultivating tribe found principally in Rohilkhand along the banks of the Râmganga and west of that river. These tracts are familiarly known as Aharât. Sir H. M. Elliot[27] says that they smoke and drink in common with Jâts and Gûjars, but disclaim all connection with Ahîrs, whom they consider an inferior stock, and the Ahîrs repay the compliment. Ahars say that they are descended from Jâdonbansi Râjputs; but Ahîrs say that they are the real Jâdonbansi, being descended in a direct line from Krishna, and that Ahars are descended from the cowherds in Krishna’s service, and that the inferiority of Ahars is fully proved by their eating fish and milking cows. It seems probable that the name and origin of both tribes is the same. The Collector of Mathura reports that the names Ahîr and Ahar appear to be used indiscriminately, and in particular in most cases the Ahîr clans of Bhatti, Deswâr and Nugâwat appear to have been recorded as Ahars. To the east of the Province Ahar appears to be occasionally used as [36]a synonym for Aheriya, and to designate the class of bird-catchers known as Chiryâmâr.

2. At the last census the Ahars were recorded under the main sub-castes of Bâchar, or Bâchhar, Bhirgudi, Deswâr, Guâlbans, and Jâdubans. In the returns they were recorded under no less than 976 sub-castes, of which the most numerous in Bulandshahr are the Nagauri and Rajauliya; in Bareilly the Alaudiya, Baheriya, Banjâra, Bharthariya, Bhusangar, Bhijauriya, Dirhwâr, Mundiya, Ora, Rajauriya, and Siyârmâr, or “Jackal killers;” in Budâun the Alaudiya, Baisgari, Bareriya, Bhagrê, Chhakrê, Doman, Gochhar, Ghosiya, Kara, Kathiya, Mahâpachar, Mahar, Murarkha, Ora, Rahmaniyân, Rajauriya, Sakariya, Sansariya and Warag; in Morâdâbâd the Alaudiya, Bagarha, Baksiya, Bhadariya, Bhosiya, Chaudhari, Janghârê, Mahar, Nagarha, Ora, Rajauriya, Râwat, Saila and Sakoriya; in Pilibhît the Bharthariya and Dhindhor. The analogy of many of these with the Ahîrs is obvious, and many of the names are taken from Râjput and other sources.

3. In manners and customs they appear to be identical with the Ahîrs. They have traditions of sovereignty in Rohilkhand, and possibly enjoyed considerable power during the reign of the Tomars (700 to 1150 A. D).[28]

Distribution of the Ahars according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

SUB-CASTES.

TOTAL.

Bâchar.

Bhirgudi.

Deswâr.

Guâlbans.

Jâdubans.

Others.

Meerut

…

…

…

…

…

2,632

2,632

Bulandshahr

…

1,953

2

78

1,420

1,765

5,218

Etah

…

1,414

…

…

298

102

1,814

Bareilly

5,291

335

2,040

360

649

36,083

44,758

Bijnaur

…

…

…

…

…

3

3

Budâun

…

…

1,514

97

7

137,846

139,464

Morâdâbâd

…

60

2,163

203

712

31,913

35,051

Pilibhît

2,419

221

74

3,789

767

5,447

12,717

Kumâon

…

…

…

…

…

36

36

Tarâi

8

…

145

243

856

1,221

2,473

TOTAL

7,718

3,983

5,938

4,770

4,709

217,048

244,166

[37]

Ahban.—(Probably Sans. ahi, “the dragon,” which may have been the tribal totem.) A sept of Râjputs chiefly found in Oudh. Their first ancestors in Oudh are said to have been Gopi and Sopi, two brothers of the Châwara race, which ruled in Anhalwâra Pâtan of Gujarât. Of the Châwaras or Chauras, Colonel Tod writes[29]:—“This tribe was once renowned in the history of India, though its name is now scarcely known, or only in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. It belongs neither to the Solar nor to the Lunar race; and consequently we may presume it to be of Scythic origin. The name is unknown in Hindustân, and is confined with many others originating beyond the Indus to the peninsula of Saurâshtra. If foreign to India proper, its establishment must have been at a remote period, as we find individuals of it intermarrying with the Sûryavansa ancestry of the present princes of Mewâr when this family were the Lords of Ballabhi. The capital of the Châwaras was the insular Deobandar on the coast of Saurâshtra; and the celebrated temple of Somnâth, with many others on this coast, dedicated to Balnâth, or the Sun, is attributed to this tribe of the Sauras, or worshippers of the Sun; most probably the generic name of the tribe as well as of the peninsula. By a natural catastrophe, or, as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the element whose privileges he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As this coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though the abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of the Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punishment on the Châwaras. That it was owing to some such political catastrophe, we have additional grounds for belief from the Annals of Mewâr, which state that its princes inducted the Châwaras into the seats of the power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of Saurâshtra.” After describing their subsequent history Colonel Tod goes on to say:—“This ancient connection between the Sûryavansi chiefs and the Châwaras or Chauras of Saurâshtra is still maintained after a lapse of more than one thousand years, for, though an alliance with the Râna’s family is the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being the first in rank in Hindustân, yet is the humble Châwara sought out [38]even at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Râma. The present heir-apparent of a line of one hundred kings, prince Jovana Sinh, is the offspring of a Châwara woman, the daughter of a petty chieftain of Gujarât.”

2. These two leaders, Gopi and Sopi, are said to have come into Oudh shortly after the commencement of the Christian era. The former obtained the Pargana Gopamau, in Hardoi, and a descendant of the latter took possession of Pataunja, near Misrikh, in Pargana Nîmkhâr, of Sîtapur District. “This is the reputed residence of the Dryad Abbhawan, who is alleged to have given supernatural assistance to the Châwar chief, her favourite, who thenceforth took the name of Ahban. At any rate Pataunja became a centre of secular and religious power. A tribe of Kurmis and a gotra of Tiwâri Brâhmans have called themselves after Pataunja—a fact which tends to indicate that, although now a mere village, it was formerly the capital of a state possessing some independence.”[30] The Ahban race rose afterwards to great prosperity; “how great it is impossible to state, for of all Chhatri clans they are the most mendacious, and many plans for the advancement of individuals have been foiled by this defect of theirs. The sept labours under a superstitious aversion to build houses of brick or line wells with them.

3. Of the Ahbans General Sleeman writes[31]:—“No member of the Ahban tribe ever forfeited his inheritance by changing his creed; nor did any of them, I believe, change his creed except to retain his inheritance, liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off to separate those of the party who are Hindus from those who are Musalmâns. The Musalmâns have Musalmân names, and the Hindus have Hindu names, but they still go under the common patronymic name of Ahban. The Musalmâns marry into Musalmân families, and the Hindus into Hindu families of the highest class, Chauhân, Râthaur, Raikwâr, Janwâr, etc. Their conversion took place under Muhammad Farm ’Ali, alias Kâlapahâr, to whom his uncle Bahlol, king of Delhi, left Bahrâich as a separate inheritance a short time before his death, which occurred in 1488 A.D. This conversion stopped infanticide, as the Musalmân portion of the tribe would not associate with the Hindus who practised it.” [39]

4. In Sîtapur they generally supply brides to the Tomar and occasionally to the Gaur septs, while they marry girls of the Bâchhal, Janwâr, and occasionally of the Gaur. In Kheri their daughters many Chauhâns, Kachhwâhas, Bhadauriyas, Râthaurs, and Katheriyas, and their sons marry girls of the Janwâr, Punwâr, Bais Nandwâni or Bâchhal septs. In Hardoi their gotra is Garga, and they give brides to the Sômbansi, Chauhân, Dhâkrê and Râthaur septs, and take brides from the Dhâkrê, Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Râikwar and Bâchhal.

Distribution of the Ahban Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

1

Farrukhâbâd

125

Shâhjahânpur

116

Pilibhît

52

Bânda

1

Ballia

16

Lucknow

333

Râê Bareli

30

Sîtapur

998

Hardoi

2,413

Kheri

1,331

Bahrâich

71

Sultânpur

3

Partâbgarh

2

Bârabanki

520

TOTAL

6,012

Aheriya.[32]—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers, and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country.[33] At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and character the Aheriyas of [40]Aligarh and Etah seem to have little connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers and apparently Ahîrs.[34] In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces.[35] They trace their origin to Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers. In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in distress or discontented.

The Aligarh tradition. 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was one of the two sons of Brahma and [41]Satarûpa. According to the mythology he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans; thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting, and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or “sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.

Tribal council. 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat), constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.

Marriage rules. 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to [42]do her bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them. The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described, become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union. Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are not admitted to caste privileges.

Widow marriage. 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire (bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to his deceased brother. [43]

Birth ceremonies. 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed. Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts (mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans, and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.

Adoption. 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the age of ten.

Marriage ceremonies. 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan, consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives these things [44]to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga). Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes, or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends. The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth, and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire, and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away” of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room, where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur, or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa. Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are usually married in this way, which is known as dola.

Disposal of the dead. 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe, but this is not essential. After they bathe [45]they collect a little kusa grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha; but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the dead.

Ceremonial pollution. 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days. The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing and washing the hair of the head.

Religion. 11. Devi is their special object of worship, but Mekhâsur is the tribal godling. His name means “Ram demon,” but they can give no account of him. His shrine is at Gangîri, in the Atraula Tahsîl. He is worshipped on the eighth and ninth of Baisâkh, with sweets and an occasional goat. An Ahîr takes the offering. Zâhir Pîr is the well known Gûga. His day is the ninth of the dark half of Bhâdon, and his offering cloth, cloves, ghi and cash, which are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim. Miyân Sâhib, the saint of Amroha, in the Morâdâbâd District, is worshipped on Wednesday and Saturday with an offering of five pice, cloves, incense, and cakes, which are taken by the faqîrs who are the attendants (mujâwir) at his tomb. They also make a goat sacrifice known as kandûri, and consume the meat themselves. Jakhiya has a square platform at Karas, in the Iglâs Tahsîl, at the door of a sweeper’s hut. His day is the sixth of the dark half of Mâgh, and his offering is two pice and some betel and sweets. These are taken by the sweeper officiant. They also sometimes sacrifice a pig, and the sweeper rubs a little of the blood on the children’s foreheads in order to ward [46]off evil spirits. Barai is a common village godling. He is represented by a few stones under a tree; his offering is a chhakka or six cowries, some betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman Panda. This godling is the special protector of women and children. His days are the seventh of the light half of Chait and the seventh of the light half of Kuâr. Mâta, the small-pox goddess, and Masâni, the spirit of the burning ground, are represented by some stones placed on a platform under a tree. They are worshipped on the same days as Barai by women and children, and a Brâhman takes the offerings. Châmar also has his abode under a tree, and is worshipped on the first Monday of every Hindu month. His offering is a wheat cake; and a ram is offered in serious cases, and consumed by the worshippers. When cattle are sick or lose their milk, a little unboiled milk is poured on the shrine. Bûrha Bâba has his shrine at Chândausi, in the Khair Tahsîl. His day is the third of the light half of Baisâkh, and he is presented with cloth, betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman. Sâh Jamâl, who appears to be one of the Pânch Pîr, has a shrine near the city of Aligarh. The offerings here are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim.

Patron Saint. 12. Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, is a sort of patron saint of the tribe. According to the Aheriya legend Vâlmîki was a great hunter and robber. After he had taken many lives he one day met the saint Nârada Muni in the jungle. As he was aiming his arrow at the Rishi, Nârada asked him if he knew what a sin he was committing. At last Nârada convinced him of his wickedness and tried to teach him to say Râma! Râma! but for a long time he could get no nearer it than Mâra! Mâra! (Kill! kill!) Finally his devotion won him pardon, and he became learned enough to compose the Râmâyana. Hence he is the saint of the Aheriyas.

House worship. 13. Some make a house shrine dedicated to Mekhâsur in a room set apart for the purpose. Women regularly married are permitted to join in this worship, but unmarried girls and karâo wives are excluded. The sacrifices to these tribal godlings are done by some member of the family, not by a regular priest. In the case of Miyân Sâhib and Jakhiya they sometimes release the victim after cutting its ear; in all other cases the animal is killed, and the flesh eaten by the worshippers. Most of their festivals are those common to all Hindus, which will be often mentioned. There is a [47]curious survival of human sacrifice in the observance at the festival known as the Sakat Chauth, when they make the image of a human being of boiled rice, and at night cut it up and eat it. They venerate the pîpal tree, and have a special worship of the âonla (phyllanthus emblica) on the eleventh of the light half of Phâlgun. Women bow down before the tree and offer eight small cakes and water at noon. At the Nâgpanchami women draw pictures of snakes on the walls of their houses and throw milk over them. Men take milk to the jungle and place it near the hole of a snake. Their favourite tattoo mark is Sîtâ ki rasoi, or a representation of the cooking room of Sîta, which is still shown on the Chitra Kûta hill. Their chief oath is on the Ganges, and this is made more binding if the person taking it stands under a pîpal tree or holds a leaf of it in his hand.

Social rules. 14. They cannot eat or drink with any other caste; but they will eat kachchi cooked by Ahîrs, Barhais, Jâts, and Kahârs; they eat pakki, cooked by a Nâi, but he will not eat pakki cooked by them.

Industries. 15. Their industries are what might have been expected from their partially nomad life. Like the Musahar of the Eastern Districts they make the leaf platters which Hindus use at meals (see Bâri). They also collect reeds for basket-making, etc., honey and gum from the dhâk and acacia, which they sell in the towns. But the business which they chiefly carry on is burglary and highway robbery, and they are about the most active and determined criminals in the Province. A band of Aheriyas, arrested for committing a highway robbery on the Grand Trunk Road, gave the following account of themselves to Colonel Williams[36]:—“Our children require no teaching. At an early age they learn to steal. At eight or nine years of age they commence plundering from the fields, and as opportunities offer take brass vessels or anything they can pick up. So that by fifteen or sixteen they are quite expert, and fit to join in our expeditions. Gangs consist of from ten to twenty. Sometimes two gangs meet on the road and work together. I have known as many as forty in one highway robbery. Our leaders (Jamadâr) are elected for their skill, intelligence, and daring. A good Jamadâr has no lack of followers. The Jamadâr collects his band, gets an advance from Banyas to support his followers during the expedition, which money [48]is repaid with interest, and our families are never allowed to want while we are absent. We assemble in the village and start together, but disperse into parties of two or three to avoid observation, and generally state that we are Kâchhis, Lodhas, or even Râjputs, going to Benares on pilgrimage. We do this as our tribe has a bad name. We also avoid putting up at sarâis, and generally encamp 100 or 200 paces from the high road to watch travellers, carts, and vans passing. We all carry bludgeons, rarely weapons; one or two in the gang may have a sword. Our mode of proceeding in highway robberies is to look out for vans, carts, or camels laden with cloth: finding such as are likely to afford a booty, the members of the gang are warned to follow. The most expert proceed ahead to fix a spot for the attack. We have followed camels for three or four days before an opportunity offered. We commence by pelting the guards with pieces of limestone (kankar) or stones. This generally causes them to fly; but, if not, we assemble and threaten them with our bludgeons. If they still resist, we give up the attack. We, however, rarely fail, and at the first shower of kankar the guards all fly. If any of our gang are captured, it is the business of our Jamadâr to remain at hand, or depute some intelligent man of the band for this special duty: no expense is spared to effect their release. We find the Police readily accessible. If separated, we recognise each other by the jackal’s cry; but we have no peculiar terms or slang to distinguish each other. We take omens. Deer and the sâras crane on the right, jackals, asses, and white birds on the left, while proceeding on an expedition, are highly propitious. Unfavourable omens cause the expedition to be deferred until they become otherwise. On returning, if jackals, asses, and white birds appear on the left, or deer, sâras, or owls on the right, we rejoice exceedingly, and fear no evil. Some of our Jamadârs are so brave that they don’t care for omens. We dispose of our booty through middlemen (arhatiya), who sell it to the great Mahâjans. Of course they know it is plundered property from the price they give; and how could we have silk and fine linen for sale if not plundered? Our zamîndârs know we live by plunder, and take a fourth of the spoil. Sometimes they take such clothes as suit them. On returning from a highway robbery we use great expedition, travelling all night. During the day the plunder is concealed in dry wells; we disperse and hide in the fields. Two or three of the sharpest of the gang go to the nearest village for food, generally prepared food. We soon become [49]acquainted with all the sharp men on the road. One rogue readily finds a companion, and we thus get information of parties travelling and suitable booty. Though we pilfer and thieve wherever we can, we prefer highway robbery, as it is more profitable, and if the booty is cloth, easily disposed of. Always thieves by profession, we did not take to highway robbery till the great famine of 1833. Gulba and Suktua, Baheliyas, first opened the way for us, and taught us this easy mode of living. These two are famed men, and resided near Mirzapur, in Pargana Jalesar (now in the Etah District). The Baheliyas and Aheriyas of Mirzapur soon took a leading part, and were highly distinguished. They are noted among us as expert thieves and highway robbers.” Since this was written the Aheriyas have begun to use the railway in their expeditions, and are known to have made incursions as far as the Panjab, Central India, Bengal, and Bombay. The Etah branch of the tribe is under the provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act. Curiously enough they have escaped record at the last Census.

Distribution of Aheriyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Muzaffarnagar

125

Meerut

1,437

Bulandshahr

2,905

Aligarh

9,877

Mathura

765

Agra

4

Mainpuri

781

Bijnor

229

Morâdâbâd

481

Pilibhît

29

Hamîrpur

73

Benares

668

Mirzapur

6

Jaunpur

129

Lucknow

2,266

Faizâbâd

4

TOTAL

19,779

Ahîr[37]:—An important and widely-distributed caste of herdsmen and agriculturists, found in large numbers throughout the Province. According to the Brâhmanical tradition, as given by Manu, they are descended by a Brâhman from a woman of the Ambastha, [50]or tribe of physicians. “In the Brahma Purâna it is said that they are descended from a Kshatriya father and a woman of the Vaisya caste; but on the question of the descent of the various tribes, the sacred books, as in many other matters, differ very much from each other, and none are to be implicitly trusted. This pastoral tribe of the Yâdubansi stock was formerly of much greater consideration in India than it is at present. In the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata the Abhîras in the west are spoken of; and in the Purânik Geography, the country on the western coast of India, from the Tâpti to Devagarh is called Abhîra, or the region of cowherds. When the Kattis arrived in Gujarât, in the eighth century, they found the greater part of the country in the occupation of the Ahîrs. The name of Asirgarh, which Farishta and Khizâna Amîra say is derived from Asa, Ahîr, shows that the tribe was of some importance in the Dakkhin also, and there is no doubt that we have trace of the name in the Abiria of Ptolemy, which he places above Patalene. Ahîrs were also Râjas of Nepâl at the beginning of our era, and they are perhaps connected with the Pâla, or shepherd dynasty, which ruled in Bengal from the 9th to the latter part of the 11th century, and which, if we may place trust in monumental inscriptions, were for some time the universal rulers of India.”[38]

Origin of the tribe. 2. On the tribe to the east Mr. Risley writes[39]:—“The traditions of the caste bear a highly imaginative character, and profess to trace their descent from the god Krishna, whose relations with the milk-maids of Brindâban play an important part in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the tribe of Yâdavas, or descendants of Yadu, a nomadic race, who graze cattle and make butter, and are believed to have made an early settlement in the neighbourhood of Mathura. In memory of this tradition, one of their sub-castes, in the North-Western Provinces, is called Yadu, or Jâdubansi, to the present day. Another story, quoted by Dr. Buchanan, makes out the Guâlas to be Vaisyas, who were degraded in consequence of having introduced castration among their herds, and members of the caste who are disposed to claim this distinguished ancestor may lay stress upon the fact that the tending of flocks and herds is mentioned by the authorities among the duties of the Vaisya order. Taken as a whole, the Guâla traditions hardly can be said to do [51]more than render it probable that one of their earliest settlements was in the neighbourhood of Mathura, and that this part of the country was the centre of distribution of the caste. The large functional group known by the name Guâla seems to have been recruited not merely by the diffusion along the Ganges valley of the semi-Aryan Guâlas of the North-Western Provinces, but also by the inclusion in the caste of pastoral tribes who were not Aryans at all. These, of course, would form distinct sub-castes, and would not be admitted to the jus connubii with the original nucleus of the caste. The great differences of make and feature which may be observed among Guâlas seem to bear out this view, and to show that whatever may have been the original constituents of the caste, it now comprises several heterogeneous elements. Thus, even in a district so far from the original home of the caste as Sinhbhûm, we find Colonel Dalton remarking that the features of the Mathurâbâsi Guâlas are high, sharp and delicate, and they are of a light brown complexion. Those of the Magadha sub-caste, on the other hand, are undefined and coarse. They are dark-complexioned, and have large hands and feet. Seeing the latter standing in a group with some Sinhbhûm Kols, there is no distinguishing one from the other. There has, doubtless, been much intermixture of blood. These remarks illustrate both the processes to which the growth of the caste is due. They show how representatives of the original tribe have spread to districts very remote from their original centre, and how at the same time people of alien race who followed pastoral occupations have become attached to the caste, and are recognized by a sort of fiction as having belonged to it all along.”

3. Another account represents them to be the descendants of the Abars, one of the Scythian tribes who in the second or first century before Christ entered India from the north-west, or, and this is perhaps more probable, they are regarded as an old Indian or half-Indian race who were driven south before the Scythian invasion. That they were very early settlers in these Provinces and the neighbourhood is certain. The Nepâl legend[40] states that the Kirâtas obtained possession of the valley after expelling the Ahîrs. In the Hindu drama of the Toy-Cart,[41] the successful usurper who overthrows Pâlaka, King of Ujjain, is Aryaka, of the cowherd caste; and similarly in the Buddhist chronicles Chandragupta is described as a [52]cowherd of princely race. In Oudh they appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the Râjput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at Dalmau in the Râê Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal, who has been, in connection with that tribe shown to be mythical.[42] General Cunningham[43] assumes from the reference to them in Manu that they must certainly have been in India before the time of Alexander, and that as they are very numerous in the eastern districts of Mirzapur, Benares, and Shâhâbâd, they cannot possibly, like the Jâts and Gûjars, be identified with the Indo-Scythians, whose dominions did not extend beyond the Upper Ganges. It is merely a conjecture of Mr. Nesfield that the Kor or Kur sub-caste is derived from the Kols of the Vindhyan plateau.[44]

4. At the same time, as might have been expected, some of their traditions indicate a tendency to aspire to a higher origin than those which would associate them with menial tribes such as the Bhars. Thus in Bulandshahr[45] they claim to be Chauhân Râjputs. The Rohilkhand branch say that they came from Hânsi Hissâr about 700 years ago. In Gorakhpur the Bargaha sub-caste provide wet-nurses in Râjput families[46]: others call themselves Jâts and refer their origin to Bharatpur, while they call themselves Kshatriyas. There is again a very close connection between the Dauwa sub-caste and the Bundela Râjputs for whom they provide wet-nurses.[47] In Azamgarh[48] they claim to have been once Kshatriyas who ruled the country; in Mainpuri[49] they assert that they are descendants of Râna Katîra of Mewâr, who had been driven from his own country by an invasion of the Muhammadans and took refuge with Digpâla, Râja of Mahâban, whose daughter, Kânh Kunwar his son subsequently married, and by her became the ancestor of the Pâthak sub-caste. They are the highest clan in that part of the country, and there is a ridiculous legend in explanation of their name, that Râna Katîra was attacked by the King of Delhi, [53]and that out of the twelve gates (phâtak) of his capital only one held out to the end. When the enemy had retired, the Râna, in order to commemorate the signal bravery shown by the guard of the twelfth gate, issued a decree that they and their descendants should be for ever designated by the title of Pâthak or Phâtak.

Internal structure. 5. At the last Census the Ahîrs were recorded in eighteen main sub-castes—Benbansi, the offspring of Râja Vena, the famous sinner of the mythology; Bhirgudi; Dauwa; Dhindhor; Gaddi; Gamel; Ghorcharha, “riders on horses;” Ghosi, or “Shouters;” Gûjar; Guâlbans; Jâdubans, “of the Yâdava race;” Kamariha; Khunkhuniya; Kur; Nandabans, “of the race of Nanda,” the foster-father of Krishna; Pâthak; Rajauriya, and Râwat. The internal classification of the Ahîrs was very carefully worked out by Sir H. M. Elliot, who writes:—“There appear to be three grand divisions among them,—the Nandbans, the Jâdubans and the Guâlbans, which acknowledge no connection except that of being all Ahîrs. Those of the Central Duâb usually style themselves Nandbans; those to the west of the Jamuna and the Upper Duâb, Jâdubans; and those in the Lower Duâb and Benares, Guâlbans. The latter seem to have no sub-divisions or gotras. The principal gotras of the Nandbans are Samarphalla, Kishnaut, Bhagta, Bilehniya, Diswâr, Nagauwa, Kanaudha, Dûnr, Râwat, Tenguriya, Kur, Kamariya, Barausiya, Mujwâr, Dahima, Nirban, Kharkhari, Dirhor, Sitauliya, Jarwariya, Barothi, Gonda and Phâtak—amounting in all to eighty-four. In Bighoto, besides many of these there are the Molak, Santoriya, Khosiya, Khalliya, Loniwâl, Aphariya or Aphiriya, Maila, Mhaila, Khoro, Sesotiya, Gandwâl, Gird, Bhamsara, Janjariya, Kankauriya and Niganiya, amounting in all to sixty-four. Many of the two last-named clans have been converted to the Muhammadan faith, and are known as Rângars. The two villages whence they derive their name are celebrated in local legends for turbulence and contumacy.

Dihli ten paintîs kos Kanhaur Nigâna; Apni boi âp khâen, hâkim ne na den dâna.—“Thirty-five kos from Delhi are Kanhaur and Nigâna. There the people eat what they sow, and do not give a grain to the Government.”

6. Amongst these the Khoro rank first; but their claim to superiority is denied by the Aphiriya, who have certainly in modern times attained the highest distinction. They all, including the [54]Khoro, intermarry on terms of equality, avoiding, like all other Ahîrs, only the four gotras nearest related. A man, for instance, cannot marry into his father’s, mother’s paternal or maternal gotras; and no intermarriages take place between distant clans. Thus those of the Duâb and Bighoto hold little or no personal intercourse, and each declares the other an inferior stock.”

7. In Agra we find the Guâlbans, Nandbans, Kamariha and Ghusiya. The Nandbans call themselves the offspring of Nanda, the foster-father of Krishna, and the Guâlbans say that they are descended from the Gopis who danced with the god in the woods of Brindâban and Gokul. The Nandbans women wear bangles (chûri) of glass (kâncha) and white clothes. Those of the Guâlbans wear bangles of lac and coloured or embroidered dresses. All of them, at the time of marriage, except the Ghusiya, wear a nuptial crown (maur) made of paper. That of the Ghusiyas is made of the leaves of the palm (khajûr). The Kamariya sub-caste have a curious custom of hanging up cakes made of wheat-flour in the marriage pavilion while the ceremony is going on. All of them admit widow marriage, and these sub-castes are strictly endogamous. In Cawnpur the sub-castes are Nandbans, Jâdubans, Kishnaut, Kanaujiya, Ghosi, Guâlbans and Illahâbâsi, or residents of Allahâbâd. In the east of the Province there is a different set of sub-castes. Thus in Mirzapur they are divided into the Churiya Guâl, who are so called because their women wear bangles (chûri); Mathiya, who wear brass rings (mâthi); Kishnaut; Maharwa, or Mahalwa; Dharora; Bhurtiya; and Bargâhi. The Kishnaut sub-caste allege that it was among them that the infant Krishna was nursed. The Maharwas or Mahalwas tell the following story to account for their name:—“Once upon a time there lived an Ahîr at Agori, the famous fortress of the Chandel Râjputs, on the river Son. He was rich and devoted to gambling. The Râja of Agori also loved the dice. One day they were playing, when the Ahîr lost all his property, and, finally, staked his unborn child. He lost this also. When the Ahîr’s wife brought forth a girl the Râja claimed her, and the Ahîr was called Maharwa, because his daughter had to enter the harem (mâhal) of the Râja.” Another version of the legend connects it with the celebrated Lorik cycle. The Ahîr maiden is said to have been saved by the hero, and took the name of Maharwa because she was saved from the harem.

8. Another legend tells the origin of the Bhurtiyas in this way:—“Once upon a time Sri Krishna blew his flute in the forest and all [55]the girls of Brindâban rushed to meet him. They were so excited at the prospect of meeting him that they did not wait to adjust their dress or jewelry. One of them appeared with brass rings (mâthi) on one wrist and lac bangles (chûri) on the other; so she was called by way of a joke Bhurtiya or ‘careless,’ and the name has clung to her descendants ever since.” In memory of this the women of this sub-caste wear both kinds of ornaments.

9. Bargâhi is said, again, in Persian to mean “one who attends a royal court,” and the name is derived from the fact that the women of this sub-caste used to serve as wet-nurses in the families of noblemen. Among these the Churiya and Maharwa intermarry; all the others are endogamous.

10. The detailed Census returns enumerate no less than 1,767 varieties of Ahîrs. Of these, those most largely represented are—in Bulandshahr, the Bhatti, Nirban and Ahar; in Aligarh, the Chakiya, Garoriya; in Mainpuri, the Girdharpuriya and Tulasi; in Etah, the Barwa, Bharosiya, Deswâr, Dholri, Kanchhariya, and Siyarê; in Bareilly, the Chaunsathiya or “sixty-fours;” in Morâdâbâd, the Deswâr; in Shâhjahânpur, the Bâchhar, which is the name of a well-known Râjput sept, Bakaiya, Birhariya, Chanwar, Darswâr, Dohar, Kharê, Katha, Katheriya, Manhpachchar, Râna, Rohendi and Sisariya; in Cawnpur, the Darswâr and Sakarwâr, the latter of which is the title of a Râjput sept; in Fatehpur, the Raghubansi; in Bânda, the Bharauniya; in Hamîrpur, the Rautela; in Jhânsi, the Gondiya, Mewâr and Rautela; in Mirzapur, the Kishnaut; in Ballia, the Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, Majraut; in Gorakhpur, the Bargâh, Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, and Majnûn; in Basti, the Kanaujiya; in Lucknow, the Raghubansi; in Unâo, the Gel, Gokuliya, and Guâlbansi; in Sîtapur, the Râjbansi; in Hardoi, the Kauriya; in Sultânpur, the Dhuriya; in Partâbgarh, the Sohar; in Bârabanki, the Bâchhar, Dharbansi, Muriyâna and Râjbansi.

The Lorik legend. 11. No account of the Ahîrs would be complete without some reference to the famous tribal legend of Lorik, which is most popular among them and is sung at all their ceremonies. There are various recensions of it, and it is most voluminous and embodies a number of different episodes. In what is, perhaps, the most common form of the legend, Siudhar, an Ahîr of the East country, marries Chandain, and is cursed with the loss of all passion by Pârvati. His wife forms an attachment for a neighbour named Lorik and elopes with him. The husband pursues, fails to induce her to return, and fights Lorik, by whom he [56]is defeated. The pair then go on and finally meet Mahâpatiya, a Dusâdh, the chief of the gamblers. He and Lorik play till the latter loses everything, including his mistress. She urges that her jewels did not form part of the stake, and induces them to try another throw of the dice. She stands opposite Mahâpatiya and distracts his attention by exposing her person to him. Finally Lorik wins everything back. The girl then tells Lorik how she had been insulted by the low-caste man, who saw her exposed, and Lorik with his two-maund sword cuts off the gambler’s head, when it and his body were turned into stone, and are to be seen to this day. Lorik and Chandain then continued their wanderings, and he attacks and defeats the King of Hardui near Mongir. The Râja is afterwards assisted by the King of Kalinga, defeats Lorik, and imprisons him in a dungeon, whence he is released by the intercession of the goddess Durga, recovers the kingdom and his mistress Chandain, and after some years of happiness returns to his native land.

12. Meanwhile the brother of Lorik, Semru, had been attacked and killed by the Kols and all his cattle plundered. Lorik takes a bloody revenge from the enemy. Before he left home with Chandain, Lorik had been betrothed to an Ahîr girl named Satmanain, who by this time had become a handsome woman, who lived in the hope that Lorik would some day return and claim her. Lorik was anxious to test her fidelity, and when he came near home, concealed his identity. When she and the other woman came to sell milk in his camp he laid down a loin cloth at the entrance. All the other women stepped over it, but such was the delicacy of Satmanain that she refused. Lorik was pleased, and, without her knowledge, filled her basket with jewels, and covered them over with rice. When she returned, her sister found the jewels, and taxed her with receiving them as the price of her honour. She indignantly denied the accusation, and the son of Semru, the dead brother of Lorik, set out to avenge on him the insult to his aunt. Finally, the matter was cleared up, and Lorik reigned for many years in happiness with his wives Chandain and Satmanain. But the god Indra determined to destroy his virtue, and he induced Durga to take the form of his mistress and tempt him. When he gave way to the temptation and touched her she struck him so that his face turned completely round. Overcome by grief and shame he went to Kâsi (Benares), and there they were all turned into stone, and sleep the sleep of magic at the Manikarnika Ghât.[50] [57]

Marriage rules. 13. As has been already said, the sub-castes are endogamous. To the west the gotra system is in full force and marriage is barred in the four gotras of father, mother, grand-father, and grand-mother. To the east few of the rural Ahîrs seem to know anything about their gotras. They will not marry in a family to which a sister has been given in marriage until three generations have passed. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, “the Brâhmanical gotras are unknown, and marriage among the Guâlas is regulated by a very large number of exogamous groups (mûl) of the territorial type. In some places where the existing mûls have been found inconveniently large, and marriage has been rendered unduly difficult, certain mûls have broken up into purukhs or sub-sections. Where this has taken place a man may marry within the mûl, but not within the purukh, the smaller and more convenient group.” He goes on to explain at length how this rule of exogamy works in practice, and how it is necessary to supplement it by the standard formula of exogamy common to many of the lower tribes. Of this elaborate system no trace has been found as yet among the western Ahîrs, but it is quite possible that further local enquiry may supply examples of this, or some analogous rule of exogamy prevailing in these Provinces.

Tribal council. 14. The internal affairs of the caste are managed by a panchâyat or tribal council. As an instance of its working, in Mirzapur it is presided over by a permanent chairman (chaudhari) and, as a rule, meets only on the occasion of weddings and funeral ceremonies, when current business is brought before it. The cases usually heard are connected with immorality, eating with a prohibited caste, and family disputes about inheritance and property. The accused person during the hearing of the case is not allowed to sit on the tribal mat with his brethren. The president uses the members only as assessors, and after enquiry announces the decision. A person found guilty of immorality is usually fined eight rupees, and has to supply two feasts for the brethren. Out of the fine the chairman receives one rupee, and the rest is spent in purchasing vessels and other furniture for use at the meetings. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with a woman of the tribe, he is fined only one rupee and has to give two dinners to the brotherhood. Any one who disobeys the orders of the chairman is beaten with shoes in the presence of the council and is excluded from all caste privileges [58]until he submits. Instances of the contempt of the orders of the council are seldom heard of.

Marriage. 15. To the west of the Province polygamy is allowed, but it is discouraged. In Mirzapur it is said to be prohibited without the express sanction of the council, which is given only in exceptional cases, such as the hopeless illness or barrenness of the first wife, and if a man ventures to take a second wife without sanction, he is very severely dealt with. There seems to be very little doubt that along the banks of the Jumna polyandry prevails in the fraternal form. That it does exist among some of these tribes is shown by the common saying, Do khasam ki joru chausar ki got (“The wife of two husbands is no better than a draught in backgammon”). Among the Ahîrs of this part of the country it has doubtless originated in the custom of one member of the family remaining away grazing cattle often for a long time. It is very difficult to obtain information about it, as, wherever it exists, the custom is strongly reprobated. The eastern Ahîrs agree in denying its existence, and express the utmost horror at the very idea of such a family arrangement.

16. Marriage, except among the very poorest members of the caste, takes place in infancy. As an example of the arrangements the customs in the Mirzapur District may be described. The match is generally settled by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father or by the brother-in-law of the latter. In all cases the assent of the parents on both sides is essential. The father of the boy pays as the bride price two rupees in cash, two garments, and five sers of treacle and salt. No physical defect, which was disclosed at the time of the betrothal, is sufficient to invalidate the marriage. A husband may put away his wife for habitual infidelity; but a single lapse from virtue, provided the paramour be a member of the caste, is not seriously regarded. Widow marriage is permitted as well as the levirate; but if the widow does not take up with the younger brother of her late husband, she usually marries a widower. Children of virgin brides and widows married a second time rank equally for purposes of inheritance; but it has been judicially decided[51] that an Ahîr, the offspring of an adulterous connection, is incapable of inheriting from his father. At widow marriage there is no regular ceremonial; the bridegroom merely [59]goes to the woman’s guardian with two rupees and a sheet on a day fixed by the village Pandit. He pays the bride price and the woman is dressed in the sheet. He eats that night with her family, and next morning takes his wife home, and she is recognized as a duly married woman after the brotherhood have been feasted. If she marry outside the family of her late husband, his estate devolves on his sons by her first marriage; if there be no sons, to the brothers of her late husband. If she marry her husband’s younger brother, he acts as guardian of his nephews and makes over to them the property of their father when they arrive at the age of discretion. There is no fiction of attributing the children of the second to the first husband.

Adoption. 17. Adoption prevails; and, as long as there is a sister’s son available for adoption, no other relative can be selected. A man may adopt, if his only son is disqualified from succession by being permanently excluded from caste, or if he have lost his faith (dharm). Adoption, while a son is alive, is forbidden. A widower may adopt, but it is forbidden in the case of a woman, a bachelor, or a man who is blind, impotent, or crippled. A widow can adopt only with the express permission of her late husband, and not if her husband have adopted a son during his lifetime. A man may adopt his nephew at any age; but in the case of an outsider the child adopted must not be more than twelve years of age. The boy adopted must, in any case, be of the same gotra as his adoptive father. The adoption of a sister’s son is prohibited; as a rule a man adopts the son of his brother or daughter. Adoption is performed in the presence of and with the advice and approval of, the assembled brethren. The man and his wife take their seats in the assembly, and the wife takes the boy into her lap and acknowledges him as her own child. A distribution of food or sweetmeats follows and concludes the ceremony. There is no custom analogous to Beena marriage recognised where the bridegroom is taken into the household of his father-in-law and serves for his bride. They follow, as a rule, the Hindu law of succession.

Domestic ceremonies. Birth. 18. There are no observances during pregnancy. When the child is born the Chamârin midwife is called in; she cuts the umbilical cord and buries it on the spot where the birth occurred, lighting a fire and fixing up a piece of iron—a guard against evil spirits. The mother [60]gets no food that day, and next morning she is dosed with a mixture of ginger, turmeric and treacle. The Chamârin attends for six days, and after bathing the mother and child she is dismissed with a present of two-and-a-half sers of grain and two annas in cash. Then the barber’s wife attends, who cuts the nails of the mother and child and dyes the soles of their feet with lac. The purification of the confinement room is done by the sister of the father of the child, who gets a present for the service. The father does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her delivery.

Marriage ceremonies. 19. The following describes a marriage as carried out in the Mirzapur District. When the match is settled the father of the boy pays a visit to the girl’s father to make the final preparations. Next follows the betrothal (sa’at), which is carried out on a day fixed by the Pandit, who gets a fee of two annas. The father of the boy goes to the house of the bride with the bride price already described, pays it over, eats there, and returns next morning. Next follows the matmangar or collection of the sacred earth, which is done exactly as in the case of the Dravidian Bhuiyas, in the article on which tribe the ritual is described. When the earth is brought back to the house it is placed under the sacred water vessel (kalsa) near the pole of siddh wood fixed up in the centre of the marriage shed. This vessel is decorated with lumps of cowdung stuck in a line all round it, and over these grains of barley are sprinkled. The mouth is filled with mango leaves, and over them is placed an earthen saucer (kosa) full of the sânwân millet or barley. When this is completed all the women present are given some parched grain, which they receive in the part of their sheet covering the breast.

20. When this is over the anointing (telhardi) of the bride and bridegroom commences. This goes on every evening till the day before the wedding (Bhatwân). Next morning the boy is bathed by the barber, and the water is carefully kept for use in bathing the bride. The boy is dressed in a yellow loin cloth and a red turban and coat, when his mother takes him in her lap and five unmarried boys make him chew some cakes folded up in mango leaves. Then he spits on the palm of his mother’s hand and she licks it up, when the father and mother, with their hands covered with a cloth so that no one may see them, grind some urad pulse on the family curry stone (sil). This is made into lumps and offered to the [61]sainted dead of the household with the prayer “Come and help us to bring the marriage to a successful issue!” Then the boy gets into the litter, while his mother waves a pestle over his head to drive off evil spirits. When the litter is raised the mother is obliged to creep beneath it, and as she attempts to do so the Kahârs put it down, and will not raise it until they receive a present. This present is called pilâi or “a drink.” It is customary with them that the procession should reach the house of the bride after nightfall, a survival of marriage by capture. They then go to the house of the headman of the village and present him with five chhatânks of betel-nut and curd—a possible sign of the commutation of the jus prima noctis, but more probably one of the ordinary dues taken by the village landlord at marriages. They stay some time at his door and dance and sing their own tribal song, the birha. Then they go to the reception place (janwânsa), which is usually arranged under a tree near the village. Then the bride’s barber appears and washes the feet of the party, and a relative of the bride comes and feeds five boys of the gotra of the bridegroom with him on curds and treacle. After this the boy’s father sends to the bride the water in which the bridegroom had been washed; in this she gets the marriage bath. This done the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and is received at the door by the mother of the bride, who waves over his head a piece of dough, on which is laid a silver coin and a lighted lamp. This is the parachhan ceremony, and is intended to scare away the evil spirits, which are most to be dreaded at any crisis of life such as marriage. Then the barber’s wife brings out the bride, who is seated on the thigh of her father. The pair worship Gauri and Ganesa, of whom flour images are made. The father then gives away his daughter in the regular kanyâdân form, holding a bunch of kusa grass, water, and rice, in his right hand. Then the bridegroom first performs the emblematical marriage with the siddh tree forming the central pole of the marriage shed, and he then marks the parting of the bride’s hair. The pair next make five circuits round the siddh tree, and the ceremony ends with a salute to the officiating Brâhman.

21. Next the bridegroom walks with the bride into the retiring room (kohabar), an obvious survival of the custom still prevailing among some of the Dravidian tribes, where consummation follows immediately on the marriage ceremony. The sister-in-law of the bride attempts to obstruct his passage, and he is obliged to carry in [62]the bride by force. The walls of the retiring room are decorated with rude drawings in red, of elephants and horses. Over these the bridegroom is made to pour a little butter. Then the women crack jokes with the boy. Pointing to a rice pestle they say “That is your father! Salute him!” and taking up a lamp they say, “That is your mother! Salute her!” On this he breaks the lamp with the pestle. Then the knot joining the clothes of the pair is opened and the boy returns to his own party.

22. Next morning the bridegroom is brought with two or three other boys to go through the confarreatio or khichari rite. When he is asked to eat in the house of the bride he holds out for some time, and will not touch the food until he gets a present from his father-in-law; then his party are feasted. Next morning the boy goes again into the marriage shed, and his mother-in-law, as before, waves a pestle over his head and gives him a present. This done, his father shakes one of the poles of the shed and receives a present for so doing, which is known as mânro hilâi. On this, the relations on both sides embrace, and the wedding party start for home. If the bride be nubile she accompanies her husband; if not, in the first, third, or fifth year there is the gauna, when she is brought to the house of her husband. After the party return, a burnt offering (hom) is made in honour of the village godlings (dih), and the barber’s wife takes the marriage jar (kalsa) to a neighbouring stream, where she washes it, and then, filling it with water, pours the contents over the head of the mother of the bridegroom, and asks her if she feels refreshed, meaning thereby if she is satisfied with the marriage of her son. Of course she says that she is satisfied, and blesses him and his wife.

Death ceremonies. 23. The married dead are cremated; children and those who die of epidemic disease are buried. The cremation is carried out in the orthodox way. After it is over the chief mourner plants by the side of a river, or tank, a bunch of the jurai grass, as an abode for the soul until the funeral rites are completed. He cooks for himself, and daily places on a dung-hill a leaf platter (dauna) full of food for the ghost of the dead man. On the tenth day he throws into a tank ten balls of rice boiled in milk (khîr) in honour of the dead. During this the Brâhman repeats texts; and the relatives, after shaving, come home and offer a burnt offering. Clothes, vessels, a cow, and other articles are given to a Mahâbrâhman in the belief that they will pass for the use of the dead man in the next world. [63]

Religion. 24. Ahîrs are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any of the regular sects. To the east of the Province they worship, by preference, Mahâdeva. They also worship the Pânchonpîr and Birtiya. The latter, they say, was one of their forefathers, who fell in some fight at Delhi. He is worshipped in the month of Sâwan, or at the Holi festival, with a burnt offering, which is made either in the courtyard of the house where the churn is kept, or in the cow-house. They also pour spirits on the ground in his honour. They worship the Pânchonpîr during the Naurâtri or first nine days of Chaitra. Birtiya is regarded as the special guardian of cattle. The only one of the regular pantheon, to whom they offer regular sacrifices, is the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Vindhyâchal, to whom they occasionally sacrifice a goat. In other parts of the Province they seem, as a rule, to worship Devi. They are served by Brâhmans of all the ordinary priestly classes.

Worship of Kâsinâth. 25. To the east of the province the worship of Kâsinâth is very popular. In most of their villages there is a man who is supposed to be possessed by this deity, who is generally a young, strong man, who lets his hair grow. Once or twice a year Kâsinâth “comes on his head,” as the phrase is. Then he begins to move his hands and shakes his head, and in this state utters prophecies of the prospects of the crops and other matters affecting the village. Then they all assemble in some open ground, outside the village, and arrange for the worship of the godling. They light several fires in a row, and on each a pot of milk is set to boil. Opposite these a pile of parched barley (bahuri) is collected. As soon as the milk begins to boil over, the man possessed of the spirit of Kâsinâth, rushes up and pours the contents of all the pots in succession over his shoulders. It is said that he is never scalded. The rite concludes with the distribution of the barley among the congregation.

Worship of Bîrnâth. 26. In parts of the Mirzapur District, south of the River Son, you may notice, on the side of the road, here and there, a little platform (chaura), with one, three or five rude wooden images, about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face and head at the top. These fetish posts are quite black with a continual application of oil or ghi. This is the shrine of Bîrnâth, the Ahîr cattle godling. He was an Ahîr, who, according to some, was killed by a tiger, and he has now [64]become a godling, and is worshipped by the Ahîrs of the jungle as the protector of cattle. People make occasional vows to him in seasons of sickness or distress, but his special function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no special feast day, but is presented with occasional offerings of rice, milk, and cakes. The worshipper first bathes; then fresh plasters the platform of the godling, and deposits his offering upon it and says “Bîrnâth Bâba keep our cattle safe, and you will get more!” This worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle disease is prevalent. The curious point about the worship is that it is part of the faith of the aboriginal tribes, with whom the connection of the Ahîrs cannot be very close. Thus Mr. S. Hislop[52] writes:—“In the south of the Bhandâra District the traveller frequently meets with squared pieces of wood, each with a rude figure carved in front, set up somewhat close to each other. These represent Bangarâma, Bangara Bai, or Devi, who is said to have one sister and five brothers, the sister being styled Danteswari (“she with the teeth”), a name of Kâli, and four out of the five brothers being known by the names of Ghantarâma, Champarâma, Nâikrâma and Potlinga. These are all deemed to possess the power of sending disease and death upon men, and under these or different names seem to be generally feared in the region east of the city of Nâgpur. I find the name of Bangara to occur among the Kols of Chaibasa, where he is regarded as the god of fever, and is associated with Gohem, Chondu, Negra and Dechali, who are considered respectively the gods of cholera, the itch, indigestion, and death. Bhîm Sen, again, is generally adored under the form of two pieces of wood, standing from three to four feet in length above the ground, like those set up in connection with Bangarâma’s worship.” There can be little doubt that from this form of worship the cultus of Bîrnâth has been developed. The quintette of the brethren may be a reminiscence of the Pândava legend, on which much of the Pânchonpîr cycle is possibly based.

Festivals. 27. The Ahîrs observe the usual Hindu festivals, particularly the Holi, which is the occasion for much drinking and rude horse play. They have a special observance, which takes place a few days after the Diwâli, [65]which is known as the Dâng or “club” Diwâli, or the Gobardhana, when the representation of images of the cattle of Krishna are worshipped, and the herdsmen go round singing, playing, and dancing, and collect money from the owners of the cattle they tend. Connected with this is the Sohrâi, which takes place on the fifteenth of Kârttik, when a cow is made to run or dance. Sometimes a young pig is made to squeak near her calf, and the mother, followed by the whole herd, pursue it and gore it to death. Sometimes, according to Mr. Christian,[53] this cruel sport is humanely varied by dragging a large gourd or a black blanket, at which the cows run to butt. Hence the proverb Bûrh gâê sohrâi ke sâdh—“An old cow, and longing to take part in the Sohrâi.”

Social position and occupation. 28. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with all Brâhmans; pakki, with Râjputs and Banyas, and drink and smoke with none but members of their own caste. In Mirzapur they drink water from the hands of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and all Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. They will eat Kachchi cooked by a Brâhman, but only if they are well acquainted with him. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, they rank with Kurmis and similar castes, from whose hands a Brâhman can drink water. Towards Delhi, Sir H. M. Elliot states, that they eat, drink, and smoke in common, not only with Jâts and Gûjars, but also under a few restrictions with Râjputs. In other places Râjputs would indignantly repudiate all connection with Ahîrs. In rural belief the Ahîr is a boor, faithless, greedy, and quarrelsome. Like Gadariyas and Gûjars, they are naturally dwellers in the jungle—

Ahîr, Gadariya, Gûjar,

Ye tînon châhen ûjar.

The other local proverbs are not much more complimentary to them—Ahîr se jab gun niklê, jab bâlu se ghi—“You can as soon get good out of an Ahîr as butter from sand”; “Blood out of a stone.” Ahîr dekh Gadariya mastâna—“If the Gadariya gets drunk he learns it from the Ahîr.” Ahîr ka pet gahir, Brâhman ka pet madar—“The Ahîr’s belly is deep, but the Brâhman’s a bottomless pit.” Ahîr ka kya jajmân, aur lapsi ka kya pakwân—“As soon be an Ahîr’s client as hold gruel a dainty.” His primary business is the tending of cattle and making of ghi, and [66]selling milk. He is not above the suspicion of adulterating his ghi with substances which are an abomination to orthodox Hindus or Musalmâns. As a cultivator he does not take a high place, as he depends more on his cattle than on his field, and in some places he is not free from the suspicion of cattle stealing. [67] [68]

Distribution of Ahîrs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

SUB-CASTES.

TOTAL.

Benbansi.

Bhirgudi.

Dauwâ.

Dhindhor.

Gaddi.

Gamel.

Ghorcharha.

Ghosi.

Gûjar.

Guâlbans.

Jâdubans.

Kamariha.

Khunkhuniya.

Kur.

Nandbans.

Pâthak.

Rajauriya.

Râwat.

Others.

Dehra Dûn

…

…

…

…

3

25

…

1

…

1,782

103

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

371

2,285

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

11

…

…

…

…

…

2,594

3,241

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

151

5,997

Muzaffarnagar

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

246

307

…

…

…

38

22

…

…

382

995

Meerut

463

…

…

…

…

…

…

139

…

3,180

12,841

…

…

…

463

…

…

…

1,413

18,499

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

…

8

…

…

289

…

165

3,539

…

…

…

618

…

…

…

4,779

9,398

Aligarh

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

753

…

327

8,977

…

…

…

5,840

…

…

4

13,149

29,050

Mathura

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

50

…

884

1,557

1

…

…

2,716

17

…

…

946

6,171

Agra

…

8

2

…

…

…

…

1,474

5

979

627

59

…

…

29,778

62

…

42

1,640

34,676

Farrukhâbâd

…

12,884

…

…

…

…

1,133

48,703

32

4,460

407

4,202

35

30

6,753

801

3,775

168

2,520

85,903

Mainpuri

…

1

4

…

…

28

…

69,554

…

99

27

48,392

14

1

5,833

6,406

7,984

34

2,532

1,40,909

Etâwah

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

29,504

…

941

4

53,078

…

…

5,571

…

…

…

1,691

90,789

Etah

…

2,875

…

218

…

…

…

23,973

…

621

470

14,572

…

2,153

23,434

160

…

2,197

8,234

78,907

Bareilly

…

1

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

38

816

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

5,316

6,171

Bijnor

…

…

…

…

…

…

7

…

…

239

5,182

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

248

5,676

Budâun

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

159

…

210

36

…

…

…

102

…

…

…

354

861

Morâdâbâd

…

6

…

…

…

…

…

700

…

139

14,293

5

…

…

3

…

…

…

3,530

18,676

Shâhjahânpur

9

10,487

168

322

…

1,849

1,970

8,514

40

19,088

6,683

1,350

…

11

193

218

4

1,039

20,273

72,218

Pilibhît

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

5

34

48

257

…

…

…

1

…

…

8

728

1,081

Cawnpur

…

1,027

22

26,634

…

4

43

64,709

12

5,756

199

…

14

…

447

…

…

33

20,483

1,19,383

Fatehpur

…

…

…

14,239

…

121

20

2,535

158

35,375

262

…

24

…

34

…

…

…

7,275

60,033

Bânda

…

1

74

9,534

…

…

…

3,669

133

49,022

1

58

18

…

11

…

…

…

7,131

69,652

Hamîrpur

…

…

50

5,383

…

…

…

11,910

…

1,906

118

1,809

9

…

4,219

…

…

…

4,307

29,711

Allahâbâd

…

…

…

247

…

83

…

78

2

1,38,413

11,297

…

1

…

142

…

…

…

1,186

1,51,449

Jhânsi

…

…

9

…

…

…

…

1,442

68

852

381

1,489

…

408

17,831

26

…

…

10,579

33,085

Jâlaun

…

…

69

2,902

…

…

…

2,850

8

541

24

760

…

…

5,042

…

…

…

2,393

14,589

Lalitpur

…

48

46

1

…

…

…

618

2

21

75

20

…

…

25,275

…

…

…

1,408

27,514

Benares

…

…

…

10,581

…

…

…

3

5

72,539

13

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

2,303

85,449

Mirzapur

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

1

1,11,821

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

1,416

1,13,238[69]

Jaunpur

…

…

…

18,669

…

…

…

…

…

1,76,827

…

…

…

…

201

…

…

…

1,031

1,96,723

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

36,445

…

…

…

4

…

1,31,907

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

1

1,213

1,69,570

Ballia

…

…

…

40,753

…

…

…

…

…

33,699

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

22,606

97,058

Gorakhpur

…

…

…

66,251

…

…

…

2

…

2,76,185

1

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

4,559

3,46,993

Basti

…

…

…

14,557

…

…

…

…

156

1,60,143

1,180

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

8,898

1,84,934

Azamgarh

…

…

…

7,257

…

…

…

…

31

2,34,522

…

14,296

…

…

…

…

…

…

12,569

2,68,675

Garhwâl

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

35

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

2

37

Tarâi

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

964

…

510

460

…

…

…

…

…

…

11

134

2,079

Lucknow

…

…

…

20,974

…

7,438

17

2,757

2

11,143

25,620

…

39

…

3,260

…

…

…

2,552

73,802

Unâo

…

…

…

19,818

3,040

7,373

137

32,848

13

23,025

4,988

…

769

…

2,729

…

…

…

10,771

1,05,511

Râê Bareli

…

9,299

…

43,664

…

25,696

62

1,346

254

46,610

1,926

…

94

…

…

…

…

…

731

1,29,682

Sîtapur

…

…

…

5,429

…

3,947

104

16,275

17

48,784

17,909

65

46

…

93

7

…

99

4,118

96,893

Hardoi

…

1,099

…

…

…

…

2,760

42,644

3

25,256

3,070

2,302

…

61

…

…

…

…

1,692

78,887

Kheri

…

84

…

2,421

…

151

96

155

242

65,425

4,611

…

82

…

…

…

…

94

918

74,279

Faizâbâd

…

…

…

3,859

…

…

…

36

12

1,34,212

213

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

332

1,38,664

Gonda

…

…

29

12,453

…

46

…

…

30

1,33,891

627

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

109

1,47,185

Bahrâich

…

…

…

16,636

…

…

…

…

…

98,153

484

…

19

…

…

…

…

…

366

1,15,658

Sultânpur

…

…

…

6,566

…

871

…

…

…

1,18,936

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

2,196

1,28,569

Partâbgarh

…

139

…

4,406

…

1,847

…

…

16,490

88,155

21

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

1,510

1,12,568

Bârabanki

…

…

…

…

…

909

…

…

…

92,981

34,935

…

160

…

…

…

709

…

9,000

1,38,694

TOTAL

472

37,959

473

3,90,230

3,051

50,388

6,349

3,68,663

17,750

23,52,685

1,67,782

1,42,458

1,324

2,664

1,40,627

7,719

12,472

3,730

2,12,045

39,18,826

[72]

Ahiwâsi[54].—A land-owning, cultivating and labouring tribe found in Mathura and Mewât. The name is derived from Ahi, “the dragon,” and vâsa, “dwelling.” Their legend connects them with the Rishi Saubhari. In his old age the sage was inspired with a desire for offspring, and going to Râja Madhâtri demanded one of his fifty daughters. Afraid to refuse, and yet unwilling to bestow a daughter upon such a suitor, the king temporised and endeavoured to evade the request. At length it was settled that if any one of the daughters should accept him as a bridegroom the King would consent to the marriage. Saubhari was conducted to the presence of the girls; but on his way he assumed a fair and handsome form, so that all the girls were captivated and contended with each other as to who should become his wife. It ended in his marrying them all and taking them home. He caused Viswakarma to build for each a separate palace, furnished in the most luxurious manner, and surrounded with exquisite gardens, where they lived a most happy life, each one of them having her husband always present with her, and believing that he was devoted to her and her only. By his wives he had one hundred and fifty sons; but as he found his hopes and desires for them to daily increase and expand, he resolved to devote himself wholly and solely to penance and the worship of Vishnu. Accordingly, he abandoned his children and retired with his wives into the forest.[55] The Mathura tradition runs that Saubhari, when he retired to the forest, was wrath because birds used to drop offal and dirt upon his hermitage; accordingly he cursed any bird with death who should venture to approach the place. Just at that time Garuda was engaged in one of his periodical attacks on the snakes, and they at last had to make an agreement with him that they would provide him with a victim daily if he agreed to spare the rest. To this Garuda consented; but the great dragon, Ahi, or Kâliya, rescued the victims, and Garuda, in his wrath, pursued him. Ahi sought everywhere for protection, and at last he was advised to seek refuge with the Rishi Saubhari, whose curse would ward off the attack of Garuda. Hence the village of Sunrakh, in the Mathura District, where the hermitage of Saubhari Rishi was situated, came to be known as Ahivâsa, or “the abode of the dragon,” and from this the Ahiwâsis take their name. [73]How far the legend represents some early struggle between Vaishnavism and snake worship it is impossible to say. The Ahiwâsis, then, make themselves out to be the descendants of Saubhari Rishi, and consider Sunrakh to be their headquarters. Sunrakh adjoins the Kâli-mardan ghât at Brindâban. The Pandas of the great temple of Baladeva are all Ahiwâsis, and to use Mr. Growse’s words,—“It is matter for regret that the revenues of so wealthy a shrine should be at the absolute disposal of a community so extremely unlikely ever to make a good use of them.”[56]

Sub-divisions. 2. Mr. Growse calls the Ahiwâsis “a Brâhmanical or rather pseudo-Brâhmanical tribe,” and notes that they have as many as seventy-two sub-divisions, two of the principal of which are called Dighiya and Bajrâwat.[57] These gotras are exogamous, and a man cannot marry in the gotra of his mother or grandmother; he may marry two sisters. The only important gotra mentioned in the Census returns is the Bhorak, of Bareilly.

Tribal council. 3. They have local tribal councils (panchâyat), with hereditary chairmen (chaudhari), which deal with matters affecting the caste, and punish offenders by fine or excommunication.

Widow marriage, etc. 4. Widow marriage, the levirate, concubinage, and polyandry, are all prohibited.

Marriage. 5. The marriage customs are of the ordinary Hindu type.

Religion. 6. The tribal deities are Bhagwân and Dâûji. The temple of Dâûji is at Baldeo, in the Mathura District. Mr. Growse notes that “The temple garden was once a well planted grove. It is now a dirty, unsightly waste, as the Pandas have gradually cut down all the trees for fire-wood without a thought of replacing them. It is also asserted to be a common practice for the younger members of the clan, when they see any devotees prostrate in devotion before the god, to be very forward in assisting them to rise and leading them away, and to take the opportunity of despoiling them of any loose cash or valuable ornaments that they can lay their hands upon. It is believed that thefts of this kind are frequent; though the victim generally prefers to accept the loss in silence, rather than incur the [74]odium of bringing a charge, that there might not be legal evidence to substantiate, against a professedly religious community.”[58] Among the minor gods Gangaji is worshipped on the Somwati Amâwas, or when the new moon appears on a Monday. Hanumân is worshipped every Tuesday and Saturday. They make pilgrimages to the shrine of Saubhari Rishi, already mentioned. Their priests are Brâhmans of the Gaur, Sanâdhya and Gujarâti tribes. Their chief festivals are the Diwâli, Dasahra, and Holi. At the Diwâli the houses are cleaned, Lakshmi is worshipped, and illuminations are made. On the Dasahra arms and horses are ornamented and worshipped, and gifts are given to Brâhmans, who present blades of barley. At the Salono, rice is cooked and alms given to Brâhmans, who tie amulets round the wrists of their clients.

Oaths. 7. They swear by the Ganges, Jumna, and Baldeoji.

Occupation. 8. Mr. Whiteway, in his Mathura Settlement Report[59] thus describes the Ahiwâsis:—“They are a race well marked by several peculiarities. In appearance they are easily distinguished, the men by their head-dress, and the women by their way of wearing their hair. Their favourite occupation is the carrying trade. Trading in their own carts, they carry salt from Râjputâna all over Northern India, bringing back sugar and other commodities in return. The better off trade with their own money, and, in fact, the heads of the community are very fairly comfortable, and their villages are remarkable for the number of good masonry houses. At the same time these distant journeys keep the male population absent from the villages for months at a time, and the tilling of the field is left entirely to the women. It is natural, therefore, that easily as an Ahiwâsi may be recognised by his appearance and his village by the number of carts, cattle, and masonry houses, so his fields may be told by their slovenly and careless cultivation. The Ahiwâsis complain bitterly of the havoc the net-work of railways, now spreading over the country, is playing with their old occupation.” [75]

Distribution of the Ahiwâsis according to the Census of 1891.

Mathura

8,265

Bareilly

1,070

Budâun

105

Morâdâbâd

11

Bahrâich

51

TOTAL

9,502

Ajudhyabâsi.—(Residents of Ajudhya) A sub-caste of Banyas found chiefly in the Agra and Allahâbâd Divisions and Oudh. (See the article on Audhiya).

Distribution of the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

30

Farrukhâbâd

2,390

Mainpuri

1,583

Etâwah

1,279

Etah

540

Budâun

86

Shâhjahânpur

1,044

Pilibhît

140

Cawnpur

2,594

Fatehpur

800

Bânda

6,914

Hamîrpur

1,614

Allahâbâd

67

Jhânsi

16

Jâlaun

102

Benares

1

Gorakhpur

35

Basti

35

Lucknow

413

Unâo

18

Râê Bareli

996

Sîtapur

1,284

Hardoi

173

Kheri

967

Faizâbâd

1,324

Gonda

382

Bahrâich

1,510

Sultânpur

1,498

Bârabanki

2,460

TOTAL

30,295

[76]

Akâli; Nihang.—A few of these Sikh devotees are sometimes seen at Benares, Hardwâr, and Prayâg. The best account of them is that of Mr. MacLagan:[60] “The fanatical order of Akâlis or Nihangs owes its origin to the express patronage of Guru Govind Sinh. There are two accounts of the founding of this order. According to one, the Guru, seeing his son, Fateh Sinh, playing before him with his turban peaked in the fashion now adopted by Akâlis, blessed him, and instituted a sect which should follow the same custom. According to the other account, the Akâli dress was started by the Guru as a disguise when he was fleeing from Chamkaur, in Ambâla, to the house of some friendly Pathâns, at Machiwâra, in Samrâla. The name means ‘immortal.’ Some understand the term to apply that the Akâlis are followers of the ‘immortal man’ (Akâl Purukh), that is, of God; others that they are invincible in fight. The former is probably the true derivation. It is said by some that Ajît Sinh, the youngest son of Govind, was the first convert. The Akâlis came into prominence very early by their stout resistance to the invocations introduced by the Bairâgi Banda, after the death of Guru Govind, but they do not appear to have had much influence during the following century until the days of Mahârâja Ranjît Sinh. During the Mahârâja’s reign the celebrated Phûla Sinh entered the Panth, and, being a man of great force of character, induced a number of Sikhs to join it. They constituted at once the most unruly and the bravest portion of the very unruly and brave Sikh army. Their head-quarters were at Amritsar, where they constituted themselves the guardians of the faith, and assumed the right to convoke synods. They levied offerings by force, and were the terror of the Sikh chiefs. Their good qualities were, however, well appreciated by the Mahârâja, and when there were specially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathâns, beyond the Indus, the Akâlis were always to the front.

2. The Akâli is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark, blue, and checked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted by steel quoits, and by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Babâ’s prince, ‘with his thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery.’ He is most particular in retaining the five kakkas (kes, or uncut hair; kachh, or short drawers; the kara, or iron bangle; the khanda, or steel dagger, and the kangha, or comb), and in preserving every [77]outward form prescribed by Guru Govind Sinh. Some of the Akâlis wear a yellow turban underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band across the forehead; the story being that a Delhi Khatri, called Nand Lâl (the author of the Zindagi nâma), having a desire to see the true Guru in yellow, was gratified by Govind Sinh to this extent. The yellow turban is worn by many Sikhs at the Basant Panchami, and the Akâlis are fond of wearing it at all times. There is a couplet by Bhâi Gurdâs, which says:—

Siâh, sufed, surkh, zardâi,

Jo pahne, soi Gurbhâi.

‘Those that wear black (the Akâlis), white (the Nirmalas), red (the Udasis), or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs.’ The Akâlis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as other Sikhs do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of bhang. They are in other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu rites even in their marriage ceremonies.

3. The Akâli is full of memories of the glorious days of the Khâlsa; and he is nothing if he is not a soldier—a soldier of the Guru. He dreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply that five Akâlis are present, he will say that ‘five lakhs are before you;’ or, if he would explain that he is alone, he will say that he is ‘with 1,25,000 Khâlsa.’ You ask him how he is, and he replies that ‘the army is well;’ you enquire where he has come from and he says, ‘the troops marched from Lahore.’

4. These sectaries are also known as Nihang, ‘the reckless,’ (others derive the word from nanga ‘naked,’ or the Sanskrit niranga, ‘having no resources’). They meet together at such places as the Akâlbhunga, at Amritsar; the Pîr Sâhib, at Attock, and the shrines of Govind Sinh, at Patna and Apchalnagar; but their chief home is at Kiratpur, in the Hoshyârpur District, where the sacred place of Phûla Sinh stands, and at Anandpur at the shrine par excellence of the Akâlis, the Gurudwâra Anandpur Sâhib, which was Guru Govind’s own house. The presence of these Akâlis at the annual Holi fair at Anandpur renders disturbances likely, and in 1864, a Missionary of the Ludhiâna Mission was killed at this fair by a Sikh fanatic. The influence of these sectaries has, however, very considerably diminished since the downfall of the Sikh power. They have not for some time past had any political significance.” [78]

Akâshmukhi.—A Saiva sect so called because they keep their face (mukha) turned towards the sky (akâsha) until the neck muscles become rigid, and the head remains fixed in that position. Some live a lonely, mendicant life: others associate in monasteries, where their natural wants are provided for by the piety of the faithful. They allow the hair of their head and face to grow, cover their bodies with ashes, and wear clothes dyed with ochre (geru).

Alakhgir, Alakhnâmi, Alakhiya.—A Saiva sect said to have been founded by a Chamâr, named Lâlgir. They are so called because when they beg they cry Alakh! Alakh! “the invisible God” (Sans. Alakshya). They wear usually a blanket cloak hanging down to their heels, and a high conical cap. They come to a man’s door and raise their characteristic cry. If their request is granted, they will accept alms: otherwise they go away at once. They are considered a quiet, harmless, begging class. They are generally classed among Jogis. The rule of their founder was that charity was to be practised, the taking of life and use of meat as food forbidden, and asceticism encouraged. The sole rewards he held out to his followers in this life were the attainment of purity, untroubled contemplation, and serenity. There was no future state: heaven and hell (that is, happiness and misery), were within. All perishes with the body, which is finally dissolved into the elements, and man cannot gain immortality.

Amethiya.—A sept of Râjputs who take their name from Amethi, a Pargana in the Lucknow District. Sir H. M. Elliot calls them Chauhân Râjputs of the Bandhalgoti sept, of whom a few have settled in Salempur Majhauli of Gorakhpur. But Mr. W. C. Benett[61] gives a different account of them. According to him, “This tribe of Chhatris are a branch of the Chamar Gaur, and are said to be the descendants of a pregnant Gaur widow, who, at the extirpation of the Chhatris by the Brâhmans, found an asylum in a Chamâr’s hut. The memory of this humble refuge is kept alive among them by the worship of the cobbler’s cutting tool (rânpi). Great numbers of the Chamar Gaurs now hold villages in the Hardoi District, and it is probable that the Amethiyas were an offshoot of the same immigration. Tradition first discovers them at Siupuri and afterwards at the celebrated fortress of Kalinjar. Somewhere about [79]the time of the invasion of India by Tamurlane, Râê Pâl Sinh left Kalinjar and settled at Amethi, in the Lucknow District. His descendants say that he was sent by the Delhi Emperor to suppress a rebellion in Oudh, and that he defeated and slew Balbhadra Sena Bisen with sixteen thousand of his host. The figures are slightly improbable, and my enquiries have failed to bring to light a Bisen Râja of that name. Râê Pâl was wounded in the shoulder by a musket shot, and recompensed by a dress of honour and the title of Râja of Amethi. Three or four generations after this, three brothers—Dingur Sâh, Râm Sinh, and Lohang, led the clan from Amethi to Jagdîspur, and came in contact with the Muhammadans: the engagement resulted in the defeat of the Shaikhs, and the occupation of their villages by the invaders. There is every reason to believe that this occurred towards the end of the fifteenth century, and was part of the general re-assertion of Hindu supremacy in Oudh, consequent on the fall of the Jaunpur dynasty, a re-action whose central event was the establishment of the Bais kingdom.” The subsequent fortunes of the sept are given in detail by Mr. Benett, and need not be repeated here. There are, however, other accounts. The Râê Bareli[62] tradition brings them from Lucknow, and another account is that they came from Siupur, near Dwârika, to Narkanjhîl, in Cawnpur, and thence to Oudh. The Cawnpur family still recognise the Oudh branch. According to Mr. Carnegy they were originally Bhars.[63] It is still less probable that they are the modern representatives of the Ambastha of Manu, descended from a Brâhman father of a Vaisya mother, and practising as physicians. The sept still preserve their connection with Amethi, their original head-quarters, by their worship of Shaikh Bandagi Miyân, the local saint of that town. [80]

Distribution of the Amethiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Aligarh

6

6

Mainpuri

9

9

Etâwah

6

6

Budâun

32

32

Pilibhît

1

1

Cawnpur

18

18

Fatehpur

1

1

Allahâbâd

4

4

Benares

4

…

4

Ghâzipur

8

8

Gorakhpur

1,747

…

1,747

Basti

1

…

1

Azamgarh

172

…

172

Lucknow

287

35

322

Unâo

269

269

Râê Bareli

2,125

6

2,131

Sîtapur

107

…

107

Faizâbâd

22

22

Gonda

3

…

3

Bahrâich

161

9

170

Sultânpur

327

15

342

Partâbgarh

8

…

8

Bârabanki

3,555

8

3,563

TOTAL

8,873

73

8,946

[81]

Anantpanthi.—One of the reformed Vaishnava sects found in the Râê Bareli and Sîtapur Districts. They number only 170 persons. They are monotheists, and, as the name implies, worship Vishnu in the form of Ananta, “The Infinite.”

Apapanthi.—A Vaishnava sect founded about a century ago by Munna Dâs, a goldsmith ascetic of Mundwa, in the Kheri District, to whose miraculous powers an escape from drought, which threatened the country, was believed to be due, and who has since had a not inconsiderable number of followers in the District of his birth, and Sîtapur and Bahrâich. It does not appear that the tenets taught by Munna Dâs to any considerable extent differ from those of the usual Vaishnava sects.[64] At the last enumeration the Apapanthis numbered 4,267, and the Munna Dâsis, 2,636.

Arakh[65].—A tribe of cultivators and labourers found in Oudh, some of the eastern districts, and scattered about in smaller numbers through some of the western districts.

Traditions of origin. 2. All the traditions connect them with the Pâsis and Parasurâma, the sixth Avatâra of Vishnu. One story runs that Parasurâma was bathing in the sea when a leech bit his foot and caused it to bleed. He divided the blood into two parts: out of one part he made the first Pâsi and out of the second the first Arakh. Another story is that the Pâsis were made out of the sweat (pasîna) of Parasurâma. While Parasurâma was away the Pâsi shot some animals with his bow, and the deity was so enraged that he cursed the Pâsi, and swore that his descendants should keep pigs. This accounts for the degradation of the Pâsis. Subsequently Parasurâma sent for some Pâsis to help him in one of his wars; but they ran away and hid in an arhar field, and were hence called Arakhs. Another story goes that Parasurâma was once meditating in the jungle. From the dirt of his body he made a figure, and gave it life by cutting his little finger and sprinkling blood upon it. In Lucknow they have an extraordinary story that Tilok Chand founded a Bhar dynasty and was a worshipper of the sun (arka), so he called his family Arkabansi. The Arkabans became the Arakhs, and the Râjbansi the Râjpâsi.[66] The Arakhs appear at an early date to have obtained [82]considerable power in Oudh, especially in Hardoi. In the early history of Pargana Sandîla Arakhs occupy the place which is filled in other parts of the district by the Thatheras.[67] Two brothers of the tribe, Salhiya and Malhiya, are said to have founded the one Salhiya Purwa, now Sandîla, the chief town of the Pargana; and the other, Malihâbâd, in the adjacent Pargana of that name in the Lucknow District. The Arakhs held the tract till towards the end of the fourteenth century. Sayyid Makhdûm Ala-ud-dîn, the fighting apostle of Nasîr-ud-dîn, the “lamp of Delhi,” undertook to drive out the infidels, and to carry the faith and arms of Islâm a stage further to the south. The promise of a royal revenue-free grant made the prospect of success as tempting to the soldier as was the expulsion of the infidel to the saint. How long or how fiercely the Arakhs resisted we know not. Only the issue of the contest has been remembered. To this day the Arakhs of Atraula, on the Râpti, 120 miles away to the east in Gonda, recall their lost domains in Sandîla.

Tribal organisation. 3. In most places they divide themselves into seven, or what are supposed to be seven exogamous clans. Thus, in Cawnpur, they have the Arakh, Khagâr, Khidmatiya, Chobdâr and Adhrij (which is the highest of all, claiming descent from a Brâhman), Guâr and Bâchhar. These names show that the caste is very much mixed. Khidmatiya means an “attendant,” and was the title given by Akbar to his palace guards. Chobdâr means “mace bearer.” Guâr connects them with the Guâla Ahîrs, and Bâchhar with the Bâchhal Râjputs. In Hardoi they are reported to have no known sub-divisions. The Census returns give their chief clans in Shâhjahânpur, Ratanjat; in Cawnpur, Balahar and Sûpa Bhagat, which connects them with the Doms; in Basti, Maghariya, and Sarjupâri, or “residents of Maghar and the land beyond the river Sarju,” respectively; the Jonkiya, in Lucknow, Unâo, Sîtapur, and Hardoi, who seem to take their name from catching leeches (jonk); in Hardoi, the Mothi; in Gonda, the Adhrij or Adhurj, Bâgri and Baiswâr. In Hardoi too they are said to have no permanent tribal council; the elders merely attend whenever any case comes up for consideration.

Marriage rules. 4. The tendency seems to be towards the establishment of regular exogamous sub-divisions, but these are reported not to be known in Hardoi, and there [83]the rule of exogamy is that a boy is not married into a family to which a girl has been given in marriage. A man can marry the sister of his late wife, but he cannot have two sisters to wife at the same time. There is a regular ceremony whereby the newly-married bride is introduced into her husband’s family. His relatives assemble, eat food cooked by her, and then make her a present. As a rule they practise monogamy. Polyandry is prohibited; concubinage with a woman of the tribe in the Dharauna form is recognised. Marriage is both infant and adult. A wife can be divorced for infidelity, and after divorce she can live with a man by the Dharauna form. A widow can marry by Dharauna: the only difference between this and the regular marriage is that there is no walking round (bhanwar) the sacred fire. The levirate prevails; but the widow is free to marry an outsider if she pleases. If her children by the first marriage are grown up, and she marries a person other than the younger brother of her late husband, she leaves them with his relations; if the children are very young she usually takes them to the house of her new husband, and there they are brought up and supported. When she marries a stranger she loses all claim on her husband’s estate, which falls to his children if there are any; if there are no children, to his associated brethren.

Birth ceremonies. 5. At a woman’s first pregnancy, in the seventh month, sweets (gul-gula) are placed in her lap, and then distributed to the caste people. Her parents at this time send her a present of sweetmeats and money.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the usual type; rich people use the ordinary charhauwa ritual; poor people take the bride to her husband’s house and marry her there by the dola form.

Death ceremonies. 7. These are carried out in the usual way. They get a Brâhman to perform the Srâddha ceremony. As in some of the menial tribes, if a Brâhman’s services cannot be secured the sister’s son of the deceased can take his place.

Ceremonial impurity. 8. The woman is impure for seven days after child-birth, and four days after menstruation. The chief mourner is impure for nine days, and is then purified by bathing and shaving.

Religion. 9. They are Hindus, not belonging to any particular sect, visiting no particular shrine, and worshipping no special saint. Their goddess is Devi, whom [84]they propitiate with an offering of goats. Their priests are Brâhmans of low social position. Their festivals are the Holi, the Janamashtami, on the eighth of the dark half of Bhâdon. They fast all day and eat at midnight. They observe the Diwâli, or feast of lamps, and the Shivrâtri, on the thirteenth of the dark half of Phâlgun, when they fast all day and night, and worship the idol of Siva. At the Karwa Chauth, in the early part of Kârttik, women worship the moon by pouring water on the ground from a pot (karwa).

Demonology and superstition. 10. Their demonology and superstitions do not differ materially from the beliefs of the allied tribes.

Social rules. 11. They will eat anything except beef, pork, the flesh of monkeys, fowls, crocodiles, snakes, lizards, jackals, rats, vermin and the leavings of other people. During the fifteen days in the month of Kuâr, sacred to the worship of the dead, they do not eat meat.

Occupation. 12. Arakhs say that their original occupation was service. They hold no zamîndâri, but cultivate and work as ordinary labourers. In some places they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation for petty thieving.

Distribution of the Arakhs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

SUB-CASTES.

Chobdâr.

Mal.

Pârasrâmi.

Others.

TOTAL.

Meerut

82

…

…

…

82

Bulandshahr

6

…

…

…

6

Mathura

170

…

…

…

170

Agra

…

…

…

83

83

Farrukhâbâd

1

…

164

132

297

Mainpuri

80

…

…

…

80

Etâwah

31

…

…

…

31

Etah

10

…

…

…

10

Shâhjahânpur

…

…

19

1,913

1,932

Pilibhît

…

…

1

287

288

Cawnpur

…

799

154

696

1,649

Fatehpur

…

1,867

…

2,061

3,928

Bânda

…

25,132

…

638

25,770[85]

Hamîrpur

…

2,334

…

149

2,483

Allahâbâd

…

2,071

…

432

2,503

Jhânsi

…

…

…

8

8

Mirzapur

…

…

…

1

1

Gorakhpur

…

…

…

250

250

Basti

…

…

…

3,539

3,539

Azamgarh

…

…

…

24

24

Tarâi

…

…

…

12

12

Lucknow

…

…

481

595

1,076

Unâo

…

…

1,733

624

2,357

Sîtapur

…

…

5,181

1,251

6,432

Hardoi

…

…

19,027

6,599

25,626

Kheri

…

…

…

9

9

Gonda

…

…

…

1,927

1,927

Partâbgarh

…

…

…

1

1

TOTAL

380

32,203

26,760

21,231

80,574

Âshiqân.—(Literally “lovers”). A branch of the Madâri (q.v.) Muhammadan Faqîrs.

Distribution of the Âshiqân according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Muzaffarnagar

18

Bulandshahr

59

Mathura

5

Agra

4

Farrukhâbâd

163

Mainpuri

15

Etâwah

12

Etah

36

Bareilly

735

Budâun

108

Morâdâbâd

7

Shâhjahânpur

381

Pilibhît

196

Cawnpur

35

Allahâbâd

2

Ghâzipur

121

Gorakhpur

197

Azamgarh

111

Sîtapur

5

Hardoi

354

Kheri

138

Gonda

1

Bahrâich

19

TOTAL

2,722

[86]

Âtishbâz.—(Âtish, “fire,” bâz, bâkhtan or bazîdan “to play”.) Also known as Hawaigar or rocket-maker—the maker of fire-works. The variety of fire-works made is very great: the chief are the grenade (anâr), the rocket (mahtâbi, hawai), and the squib (chachhundar). The trade is a fluctuating one, as fire-works are chiefly in demand about the time of Hindu marriages in May, June, and hardly any are used between the Muharram and Chehlam, when Muhammadans do not marry. The caste is purely occupational, and all are Muhammadans.

Distribution of the Âtishbâz according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

1

Muzaffarnagar

12

Aligarh

9

Farrukhâbâd

8

Etah

1

Bareilly

1

Morâdâbâd

43

Cawnpur

1

Fatehpur

28

Allahâbâd

111

Benares

33

Jaunpur

134

Gorakhpur

4

Azamgarh

2

Râê Bareli

17

Sultânpur

37

Partâbgarh

92

TOTAL

534

Atît[68].—(Sanskrit, Atîta—“past, gone by”.) A term of rather vague significance, but usually regarded as synonymous with Sannyâsi. Some who are known as Sannyâsi Atîts are regular ascetics. The Gharbâri or house-holders have abandoned the celibate life and marry. They marry usually at the age of seven or eight. Widow marriage is not allowed, but it is understood that the widows of the caste very often leave the family and form irregular connections. Concubinage is allowed.

2. Atîts are Saiva Hindus, and worship Mahâbîr, Mahâdeva and Bhairon Nâth. Their priests are Brâhmans. At Mirzapur they [87]put some fire into the mouth of the corpse and throw it into the Ganges. The death impurity lasts ten days, as in the case of high caste Hindus. They do not feed Mahâpâtras after a death, but Dasnâmis. Many of them are cultivators and some hold patches of rent-free land which have been granted to them by land-holders. They wear clothes dyed in ochre (geru), and carry a rosary of rudrâksha beads. Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas will not eat either kachchi or pakki from their hands; Kahârs and Nâis will do so. Brâhmans will, however, take water from them. They do not use spirits or flesh. Other people salute them by Namo Nârâyan; and they use the same form of salutation among themselves.

Audhiya.[69]—A tribe found in the Fatehpur District. They are known as Audhiya or Audhya, Ajudhyabâsi or Avadhapuri, and take their name from the city of Ajudhya, in Oudh. They prefer the title of Ajudhyabâsi, or residents of Ajudhya; by outsiders they are usually called Audhiya, or “Oudh men.” They claim to be really Banyas, and say that they emigrated from Ajudhya; but they have no means of fixing the time of their arrival in Fatehpur. One tradition is that their movement was connected with the expedition of Râma Chandra against Lanka or Ceylon.

Divisions. 2. They are divided into two classes—Ûnch or “high,” and Nîch, or “low.” The former are those of pure blood; the latter, the descendants of a woman of another caste, taken as a concubine. These two classes are practically exogamous. Besides these they have no other exogamous sub-divisions, the only other restriction on marriage being that they do not receive brides from a family to which they have already given a daughter in marriage, at any rate until all recollection of the relationship has been lost.

Council. 3. A tribal council sits for the transaction of business connected with the caste. A chairman (sarpanch) is appointed for each meeting.

Marriage rules. 4. The marriage rules agree with those in force among high caste Hindus. The number of wives a man may have is restricted to two. If a girl is detected in immorality before marriage, she is permanently excommunicated, [88]and her parents are also put out of caste until they give a tribal feast. Some money is paid by the relations of the bride to those of the bridegroom; but there is no fixed price. A married woman can be turned out by her husband on proof of adultery. Only the children of the regularly married wives inherit their fathers’ estate.

Birth ceremonies. 5. In the fifth month of pregnancy the ceremony of Panchmâsa is celebrated on a day selected by a Brâhman. Friends are invited, and the relatives of the woman bring her presents of clothes and sweetmeats. The woman is seated inside a holy square marked out on the ground with flour by a Brâhman. The barber’s wife pares the nails of all the women present, and after colouring the soles of the woman’s feet with lac-dye (mahâwar) puts some red lead (sendur) in the parting (mâng) of her hair. Her mother, if she be alive, or if not, some senior woman of the family, fills her lap with rice and sweetmeats. She is then dressed in a new suit of clothes in the presence of the women and officiating Brâhman. On the next day the clothes are taken off and put away carefully for use when the sixth month (chhahmâsa) and seven months’ ceremony (satmâsa) are performed. At these ceremonies rice-milk is cooked, and the woman is fed with it. The caste men are feasted, Brâhmans fed and paid, and the whole day is spent in merry-making. The sweeper or Chamâr midwife attends the woman for three days after delivery; then her relatives and the wife of the barber nurse her for a month. On the third day after delivery the mother is bathed at a time fixed by the advice of a Brâhman. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when the mother, dressed in the clothes she wore at the Panchmâsa ceremony already described, is seated in a sacred square made of flour by the Brâhman, and she, with her husband’s younger brother (dewar), is fed on choice food placed inside the square, at the four corners of which lighted lamps are placed. After this the relatives are feasted and the night is spent in merriment. During this ceremony some rude marks supposed to represent Chhathi or Shashti, the protectress of children, are made on the wall of the room (sobar) in which the woman was delivered; and near the figures is placed an earthen vessel full of water, covered with a saucer, on which a lamp is lighted. The mother and child are taken in there for the night and left there alone, these arrangements being supposed to be a protection against all kinds of demoniacal influence. The only [89]special rule about twins appears to be that it is unlucky to take any thing from their hands.

Adoption. 6. The ceremony of adoption of a boy who has not been initiated by the ear piercing ceremony (kanchhedan), is as follows:—The pair who are about to adopt a son sit on a wooden seat (patta) inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman on a lucky day selected by him. The parents of the boy about to be adopted, or, in their absence, his nearest relatives, place him in the lap of the person adopting him. The Brâhman then worships an earthen water vessel (kalsa), drums are beaten, and alms distributed to the poor. The ceremony ends with a tribal feast.

Betrothal. 7. In the betrothal ceremony the father or other near relative of the girl visits the bridegroom and secretly presents him with some money. After this, on a day fixed by a Brâhman, the father of the girl sends by a Brâhman or barber some sweetmeats, clothes, rice, betel and money, and these are laid before the boy in the presence of his kinsfolk. The barber is then given a present and dismissed. The acceptance of these presents ratifies the engagement.

Marriage. 8. The actual marriage ceremony is of the normal type. It begins with the reception (agwâni) of the party of the bridegroom as they approach the house of the bride. At the door two women stand, each with a water pot (kalas) on her head. Sharbat mixed with bhang, known as mirchwân, is distributed, and the boy being seated on a stool (patta), the “door worship” (duâr-pûja), and the worship of Ganesa are performed. The boy is seated in a sacred square (chauk) made of flour by a Brâhman, and near him is placed a water vessel surmounted by a lighted lamp, while the Brâhman recites sacred verses. After this the father or other near relative of the bride makes a present of money, cattle, clothes, ornaments, etc., to the bridegroom. Then follows the bhanwar, or perambulation round the sacred fire, which is done in the usual way. Poor people, however, do not go through all this elaborate ritual. The father of the bride and his friends take her to the house of the bridegroom, where he goes through the ceremony of pânw-pûja or “the worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom, and this is the binding observance. [90]

Death. 9. The dead are cremated in the ordinary way. If a person has died of drowning or other accident, cholera, poison, small-pox, or leprosy, the regular death ceremony (kriya karma) is not performed. In such cases the observance is known as Nârâyana bala. The corpse is at once consigned to the Ganges, and within a year a Mahâbrâhman is paid to make a representation of the deceased in gram flour, upon which the regular rites are performed. One Brâhman is fed at the end of each month, and six at the close of the sixth month. When the anniversary of the death comes round, twelve Brâhmans are feasted. The spirits of ancestors who have died childless are propitiated in the same way, and in some cases the relatives employ a Brâhman to go to Gaya and perform the regular srâddha.

Religion. 10. Their tribal deity is Devi. Once their children began to die, and they prayed to the goddess to save them; she heard their prayer, and since then she has been held in honour. If possible they make a pilgrimage to her shrine at Calcutta. Their family priests are Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who suffer no degradation by serving them.

Social rules. 11. They will eat with no one but a member of the caste, and object to touch none but a sweeper or Chamâr.

Occupation. 12. The Audhiyas are well known as a dangerous criminal tribe. They deal largely in counterfeit coin and false jewelry: they never commit crimes of violence. They wander over Northern India as Faqîrs, their journeys commencing generally in June and ending in April; but they are sometimes two or three years away. It is said that if a member of the caste is imprisoned he is excommunicated. They bring home cash only, and dispose of the plunder to agents at different large cities. In the districts where they reside they are perfectly well behaved. They are well-to-do, and to all appearance respectable in their habits. Their women are well-dressed, with plenty of ornaments on their persons. They have no apparent means of support. They neither cultivate land nor trade; and all that appears on the surface is that most of the men and boys go off after the rains and return at the end of the cold weather. If asked how they support themselves, they reply, by begging. Convictions have been obtained against them at Jabalpur, Benares, Patna, Mongir, [91]Calcutta, Gwâlior, Sâgar, Murshidâbâd and Nadiya. They are not under the Criminal Tribes Act, but special Police have been quartered on them in Fatehpur. These have recently been removed. In 1890 there were ascertained to be 375 Audhiyas resident in Cawnpur, and 159 in Fatehpur. The majority of the adult males continue to absent themselves from time to time for the purpose of thieving and uttering false coin in distant places. The Audhiyas are not shown separately in the last Census returns, in which they have probably been included with the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas.

Awadhût.—(Sans. Avadhûta “discarded, rejected.”)—A Saiva sect who practise celibacy and make their living by begging. They wear as little clothes as they can, and let their hair (jata) grow long. They crouch over a fire in cold weather. Their life is one of the hardest led by mendicants of this class.

Âzâd.—A Persian word signifying “free, uncontrolled,” connected with the Sanskrit jâta, a class of Muhammadan Faqîrs, so recorded at the last Census. There are two classes of Muhammadan ascetics, the regular or Ba-shara, who follow the rules of Islâm as regards praying, fasting, alms-giving and pilgrimage; and the irregular or Be-shara, who, though nominally Musalmâns, do not accommodate their lives to the principles of any religious creed. The former are known as Sâlik, or “travellers,” and the latter as Âzâd, “free,” or Majzûb, “abstracted.” Dr. Herklots says that the regular Âzâd class “shave their beards, moustaches, eye-brows and eyelashes; in short, the hair in every part of the body, and lead lives of celibacy. They have no inclination for reading prayers daily. If they get anything to eat, be it good or bad, they partake of it. They have no fixed place of abode; the generality of them travel and subsist on alms.”[70] [92]

Distribution of the Âzâd Faqîrs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

5

Farrukhâbâd

27

Mainpuri

62

Etâwah

8

Etah

293

Shâhjahânpur

201

Cawnpur

2

Fatehpur

10

Allahâbâd

223

Jâlaun

1,188

Benares

29

Gorakhpur

19

Azamgarh

174

Lucknow

255

Unâo

113

Râê Bareli

56

Sîtapur

454

Kheri

49

Bahrâich

93

Sultânpur

201

Partâbgarh

78

Bârabanki

890

TOTAL

4,430

[93]

[1]  Based on enquiries in Parganas Dudhi and Agori of Mirzâpur. ↑

[2]  Ethnology, 322. Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5. ↑

[3]  Central Provinces Gazetteer, 273 sq. ↑

[4]  Ethnology, 221. Tribes and Castes, I., 4. ↑

[5]  These are perhaps analogous to the Barar sub-division of the Urâons, which have the same totemistic respect for the bar tree. Dalton, Ethnology, 254. ↑

[6]  Dalton, loc. cit. ↑

[7]  For the position of the maternal uncle among the allied Gond tribes see Mânjhi, para. 14. ↑

[8]  Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4. ↑

[9]  “In Efate two kinds of people were allowed to pass unharmed into Hades: those belonging to a certain tribe call Namtaku (a sort of yam) and those who had printed or graven or branded on their bodies certain marks or figures tattooed.”

Somerville.—Notes on the Islands of the New Hebrides, Journal Anthropological Institute, XXIII., 10. ↑

[10]  Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4. ↑

[11]  Jungle life, 668.—For a more detailed account see Watt’s Dictionary of Economic Products, IV., 502., sqq. ↑

[12]  Panjab Ethnography, 330. ↑

[13]  Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector, Schools, Pilibhît, M. Mahâdeva Prasâd, Head Master, Zilâ School, Pilibhît. ↑

[14]  Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5 sq. ↑

[15]  Risley, loc. cit. 6. ↑

[16]  Sheo Singh Rai versus Dakho, Indian Law Reports, Allahabad, I., 688. ↑

[17]  Settlement Report, 61. ↑

[18]  Loc. cit. 7. ↑

[19]  Risley, loc. cit. 8. ↑

[20]  Eastern India, II., 465. ↑

[21]  Based mainly on a note by Pandit Râmgharib Chaube. ↑

[22]  Tribes and Castes, I., 10. ↑

[23]  Panjab Census Report, 115. ↑

[24]  The Census in Bengal shows their numbers to be 3,877. The Jogi Aughars of the Panjab number only 436. ↑

[25]  Based on notes by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaube and Pandit Janardan Dat Joshi, Deputy Collector, Bareilly. ↑

[26]  Tribes and Castes, I., 11. ↑

[27]  Supplemental Glossary, s.v. ↑

[28]  Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 8. ↑

[29]  Annals, I., 109. ↑

[30]  Oudh Gazetteer, II., 218. ↑

[31]  Journey through Oudh, II., 98. ↑

[32]  Largely based on notes collected through Mr. J. H. Monks, Deputy Collector, Aligarh. ↑

[33]  Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 565, 589, and 645. ↑

[34]  Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 572; Gorakhpur Gazetteer, 624. ↑

[35]  Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, Section 576. ↑

[36]  Papers on Mîna Dacoits and other Criminal Classes of India, I., sqq. ↑

[37]  Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâda, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Agra. ↑

[38]  Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v. ↑

[39]  Tribes and Castes, I., 282. ↑

[40]  Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 364. ↑

[41]  Wheeler, History of India, Vol. III., 283, sqq. ↑

[42]  Elliot, Chronicles of Unâo, 20; Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 15. ↑

[43]  Archæological Reports, II., 81. ↑

[44]  Brief View, 106. ↑

[45]  Census Report, 1865, Appendix 21. ↑

[46]  Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 467. ↑

[47]  Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, I., 160. ↑

[48]  Settlement Report, 33. ↑

[49]  Growse, Mathura., 252. ↑

[50]  Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, 290, sqq. ↑

[51]  Dalîp versus Ganpat, Indian Law Reports Alláhábád, VIII., 387. ↑

[52]  Papers 15, sq. ↑

[53]  Bihar Proverbs, 52. ↑

[54]  Principally based on notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. ↑

[55]  Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s.v., Saubhari. ↑

[56]  Mathura, 11. ↑

[57]  Ibid., 10, note. ↑

[58]  Mathura, 272. ↑

[59]  Page 32. ↑

[60]  Panjab Census Report, 166. ↑

[61]  Clans of Râê Bareli, 14, sq. ↑

[62]  Settlement Report, 9. ↑

[63]  Notes, 20, sq. ↑

[64]  Report, Census, North-West Provinces, 1891, page 237. ↑

[65]  Based almost entirely on notes by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. ↑

[66]  Settlement Report, XXIV. ↑

[67]  Oudh Gazetteer, III., 301. ↑

[68]  Mainly based on a note by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaubê. ↑

[69]  Based on notes by Munshi Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High School, Fatehpur; also, see Report, Inspector-General, Police, N.-W. P., 1868, pp. 42, 46, 111; idem, 1869, p. 128; Gazetteer, N.-W. P., VIII, Part III., page 44; note of Mr. D. T. Roberts, Police Commission Report, 1890. ↑

[70]  Qânûn-i-Islâm, 197. ↑

[Contents]

B

Bachgoti.—A sept of Râjputs. Their story is thus told:—“After the defeat of Prithivi Râj by Shahâbuddîn Ghori, some Chauhâns, under Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê, descendants of Chahir Deo, brother of Prithivi Râj, fled from Sambhalgarh, and wandering eastward, about 1248 A.D., settled at Jamwâwan, in the Sultânpur District. Even here, however, they felt themselves unsafe while they continued to bear the name of their proscribed race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt another, to which they were equally entitled, and which they might own with equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four-handed predecessor, they also belonged to the gotra of their creative saint. They accordingly adopted the device of concealing their lineal beneath their spiritual descent.” There has been some dispute as to whether they took their new name from Vatsa, who was the author of one of the hymns of the Rig Veda, and who was perhaps the same as the sage Vatsa, who, according to Manu,[1] “when attacked, as the son of a servile mother, by the fire which pervades the world, burned not a hair by reason of his perfect veracity,” or from the more celebrated Vasistha, who is the centre of a large cycle of Vedic and post-Vedic legend. The first theory is, however, the more probable of the two. A second version of this story is that Râna Sangat Deo, great-grandson of Chahir Deo, had twenty-one sons. Of these the youngest succeeded his father, when he married a bride of the Tomar sept, and of the house of Jila Patan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other parts. Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê went to Mainpuri, and there joined the army of Ala-ud-dîn Ghori then starting from that place on an expedition against the Bhars, and thus found their way into Oudh. Both these accounts concur in attributing the advent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Muhammadan influence; but the one declares that they were driven before the invaders, and the other that they were led by them. It is in favour of the first that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithivi Râja and Baryâr Sinh, and thus accords with the common belief that the latter was a descendant of a brother of the former; it also [94]affords a possible explanation of the assumption of the name Bachgoti.

2. On the other hand there are grounds for casting doubt on the tale of Baryâr Sinh’s flight from Musalmân persecution. In the first place, there is a suspicious silence about the doings of Baryâr Sinh’s ancestors during the fifty-five years interval. Again, the independent legend of the Palwârs asserts that they settled in the Faizâbâd District in 1248 A.D., the very year that Baryâr Sinh is said to have come to Oudh, and yet there is no pretence that they rendered themselves particularly obnoxious to the Musalmâns. Nor were the Palwârs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgoti; the twelfth century, if clan traditions be believed, witnessed numerous Kshatriya emigrations into Oudh, and it is impossible to conceive that they sought refuge from Muhammadan tyranny, for governors of that creed had been established in the Province since very soon after Prithivi Râja’s overthrow. Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected by Baryâr Sinh calculated to secure that end, for Jamwâwan lay within a mile or two of Kathot, which is said to have been made the head-quarters of a Musalmân officer simultaneously with the reduction of Sultânpur. On the whole it seems more probable that Baryâr Sinh was the friend of the Musalmâns rather than their foe. Shortly after his arrival at Jamwâwan he chanced one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant, a Kahâr, when the latter perceived a serpent on the ground with a wag-tail (Khanjarît) perched upon its hood, and, unfortunately for himself, drew his master’s attention to the fact. For the learned in such matters have pronounced this to be an infallible omen that the beholder will sooner or later wear a crown. And Baryâr Sinh, indignant that a menial should be thus exalted, killed the Kahâr, and informed his brother, Kâns Râê, who left him in disgust, and then Baryâr Sinh entered the service of Râm Deo, chief of the Bilkhariya Dikhits of Kot Bilkhâr, near Partâbgarh, and marrying his daughter, and killing his son, Dalpat Sâh, gained his dominions.[2]

3. According to Sir C. Elliott,[3] the Bachgotis were, up to the time of Tilok Chand, the premier Râjas of Oudh, and had been vested with the right of affirming the title of each new Râja by affixing [95]the sacred mark (tilak) to his brow. The two most conspicuous chiefs of the tribe are the Râja of Kûrwar and the Dîwân of Hasanpur Bandhua. “The latter, notwithstanding his being a Musalmân, and hence called Khân-Zada, invests all the Râjas of Banaudha with the tilak. The Somabansi chief of Araur, the Bisen of Râmpur, the Kânhpuriya of Tiloi, and Bandhalgoti of Amethi, would not be considered entitled to the privileges exercised by their ancestors without receiving it from his hands.”[4]

4. In Sultânpur they are said to take brides from the Bilkhariya, Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi; and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Mainpuri Chauhâns, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli and Bandhalgoti. Their gotra is said to be Vatsa. In Jaunpur they take girls from the Raghubansi, Bais, Chaupat Khambh, Nikhumb, Dhanmast, Gautam, Gaharwâr, Panwâr, Chandel, Saunak, Drigbansi; and give them to the Kalhans, Sirnet, Gautam, Sûrajbansi, Rajwâr, Bisen, Kânhpuriya, Gaharwâr, Baghel, and Bais. In Azamgarh they take girls from the Chandel, Karmwâr, Kâkan, Birwâr, Râthaur, and Udmatiya, and give them to the Bais, Kausik, and Gautam.

Distribution of the Bachgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

1

Meerut

1

Agra

1

Bareilly

2

Budâun

75

Morâdâbâd

6

Pilibhît

1

Cawnpur

3

Bânda

41

Allahâbâd

1,893

Lalitpur

1

Benares

141

Mirzapur

911

Jaunpur

2,969

Ghâzipur

968

Ballia

7

Gorakhpur

390

Basti

695

Azamgarh

1,048

Lucknow

81[96]

Unâo

31

Râê Bareli

797

Hardoi

1

Faizâbâd

1,949

Gonda

129

Bahrâich

20

Sultânpur

15,186

Partâbgarh

8,644

TOTAL

35,992

Bâchhil; Bâchhal.—A sept of Râjputs who are by one account said to derive their name from the Hindi bâchhna, “to distribute.” According to General Cunningham[5] they claim descent from Râja Vena, whose son was Virât, the reputed founder of Baribhâr or Virâtkhera, and whom he believes to be the same as Vîra Varma of the inscriptions. By another extraordinary feat of folk etymology they are said to have been a branch of the Pâsis, and to have derived their name from taking refuge in a garden (bâgh). According to a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer[6] “they are a possible link from the hoariest traditions of Indian antiquity to a middle-age period, which has been fairly chronicled, and, lastly, to the complete annals of modern times. It is the more desirable to follow out the annals of this clan, first, because it is one of the very few in Oudh which does rightfully claim an antiquity equal to that of English noble families which came in with the Conqueror; and, second, because its surviving members, though respectable, are too poor to purchase false genealogies, and so humble in the social scale as to render a fictitious pedigree of no value. Consequently they now relate only the real traditions of their ancestors.” … “In 992 A.D. a local chief, named Lâla, governed at Garh Gajana, or Ilahabâs, near Dewal. This place is 16 miles south-east of Pilibhît, on the banks of the Katni rivulet. In fact, all the capitals of the Bâchhil clan—Barkhar, Nigohi, Garh Gajana, Kâmp, on the Sârda—are within a few miles of each other: two in Shâhjahânpur, west of the Gûmti, and two in Kheri, east of the old river. We know nothing of Lâla or his race, except from the inscription which he caused to [97]be cut, and the coins which are still to be found. The Bâchhils were an enterprising race in those days; they were Hindus in faith; they worshipped Vishnu under the boar avatâra; they had a coinage, both in silver and gold, many specimens of which have been found near their old capitals on the Katni. It seems, too, that their dynasty was of sufficient intelligence and energy to construct no less than two canals, about a hundred miles in length: one of them is still navigable, the other has somewhat silted up.”

2. General Cunningham says:—“It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas succeeded the Bâchhils; but the Katehriyas themselves state that they did not settle in Katehar till A.D. 1174. Up to this date, therefore, the Bâchhil Râjas may be supposed to have possessed the dominant power in Eastern Rohilkhand, beyond the Râmganga; while Western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Guâla, and other tribes, from whom the Katehriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the Bâchhils must have retired before the Katehriyas, until they had lost all their territory west of the Deoha or Pilibhît river. Here they made a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried by the Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory between the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhît. When hard pressed they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their ancient possessions of Garh Ganjana, and Garh Khera. But their resistance was not always successful, as their descendants confess that some 300 or 400 years ago, when their capital, Nigohi, was taken by the King of Delhi, the twelve sons of Râja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohi. Shortly after this catastrophe, Chhavi Râna, the grandson of one of the murdered princes, fled to the Lakhi jungle, where he supported himself by plundering. But when orders were given to exterminate his band, he presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district of Nigohi as jâgîr. The gotrâchârya of the Bâchhil Râjputs declares them to be Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by their daughters being taken in marriage by Chauhâns, Râthaurs, and Kachhwâhas. The race is even more widely spread than the Gangetic Bâchhils are aware of, as Abul Fazl records that the port of Arâmrâj, in the peninsula of Gujarât, is a very strong place, inhabited by the tribe of Bâchhil. Of the origin of the name nothing is known, but it is probably connected with bâchhna ‘to select or choose.’ The title [98]of Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly unknown to the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name of one of the early ancestors of the race.”

3. At the same time the traditions of some members of the sept do not bear out their claim to noble lineage. Thus, in Azamgarh,[7] they assert that they are the descendants of a Râjbhar. In Shâhjahânpur[8] they fix their emigration at the time of Jaychand, of Kanauj, and they possibly settled prior to all other Thâkur clans, except the Kâsib. In Bijnor they claim to be of Sombansi origin, and to have replaced the Gûjars. In Mathura, the Sisodiyas of impure origin, who are called Gaurua, are designated Bâchhal from the Bachhban at Sehi, where their Guru always resides. They say that they emigrated from Chithor 700 or 800 years ago, but more probably after Alâuddin’s famous siege in 1303 A.D.[9]

4. In Sîtapur the Bâchhals give brides to the Gaur and Tomar septs, and take girls from the Janwârs. In Kheri they marry their sons to girls of the Gaur, Nikumbh, Janwâr, Ahban, Pramâr, and Kâsib septs: and their daughters marry with the Râthaur, Bhadauriya, and Kachhwâha.

Distribution of the Bâchhal Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

…

10

10

Muzaffarnagar

13

…

13

Meerut

125

…

125

Bulandshahr

1,680

102

1,782

Aligarh

402

…

402

Mathura

1,701

215

1,916

Agra

197

1

198

Farrukhâbâd

643

…

643

Mainpuri

904

…

904

Etâwah

111

…

111[99]

Etah

252

…

252

Bareilly

431

…

431

Bijnor

74

…

74

Budâun

2,341

…

2,341

Morâdâbâd

185

…

185

Shâhjahânpur

7,794

119

7,913

Pilibhît

298

…

298

Cawnpur

28

…

28

Fatehpur

31

…

31

Allahâbâd

5

1

6

Jâlaun

8

…

8

Benares

1

…

1

Jaunpur

…

90

90

Tarâi

6

…

6

Gorakhpur

…

70

70

Lucknow

205

…

205

Unâo

390

…

390

Râê Bareli

749

109

858

Sîtapur

2,285

267

2,552

Hardoi

1,287

30

1,317

Kheri

1,496

…

1,496

Faizâbâd

…

264

264

Gonda

1

…

1

Bahrâich

382

22

404

Sultânpur

129

1

130

Partâbgarh

657

1

658

Bârabanki

611

62

673

TOTAL

25,422

1,364

26,786

[100]

Badhak; Badhik.—(Sans. Vadhaka, a murderer.)—A vagrant criminal tribe of whom the last census shows only a small number in Mathura and Pilibhît. But there can be little doubt that these returns are incorrect, or the present Badhiks have been classed in some other way. They appear to be closely allied to the Bâwariyas and Baheliyas. According to the earliest account of them by Mr. Shakespeare[10] they were originally outcastes of Musalmân as well as Hindu tribes, the majority, however, being Râjputs.

The Gorakhpur Colony. 2. Of the Gorakhpur colony Mr. D. T. Roberts writes in a note prepared for the recent Police Commission:—“The notorious dakaits known as Badhiks were suppressed like the Thags by the capture and imprisonment of all their leaders. This done, a colony of them was settled on waste land belonging to Government in the Gorakhpur District in 1844. They evinced for a long time the greatest repugnance to honest work, and even now a good portion of the lands held by them are sublet at higher rates to other castes. The larger proportion of their holdings are let at very low rates, but some land is taken up by them at the current rates of the neighbourhood. The net profits of the estate on which they are located are paid over to the family of the original dakait leader. Surveillance, which at one time may have been very strict, has been much relaxed of late years, but there is a constable or two posted over them; a register is kept, and they require permission from the Magistrate before they can leave the District. Dakaiti has long been given up by them, or rather was never resumed at the colony. In 1871 the Deputy Inspector-General of Police visited them, and found the colony in a very backward state. In consequence of his representations the District authorities began to take more interest in them, and they have been fairly well looked after since. The number then was 209, and the Deputy Inspector-General remarked:—“There is little doubt the tribe carries on thieving, but no cases for some time past have been brought home to them.” Twenty years later, it may be said, that they are not even suspected of thieving. Though not a very advanced or industrious community, they may now be instanced as a case of successful repression and reformation. Their number has not increased since 1871, and was, in 1890, 203 in all. One of their chief offences in the Gorakhpur colony used to be illicit manufacture of spirits.” [101]

Methods of crime. 3. One of their specialities used to be disguising themselves as Brâhmans and Bairâgis and associating with pilgrims returning from the Ganges, for whom they used to perform mock religious ceremonies, and then stupefy with datûra or thorn apple, and rob.[11] Their special deity is Kâli, to whom they offer goats as the Bâwariyas do. They eat game and vermin, such as foxes, jackals, and lizards. They believe that the use of jackal meat fortifies them against the inclemencies of winter.[12] They were in the habit of making plundering expeditions, and before starting, shares in the expected booty were allotted, a special share being given to the widow and children of any person killed or dying during the expedition. A writer in the Asiatic Journal[13] states that after the sacrifice they used to pray, “If it be Thy will, O, God! and thine, O Kâli! to prosper our undertaking for the sake of the blind and the lame, the widow and the orphan, who depend on our exertions, vouchsafe, we pray thee, the cry of the female jackal on our right.” One of the most famous exploits of Badhik dakaits was the murder of Mr. Ravenscroft, the Collector of Cawnpur, of which Colonel Sleeman gives an account.[14]

4. There can be very little doubt that the tribe is of mixed origin, and is on the same grade as the Kanjars, Sânsiyas, and similar vagrants. It constitutes, in fact, a sort of Cave of Adullam for the reception of vagrants and bad characters of different tribes.

Distribution of Badhiks according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Mathura

79

Pilibhît

46

Gorakhpur

1

TOTAL

126

Bâghbân.—(Persian, a gardener.)—A class of cultivators in the Kheri District who grow vegetables. They are practically the same [102]caste as the Kâchhi (q.v.) and the Murâo. They claim to have three endogamous sub-castes—Kâchhi, Murâo, and Sâni, the last being derived from the Hindi sânna, to mix up, used in connection with their careful preparation of the soil. Their manners, customs, religion, etc., correspond in every way with those of the Kâchhis.

Baghel.—(Sans. Vyâghra, a tiger.)—A sept of Râjputs. Colonel Tod[15] calls them “the most conspicuous branch of the original Solankhi stock.” The traditional history of the sept has been written by Mahârâja Raghu Râj Sinh, of Rîwa, the most famous modern representative of them, in a book known as the Bhakt Mâla. From this it would appear that their original Guru was the famous Kabîr Dâs. He once went to Gujarât to make a pilgrimage to the Western Ocean. At that time Solankha Deva was the Râja there. He was a member of the Solankhi clan. As he was childless, he prayed to Kabîr to grant him offspring. The saint heard his prayer, and promised him two sons, one of whom would have the appearance of a tiger. This was Vyâghra Deva. The priests advised the Râja to throw his son into the ocean, as he was unlucky. He followed their advice; but when Kabîr heard of this he ordered the Râja to bring him back. He did so, and Kabîr announced that the sept would be called after his name. Vyâghra Deva was also childless; but he, too, was blessed with a son through the intercession of Kabîr. His name was Jay Sinh, and he, with the permission of his grandfather, Solankha Deva, collected an army and commenced a career of conquest. He marched to the banks of the Narbada, and occupied what was known as Gorha Desa, and married his son in the Bais family of Dundhiya Khera. His successors, Karan Sinh and Kesari Sinh, carried on his conquests, and the last overcame a Musalmân Nawâb, and occupied Gorakhpur. Then followed Malâr Sinh, Sârang Deva, and Bhîmal Deva. His son, Brahm Deva, came in contact with the Gaharwârs. His most powerful successor was Bîr Sinh, who is said to have had a hundred thousand horsemen. When he conquered Prayâg or Allahâbâd, the people called in the Musalmâns. The Emperor marched to Chitrakût, where the Râja met him. The Emperor asked him why he interfered with his people. He answered,—“The Kshatriya needs a place to live in. He troubles those who trouble him.” The Emperor was pleased with his bravery, and recognised his son, Bîr Bhân, as Râja. He gave him [103]the blessing:—“Subdue twelve Râjas and live in Bandhugarh.” Bîr Sinh extended his conquests towards the south, and reached the Tons. He gained Ratanpur as dowry for his son from the Kachwâha Râja of that place. Bîr Sinh made over his kingdom to his son, Bîr Bhân, and retired to Prayâg, where he died. Thus the kingdom of Rîwa came into the hands of the present ruling family. General Cunningham[16] fixes the emigration of the Baghels to the upper valleys of the Son and Tons between 580 and 683 Sambat (523, 626 A.D.), where they succeeded the Chandels, Kalachûris, Chauhâns, Sengars, and Gonds. In Farrukhâbâd[17] they trace their origin to Mâdhogarh, and fix their settlement in the time of Jaya Chandra, of Kanauj, which is also the story as told by Abul Fazl. Their original head-quarters was at Anogi, in Pargana Kanauj, under Harhar Deva, and his son, Harbans. Their property was acquired during the conflict between the Nawâbs of Farrukhâbâd and Oudh, and the Marhattas, and their estates fell into two divisions, Tirwa and Thatiya. The latter Râj was confiscated early in the century owing to the opposition of Chhatar Sâl to the British.

2. They give their name to Baghel-khand or Rîwa. The name of their eponymous hero, Vyâghra Deva, is probably a comparatively recent tradition, and the title is possibly totemistic, as, according to Captain Forsyth,[18] they claim descent from a tiger, and protect it whenever they can.

3. Mr. Ricketts[19] gives a bad account of the tribe in Allahâbâd:—“The most notorious gang of dacoits, which for generations has infested the south of Allahâbâd, is of this clan; and this claim of consanguinity with the Mahârâja of Rîwa has ensured their constant protection in his territories; and certainly the savage nature of the prototype of their race has pervaded the acts of these noted robbers. Each of their feats has shown the extremes of craft, treachery, and the meanest cowardice. When armed and in numbers they have murdered the single and unarmed; they have beaten women and killed children.”

4. The Baghels, south of the Jumna, usually give brides to the Parihâr and Gaharwâr septs; and take wives from the Bais, Gautam, and Gaharwâr. [104]

Distribution of the Baghel Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Farrukhâbâd

2,381

Mainpuri

123

Etâwah

187

Etah

26

Cawnpur

236

Fatehpur

77

Bânda

1,017

Hamîrpur

24

Allahâbâd

1,619

Jâlaun

24

Lalitpur

30

Benares

40

Mirzapur

503

Jaunpur

10

Ghâzipur

114

Ballia

251

Gorakhpur

1,350

Basti

444

Azamgarh

21

Partâbgarh

291

TOTAL

8,768

Baheliya[20].—(Sans. Vyâdha, “one who pierces or wounds,” “a hunter.” Root, Vyâdh, “to pierce”).—A class of hunters and fowlers. The Purânik tradition is that the father of the tribe was a barber, and the mother an Ahîr of bad character. In Bengal, according to Mr. Risley,[21] “they insist on their title to be considered Dusâdhs, and in Bengal, at any rate, the Baheliya and Dusâdh eat and smoke together, and though they do not intermarry, behave generally as if they were branches of the same stock.” This does not seem to be the case in these Provinces, where they usually call themselves a sub-caste of Pâsis. Some Baheliyas in the western districts have a tradition that they are of Bhîl descent. They say that they came from Chitrakût, in Banda, under their ancestor, the famous Vâlmîki, and were named Baheliyas by Krishna at Mathura. The Aheriyas, as will be seen by their account of themselves given in the article on that caste, profess to be identical with the Baheliyas. They are probably a relic of some non-Aryan tribe, which still adheres in a great measure to the primitive occupation of [105]hunting, bird trapping, and collecting jungle produce. The Mirzapur legend of their origin tells that Râm Chandra in his wanderings once came across a stag of golden colour which was really Marîcha, the Râkshasa, the minister of Râvana. Râm Chandra pursued the animal, which escaped. In his anger the hero rubbed his hands together, and out of the dirt (mail) thus produced created a man, whom he appointed his chief hunter. From him the tribe of Baheliyas are descended.

Internal structure. 2. The Census returns give as the main sub-castes the Pâsi, in Mirzapur; the Chandel and Sribâstab, in Gorakhpur; the Lagiya and Rukmaiya, of Gonda; the Chhatri and Sribâstab, of Bahrâich, and the Bhongiya, of Partâbgarh. The Baheliyas of the eastern districts name seven or really eight endogamous sub-castes—Baheliya; Chiryamâr or “bird-killers” (chirya = “a bird,” mârna = “to kill”); Karaul, whose speciality is said to be stalking animals under cover of a tame ox used as a decoy. Mr. Sherring[22] treats them as a separate caste and describes them as possessing five sub-castes:—Purabiya, or Eastern; Hazâri or Hajâri, “commanders of a thousand men;”[23] Uttariya, or “Northern;” Koireriya, who are connected with the Koeri tribe, and Turkiya, or the Muhammadan branch. All these sub-castes are endogamous. Next, among the Baheliya proper, come the Kotiha, who are said to derive their name from being attendants at some king’s palace (kot): the Bâjdhar or falconers (bâz = “a falcon,” dharna = “to hold”); the Turkiya, or Muhammadan branch, and the Sûrajbans or “descendants of the sun,” who say they take their name from their original settlement, a village called Sûrajpur Bahlela. To these are sometimes added the Maskâr or providers of meat (Mânskâra) or, as the word is sometimes pronounced, Miskâr, a corruption of Mîr Shikâr, “a chief huntsman.” All the Mirzapur Baheliyas speak of Oudh as their original habitat. The Oudh Baheliyas give three sub-castes which are endogamous—Raghubansi, Pasiya, and Karaul.

Tribal council. 3. Their tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over by a hereditary chairman known as Sakhi, “the person who gives testimony.” They, as usual, [106]decide on cases of adultery, seduction, and breaches of caste rules regarding food, etc. Offences, when proved, are punished by a fine ranging from five rupees down to paying for the tobacco consumed by the clansmen at the meeting. Now-a-days the refreshment served round at the meetings of the council is what is called mirchwân, a mixture of bhang, chillies, sugar, and water. This has been recently substituted for liquor, either through some idea of teetotalism, or, as others say, on account of the poverty of the caste.

BAHELIYA.

Marriages rules. 4. The sub-castes already named are endogamous, and they observe, in the eastern districts, the ordinary formula of exogamy, which prohibits marriage in one’s own family, or that of the maternal uncle or father’s sister, as long as relationship is remembered. In Oudh they will not give a bride to a family in which, within the memory of man, a son has been married. A man cannot have two sisters to wife at the same time, but he may marry one sister on the death of another. Sameness of occupation and the use of, or abstinence from, wine are carefully regarded in forming marriage connections. A man can take a second wife in the lifetime of the first wife provided the council give permission; but this is not usually granted unless she is barren or incapacitated by some disease from cohabitation. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents are fined five rupees, and have to feast the clansmen. Girls are usually married at the age of seven or eight. The negotiations are conducted by a Brâhman and barber. Once concluded, no physical defect is a sufficient cause for the annulment of a marriage. Wives can be put away by order of the council for adultery; but if the paramour be a member of the tribe, the offence is usually condoned by a money fine. Widows can marry by sagâi, but such marriages are generally made with widowers. The only ceremony is eating with the relations of the woman and making her put on new clothes and jewelry provided by her future partner. On his return home with his bride he is obliged to feast his clansmen.

Birth ceremonies. 5. During pregnancy an old woman of the family waves a pice or a handful of grain round the head of the patient and vows to present an offering to a deified ghost called Kâlu Bîr, and Niman Parihâr, who is one of the quintette of the Pânchonpîr, and is supposed to have some special connection with the use of spirituous liquors. The woman is attended by the Chamâin midwife, who cuts the cord and buries [107]it outside the house. At the entrance of the delivery room a fishing net, a branch of the thorny bel tree (Aegle marmelos) and the family pestle are placed to keep off malignant spirits; and a fire is kept lighting there during the period of impurity with the same object. They have the usual dread of menstrual impurity common to all these races. On the day her child is born the mother gets no food, except a mixture of ginger and coarse sugar mixed up in water. From the next day she receives her usual food. Those who have lost their children get the baby’s ears bored before it leaves the delivery room. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when mother and child are bathed. From this time the place of the midwife is taken by the barber’s wife, who attends till the twelfth day, when the barahi ceremony is performed. The house is plastered and the earthen vessels replaced. The nails of the mother and all the family are cut, mother and child are bathed, and the clansmen are feasted on wine and cakes (pûri). When the mother first visits the well after her confinement she bows down to it and offers fried gram (ghughuri) on the platform, which she also marks with a little red lead, a practice which may be a survival of some form of sacrifice, human or animal. If the child is a boy the midwife receives four annas and two sers of grain: for a girl, two annas and the same amount of grain. They so far practise the couvade that the husband does not work on the day his child is born. The original motive has been forgotten, and the explanation given is that he does so to express his joy at his wife’s safe delivery. At the age of five or seven the child’s ears are bored, and this is considered an initiation into caste: after this the child must observe the caste regulations regarding food.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the ordinary low-caste type. A Brâhman is consulted as to whether the union is likely to be propitious (garna ganna). The betrothal is concluded by giving the bride’s father a rupee or less to clench the bargain. Baheliyas appear invariably to marry their brides by the dola form, in which the ceremonies are performed at the house of the bridegroom. Some eight days before the wedding the bride is brought over to the bridegroom’s house. Two or three days before the wedding day a pavilion (mânro) is erected, in the centre of which a ploughshare (haris), the stalk of a plantain tree and a bamboo are fixed. Under these are placed the family pestle and mortar and grindstone for spices. Besides these are placed a water [108]jar (kalsa) covered with a saucer (parai) filled with barley and decorated with lumps of cowdung and splashes of red lead. The same evening the matmangar ceremony is performed in the usual way. The day before the wedding is the bhatwân, when the clansmen are feasted. On the wedding day the bridegroom is bathed, his nails are pared, and he is dressed in a red coat with a yellow loin cloth. He then parades on horseback through the village, and on his return sits down with his clansmen. At night he is called into the house, and he and the bride are seated in a square in a courtyard, when the bride’s father washes their feet with water (pânw-pûja). The Brâhman then recites the verses (mantra), and the pair worship Gauri and Ganesa. The bride’s father, then taking some kusa grass and water, gives his daughter to the bridegroom (kanyâdân). He next applies red lead to the parting of her hair: their clothes are knotted together, and they move five times round the centre pole of the pavilion, while parched maize is thrown over them (lawa parachhan). The pair go into the retiring room (kohabar), where his brother-in law’s wife (sarhaj) plays jokes on the bridegroom by sitting on his back and refusing to release him until she receives a present. A lighted lamp with two wicks is placed there, and the bridegroom joins the two wicks together as an emblem of union with the bride. Next follows a feast to the clansmen, who return next day. After the marriage is concluded Kâlu Bîr and Parihâr are worshipped. On the fourth day after the wedding, the bride and bridegroom, accompanied by the barber’s wife, go to a neighbouring tank or stream and then drown the sacred water jar (kalsa) and the marriage festoons (bandanwâr). On their way home they worship the old fig trees of the village, which are supposed to be the abode of evil spirits, with an offering of water and washed rice (achchhat). Some offer also sweetmeats and grain. The binding part of the marriage ceremony is the washing of the bridegroom’s feet by the bride’s father, and the rubbing of red lead by the bridegroom on the parting of the bride’s hair.

Death ceremonies. 7. When a man is dying he is taken into the open air and gold, Ganges water, and leaves of the tulasi (ocymum sanctum) put into his mouth. If these things are not procurable, curds and coarse sugar are used. Four men carry the corpse to the cremation ground, where the body is washed, shrouded in new cloth, and the hair shaved. It is then laid on the pyre, with the legs turned towards the south. The [109]next-of-kin walks round five times and burns the mouth with a torch of straw, and then fires the pyre. On their return home the mourners chew the leaves of the bitter Nîm tree, and pass their feet through the smoke of burning oil. Next day the Pandit gets the barber to hang a water jar from the branch of a pîpal tree. That day the clansmen are fed. The feast is known as “the boiled rice of milk” (dûdh ka bhât). The period of mourning is ten days, during which the chief mourner keeps apart, and always carries a water vessel (lota) and a knife to protect him from evil spirits. He cooks for himself, and, before eating, lays a little food outside the house for the use of the dead. He bathes daily and renews the water in the pot (ghant) hung up for the dead man. On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at a tank, shave, bathe, and throw the rice balls (pinda) in the water. The Mahâbrâhman receives the clothes and personal effects of the dead man, which he is supposed to pass on for his use in the next world. A feast to the clansmen concludes the period of mourning. They make the usual offerings to the dead (srâddha) in the first fortnight of Kuâr.

Religion. 8. Baheliyas are seldom regularly initiated into any Hindu sect. Their clan deities, in the Eastern Districts, are Kâlu Bîr and Parihâr, who are worshipped at the Kajari festival, in the month of Sâwan. To Kâlu Bîr a young pig is offered, and wine poured on the ground. Parihâr receives a sacrifice of fowls and cakes. In Oudh they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, the cholera godling. His offering consists of cakes, fruit, etc. To Kâlê Deo a goat is sacrificed, and a pig to Miyân. Men alone join in this worship. Parched grain and milk are offered to the household snake at the Nâgpanchami festival. They respect the Sun and Moon, bow to them, but do not give them any special worship. The ordinary low village Brâhmans act as their priests at domestic ceremonies. They consume the animals they sacrifice, except pigs, from which most abstain. They have the usual Hindu festivals—the Phagua, Kajari and Dasami.

Social habits and customs. 9. The women wear nose rings (nathiya), ear ornaments (karanphûl), necklaces, wristlets (dharkaua), arm ornaments (bâju), and anklets (pairi, kara). Like other Hindus they give two names to their children. They swear by the Ganges, on their own heads, and on those of their sons. They believe in magic and witchcraft, but do not practise these [110]arts themselves. They will not kill a cow, monkey, or squirrel; they will not touch a Bhangi, Dom, Dhobi, or the wife of their younger brother or nephew. They drink liquor freely, and eat the flesh of fowls, goats, deer, and sheep, but not pork or beef. Men eat first, and women after them. They salute by the form pailagi or the ordinary salâm; Brâhmans and Râjputs drink water from their hands; Banyas eat pakki cooked by them; Chamârs and other menials eat kachchi.

Occupation. 10. Their occupation is hunting and trapping birds. Those who live by bird-catching are often known as Miskâr, said to be a corruption of mîr shikâr, “head huntsman,” or mâskâr, “eater of meat.” They have a most ingenious mode of trapping birds with a series of thin bamboos, like a fishing rod, on which bird-lime (lâsa) is smeared. This they push with great adroitness through the branches and leaves where a bird is sitting, and entangle his wings and feathers. They make excellent shikâris, and are noted for their skill in tracking game. Some work in the Mirzapur lac factories, and a few cultivate as non-occupancy tenants. They are a fine, active, manly race, but notoriously untrustworthy.

Distribution of Baheliyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

HINDUS.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Karaul.

Raghubansi.

Sûrajbansi.

Others.

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

2

…

2

Muzaffarnagar

…

…

…

…

229

229

Meerut

…

…

…

20

4

62

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

38

12

50

Mathura

…

…

…

199

12

211

Agra

354

80

…

131

…

565

Farrukhâbâd

1,279

1,149

…

655

21

3,104

Mainpuri

753

414

…

403

10

1,580

Etâwah

325

630

…

332

1

1,288

Etah

…

247

…

47

…

294[111]

Bareilly

…

…

…

41

232

273

Bijnor

…

…

…

31

…

31

Morâdâbâd

…

…

…

53

7

60

Shâhjahânpur

251

2,108

…

712

…

3,071

Pilibhît

…

870

…

132

116

1,118

Cawnpur

2,482

33

5

456

…

2,976

Fatehpur

1

…

132

162

…

295

Bânda

…

…

24

86

…

110

Allahâbâd

25

1

355

912

33

1,326

Jhânsi

…

…

4

40

…

44

Jâlaun

…

…

…

36

…

36

Lalitpur

…

…

…

17

…

17

Benares

16

…

…

541

20

577

Mirzâpur

…

…

…

1,152

4

1,156

Jaunpur

…

…

…

322

…

322

Ghâzipur

11

…

…

80

…

91

Ballia

…

…

…

1

…

1

Gorakhpur

2

…

223

1,222

2

1,449

Basti

…

56

422

…

205

683

Azamgarh

…

…

30

256

…

286

Tarâi

…

…

…

11

100

111

Lucknow

19

…

226

501

176

922

Unâo

…

…

…

151

143

294

Râê Bareli

…

…

…

524

…

524

Sîtapur

…

…

31

866

18

915

Hardoi

…

…

203

136

…

339[112]

Kheri

…

…

…

617

…

617

Faizâbâd

…

…

923

408

…

1,331

Gonda

4

…

86

956

171

1,217

Bahrâich

44

…

615

1,310

106

2,075

Sultânpur

…

…

571

582

…

1,153

Partâbgarh

…

…

1,186

1,264

…

2,450

Bârabanki

…

…

262

237

…

499

TOTAL

5,566

5,588

5,298

15,642

1,660

33,754

Baidguâr.—A small Muhammadan caste shown at the last Census only in Morâdâbâd (173) and Pilibhît (247). The information obtained about them is not very precise; but there can be little doubt that they are an off-shoot of the Baid Banjâras. It is said that formerly the Baid followed the occupation of carrying grain on pack animals: while the Guâr used to make hemp matting (tât), and tend cattle. Since their conversion to Islâm they are known collectively as Baidguâr, but the two divisions do not intermarry. The Census returns give their sections as Baghâri, Chauhân, Mahrora, Nahar, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and Tomar.

Bairâgi.—(Sans. Vairâgya, “freedom from passion.”)—A term applied to a sect of Hindu ascetics, which is often used in rather a vague sense. On this sect Mr. Maclagan writes[24]:—“The worship of Râma and Krishna is said to be of comparatively recent date; and Professor Wilson points out that in the Sankara Vijaya, published by a pupil of Sankara Achârya, the religious leader who is supposed to have lived in the ninth or tenth century, no mention whatever is made of Râma or Krishna, or Lakshmana or Hanumân. The popularity of this particular form of worship is supposed to date from the time of the spread of the Râjput power, which followed the overthrow of the Buddhist dynasties. The various orders who attach themselves to the worship of Râma and [113]Krishna are generally known as Bairâgis. The appearance of these orders dates from the period at which the worship of Râma and Krishna appears to have been in the ascendant, and though primarily they have their origin in the Dakkhin, their strength is, and has been, mainly in the North-West Provinces, where the worship of Râma and Krishna has always been strongest.

“The history of the Bairâgis commences with Ramânuja, who taught in the south of India, and who is supposed to have lived in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. But it is not till the time of Râmanand, that is until the end of the fourteenth century, that the sect was in any way powerful or important in Northern India; and, indeed, it is only to the followers of Râmanand or his contemporaries that the term Bairâgi is properly applied. The split occasioned by the secession of Râmanand was, like most of the movements in modern Hinduism, a revulsion of the more liberal Northern thinkers against the stricter doctrines of Southern Hindustân. The sect founded by Râmanand was, nominally at least, open to all castes, whereas previous to his time Brâhmans and Kshatriyas alone were admitted, and many of his followers, who founded important schools of doctrine, were men of the humbler classes. The movement started by Râmanand was essentially popular, and the books published by his adherents were written in the tongue of the people, no longer in Sanskrit, but in Hindi—a departure which has been very far-reaching in its results, and which has led in the Panjâb to a new scripture, and a new national religion of a very clear and vigorous type.”

BAIRÂGI.

Divisions of the Bairâgis. 2. At the last Census in these Provinces the Bairâgis were classed in three great sub-divisions—Mâdhavachârya, Nimâwat, and Râmanandi. On this Mr. Maclagan writes:—“The Bairâgis have, however, been so far outdone by the newer sects which have sprung from the original stock, that they may be now looked upon as representing orthodox Hinduism, in contrast to the more independent schools of thought. As a rule they venerate both Krishna and Râma, but there are sections of them which pay more reverence to the one, and others that pay more reverence to the other. There are always supposed to have been four sections of Bairâgis, but it appears a little uncertain what the four sections are. There are at least four enumerations:—

- “(a) Râmanandi; Nîmanandi; Vishnuswâmi; Mâdhavachârya. [114]

- “(b) Ramânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi; Nimikharakswâmi.

- “(c) Râmanandi; Nimânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vallabhachârya.

- “(d) Râmanandi; Biganandi; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi.

BAIRÂGI RÂMÂNANDI.

“In the Panjâb there are practically two main sections only, namely, the Râmanandi and Nîmanandi, of whom the former are more specially addicted to the worship of Râma, and the latter to that of Krishna. They both hold a great feast on the death of a fellow devotee, and also on the Râmnaumi, the day of the incarnation of Râmchandra, and on the eighth day of Bhâdon, the incarnation day of Krishna. But the Râmanandis study the Râmâyana, and look on Ajudhya and Râmnâth as places of pilgrimage, while the Nîmanandis study the books relating to Krishna, and consider Mathura, Brindâban and Dwârikanâth to be sacred places. The forehead marks of the Râmanandis are in the form of a trident, of which the two outer prongs are white, and the central one white or red; while those of the Nîmanandis are two-forked only, and entirely in white. The shape of the latter emblem is said to be derived from the figures of the Narasinha Avatâra, and the Nîmanandis are stated to be special worshippers of this incarnation.”

3. In these Provinces, according to one authority,[25] the four primary orders of the Bairâgis are Ramânuji or Sri Vaishnava, Nîmâvat, or Nimbârak, Vishnuswâmi and Mâdhavachârya; each of these orders is called a samprâdaya or sect, and all four mesh together. Of the Sri Vaishnava Mr. Growse[26] writes:—“The most ancient and respectable of the four reformed Vaishnava communities is based on the teaching of Ramânuja, who flourished in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. Their sectarial mark is two white perpendicular streaks down the forehead, joined by a cross line at the root of the nose, with a streak of red between. Their chief dogma, called Vasisthadwaita, is the assertion that Vishnu, the one Supreme God, though invisible as cause, is as effect visible in a secondary form in material creation. They differ in one marked respect from the mass of the people at Brindâban,—in that they refuse to recognise Râdhâ as an object of religious adoration. In [115]this they are in complete accord with all the older authorities, which either totally ignore her existence, or regard her simply as Krishna’s mistress, and Rukminî as his wife. Their formula of initiation (mantra) is said to be Om Râmâya namah, i.e., “Om! Reverence to Râma!” This sect (sampradâya) is divided into two sects, the Tenkalai and the Vadakalai.[27] They differ in two points of doctrine, which, however, are considered of much less importance than what seems to outsiders a very trivial matter, viz., a slight variation in the way of making the sectarial mark on the forehead. The followers of the Tenkalai extend its middle line a little down the nose itself, while the Vadakalai terminate it exactly at the bridge. The doctrinal points of difference are as follows:—The Tenkalai maintain that the female energy of the godhead, though divine, is still a finite creature that serves only as a mediator or minister (parushakâra) to introduce the soul into the presence of the Deity; while the Vadakalai regard it as infinite and uncreated, and in itself a means (upâya) by which salvation can be assured. The second point of difference is parallel to the controversy between the Calvinists and Armenians in the Christian Church. The Vadakalai, with the latter, insist on the concomitance of the human will in the work of salvation, and represent that the soul lays hold of God as a young monkey which grasps its mother in order to be conveyed to a place of safety. The Tenkalai, on the contrary, maintain the irresistibility of divine grace and the utter helplessness of the soul till it is seized and carried off by its mother like a kitten to be conveyed to a place of safety. From these two curious but apt illustrations the one doctrine is known as markata kishora nyâya, the other, as marjala kishora nyâya, the “young monkey theory,” or the “kitten theory.”

The Nimbârak sect. 4. Of the Nimbârak Mr. Growse[28] writes:—“The word means ‘the sun in a nîm tree,’ a curious designation which is explained as follows:—The founder of the sect, an ascetic, by name Bhaskarachârya, had invited a Bairâgi to dine with him, but unfortunately delayed to fetch his guest until after sunset. Now the holy man was forbidden by the rules of his order to eat except in the daytime, and was [116]greatly afraid that he would be compelled to practise an unwilling abstinence; but at the solicitation of his host the Sun God, Sûraj Nârâyan, descended from the Nîm tree, under which the repast was spread, and continued beaming upon them until the claims of hunger were fully satisfied. Thenceforth the saint was known by the name of Nîmbarka or Nimaditya. Their doctrines, so far as they are known, are of a very enlightened character. Thus their doctrine of salvation by faith is thought by many scholars to have been directly derived from the Gospel; while another article in their creed, which is less known but is equally striking in its divergence from ordinary Hindu sentiment, is the continuance of conscious individual existence in a future world, when the highest reward of the good will be not extinction, but in the enjoyment of the visible presence of the divinity whom they have served while on earth: a state, therefore, absolutely identical with heaven, as our theologists define it. The one infinite and invisible God, who is the only real existence, is, they affirm, the only proper object of man’s devout contemplation. But as the incomprehensible is utterly beyond the reach of human faculties, He is partially manifested for our behoof in the book of Creation, in which natural objects are the letters of the universal alphabet, and express the sentiments of the Divine Author. A printed page, however, conveys no meaning to any one but a scholar, and is liable to be misunderstood even by him; so, too, with the book of the world. And thus it matters little whether Râdhâ and Krishna were ever real personages, the mysteries of divine love which they symbolise remain though the symbols disappear.”

Distribution of the Bairâgis according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Mâdhava Achârya.

Nimâwat.

Râmanandi.

Others.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

…

530

139

669

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

43

43

Muzaffarnagar

…

…

541

446

987

Meerut

…

156

1,586

2,396

4,138

Bulandshahr

…

…

429

2,279

2,708

Aligarh

…

…

974

3,183

4,157[117]

Agra

4

…

496

1,259

1,769

Farrukhâbâd

…

12

60

233

305

Mainpuri

…

9

…

89

98

Etâwah

…

…

22

268

290

Etah

1

1

35

160

197

Bareilly

…

…

148

610

758

Bijnor

…

…

…

539

539

Budâun

…

2

120

397

519

Morâdâbâd

3

…

1

239

243

Shâhjahânpur

…

…

241

600

841

Pilibhît

…

12

57

335

404

Cawnpur

…

…

61

389

450

Fatehpur

…

…

17

128

145

Bânda

1

…

52

…

53

Hamîrpur

…

…

45

163

208

Allahâbâd

2

1

58

312

373

Jhânsi

…

3

58

109

170

Jâlaun

2

28

22

183

234

Lalitpur

…

4

39

224

267

Benares

…

…

…

141

141

Mirzapur

…

…

28

149

177

Jaunpur

…

…

…

204

204

Ghâzipur

…

…

82

826

908

Ballia

…

…

…

257

257

Gorakhpur

…

33

295

1,122

1,450

Basti

…

…

1

1,286

1,287

Azamgarh

…

…

…

9

9[118]

Kumâun

…

…

…

25

25

Garhwâl

…

…

…

105

165

Tarâi

…

…

24

24

48

Lucknow

…

…

291

1,439

1,730

Unâo

…

…

17

…

17

Râê Bareli

…

…

27

6

33

Sîtapur

…

…

161

335

496

Hardoi

…

…

…

337

337

Kheri

…

…

348

396

744

Faizâbâd

…

…

1,474

543

2,017

Gonda

…

…

877

64

941

Bahrâich

…

…

19

201

220

Sultânpur

…

…

47

69

116

TOTAL

13

261

9,283

22,321

31,878

Bais.—(Sans. Vaishya, “one who occupies the soil”.)—A very important and influential sept of Râjputs, widely distributed all over the Province. Their legend is thus given by Sir C. Elliott[29]:—“The Bais assert themselves to be descended from Sâlivâhana, the mythic son of a snake who conquered the great Râja Vikramaditya, of Ujjain, and fixed his own era in A.D. 55. About 1250 A.D. the Gautam Râja of Argal refused to pay tribute to the Lodi King of Delhi, and defeated the Governor of Oudh, who sent a force against him. Soon after this defeat, the Râni, without his knowledge and without fitting escort, went secretly to bathe, at Baghsar, in the Ganges, on the festival of the new moon. Baghsar is close to Dundiya Khera. Sir H. M. Elliot places the locale of this story at Allahâbâd; but the other is the tradition current in Baiswâra, and seems more probable, because Baghsar is closer to Argal, and is the nearest bathing place she could have gone to, and, secondly, Allahâbâd [119]being a much-frequented place of pilgrimage, she would hardly have gone there in any case without an escort, particularly as it was the head-quarters of the Muhammadan Governor. The Governor of Oudh heard of her arrival and sent men to capture her. Her escorts were dispersed, and she was on the point of being made prisoner, when she lifted the covering of her litter and cried,—“Is there no Chhatri who will rescue me from the barbarian, and save my honour?” Abhay Chand and Nirbhay Chand, two Bais Râjputs, from Mungipatan, heard her, and came to her rescue, beat off her assailants, and guarded her litter till she arrived safely at her home in Argal, in the Fatehpur District. Nirbhay Chand died of his wounds, but Abhay Chand recovered, and the Râja, in gratitude for his gallant rescue, gave him his daughter in marriage, and with her as dowry all the lands on the north of the Ganges, over which the Gautam bore rule. He also conferred on his son-in-law the title of Râo, which is still the highest dignity among the Bais. Abhay Chand fixed his home in Dundiya Khera, and the title and estates descended, in an unbroken line, to Tilok Chand, the great eponymous hero of the clan, who are called after him Tilok Chandi Bais, in contradistinction to other branches of the same tribe. He lived about 1,400 A.D., and extended the Bais dominion over all the surrounding country, and it is from his victories that the limits of Baiswâra became definitively fixed. The tract is universally said to include twenty-two Parganas, and though there is considerable discrepancy in the various lists of these Parganas, which are furnished from different quarters, the following list is probably correct:—

Râê Bareli and Unâo Districts:—Dundiya Khera, Unchhgâon, Kumhi, Bâr, Kahanjar, Ghâtampur, Serhupur, Makraid, Dalmau, Bareli, Bihâr, Pathân, Panhan, Sathanpur, Harha, Purwa, Morâwan, Sirwan, Asoha, Gorinda, Parsandan.

Lucknow District:—Bijnaur.”

Tilok Chand was the premier Râja of Oudh, and his descendants are never weary of telling stories of his almost divine and unequalled power. He once turned the Kahârs, who carried his palanquin, into Râjputs; and one account of the Bhâlê Sultân sept in Faizâbâd is that they were Bâris, or link-boys, in his service.

Origin. 2. In Faizâbâd the Bais say that they came from Baiswâra about five hundred years ago, and expelled the Bhars; but this story is disbelieved by Mr. [120]Carnegy[30] on the ground that there were few Bais even in Baiswâra in those days. He believes the Faizâbâd colony to be of local origin. They are divided into two great families, the Eastern and the Western, who, though they eat together, recognise no relationship, and retain the memory of bitter border warfare with each other. The Pargana of Mangalsi is overrun by different independent Bais colonies, the members of which say they came from the West (no one knows from where) and expelled the Bhars two or three centuries or, according to their pedigree tables, sixteen generations ago. There are traditions of a Gautam (Sombansi) colony founded by Mangalsen, from whom the Pargana takes its name, who is said to have been a cadet of the great Fatehpur house of Argal. But the Gautams were long ago pushed across the river Ghâgra. It is noteworthy that the Muhammadans, who produce title deeds more than three hundred years old, declare that Mangalsen was not a Gautam but a Bhar. Another curious fact is that both the Muhammadans and the few Gautams who are left are shown by Mr. Woodburn to pay the feudal tribute (bhent) to the Bais headmen. How long they have done so is not very clear, but the conclusion from all this is, according to Mr. Carnegy, that the local Bais are the indigenous Bhars; that the Bhars became Bais about or after the Muhammadan conquest; the Gautam footing was by marriage with the Bais, and the Muhammadans succeeded to the Bais Bhars. These conclusions of Mr. Carnegy must be received with some degree of caution. That the Bais of the Faizâbâd District may have some admixture of indigenous blood is more than probable; but at the same time that they have a large basis of Râjput blood may be regarded as quite certain.

Customs. 3. Of the sept in Râê Bareli we read:—“The Bais clan differ from all other Râjputs somewhat in their customs. Neither men nor women, rich or poor, will put a hand to cultivation or labour of any sort; the women wear one long cloth, which is fastened round their waists about the middle, the lower folds covering the lower portions of the person, and the upper parts being thrown over the shoulders. They are supposed to be more addicted to the crime of infanticide than other Râjputs, and they divide their inheritance according to a system of primogeniture [121]by which the three elder sons receive larger shares than the younger ones.”

Bais of Mainpuri. 4. The Bais of Bewar, in the Mainpuri District, are immigrants from Dundiya Khera, and as far back as 1391–92 A.D., in concert with the Râthaurs, they created such a disturbance here that it was found necessary to send out large bodies of Imperial troops to quell them. Deoli, their chief seat in Barnahal, is mentioned in the Târîkh-i-Mabârik Shâh as a very strong place, in the possession of infidels, and as having been attacked and destroyed in 1420 A.D. by Sultân Khizr Khân on his march from Koil to Etâwah.[31]

Sâlivâhana. 5. The tribal hero of the sept is Sâlivâhana. He appears to have been an historical character, and has been identified by General Cunningham[32] with Gotamiputra Satakarni of the Kanheri and Nâsik inscriptions. The tradition is thus told by a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer[33]:—“A son of the great world serpent was born under the roof of a potter of Mûngi Pâtan, which, by one account, is on the Narbada, and, by another, is on the Godâvari, in the Ahmadnagar District, and early showed, by his wit and strength, that he was destined to be a king. As a judge among his youthful companions, by what would now be considered a simple process of cross-examination, he excited the wonder of a people unaccustomed to law courts; and deserved and received the same kind of honour that was accorded to Daniel by the Jews of the Captivity after his successful investigation of the case of Susanna and the Elders. His amusement was to make clay figures of elephants, horses, and men-at-arms, and before he had well reached manhood, he led his fictile army to do battle with the great King Vikramaditya. When the hosts met, the clay of the young hero became living brass, and the weapons of his enemies fell harmless on the hard material. Vikramaditya fled and took refuge in a large temple of Siva, whither he was pursued by Sâlivâhana. At the mere sound of the boy’s voice the ponderous gates of the temple rolled back, and Vikramaditya acknowledged his conqueror with appropriate homage. A reasonable arrangement was made on the spot for the partition of the royal power, and on the elder king’s death, Sâlivâhana [122]became undisputed Râja of India. Later in life he conquered the Panjâb and died and was buried at Siâlkot.” This tradition of serpent origin is perpetuated in the tribal tradition that “no snake has or ever can destroy one of the family. They seem to take no precautions against the bite, except hanging a vessel of water over the head of the sufferer, with a small tube in the bottom, from which the water is poured on his head as long as he can bear it.”[34] The cobra is in fact the tribal totem.

Other Settlements of the Bais. 6. The Farrukhâbâd story is that the emigrants from Dundiya Khera were led by two brothers, Hansrâj and Bachrâj, that they were first subject to the aboriginal Bhyârs, but finally turned against them and established themselves in Sakatpur and Saurikh, and also in a few villages across the Isan Nadi.[35] In Budaun there are two sub-divisions, Chaudhari and Râê, so called from the two sons of their traditional leader, Dalîp Sinh, of Baiswâra. They dated their immigration in Basti only five or six generations before Dr. Buchanan wrote.[36] In Gorakhpur some call themselves Nâgbansi, and say that they are sprung from the nose of the mythical cow, Kâmdhenu, which belonged to the Rishi Vasishtha. The Ghâzipur branch claim descent from Baghel Râê, who came from Baiswâra fifteen generations ago, and colonized the jungle.[37] Their emigration into Rohilkhand is not placed earlier than the time of Akbar.

Sub-divisions of the Bais. 7. Numerous castes in the Faizâbâd and Gonda Districts, such as the Gandhariyas, the Naipuriyas, the Barwârs, and the Châhus, claim to have been originally Bais, while the equal lengths of their pedigrees show that they were established in these districts at about the beginning of the sixteenth century. There are, besides, numerous families of small landowners in the east of Râê Bareli, who call themselves Bharadih Bais, and whose want of any tradition of emigration and peculiar religion distinguish them from the pure Bais of the west. Another division is that of Bhîtariya and Bâhariya or “the outer” and “the inner” Bais.[38] “The Brâhmans of Sultânpur relate that Tilok Chand in his old age, like another king of distinguished wisdom, supported [123]the prodigious responsibility of an establishment of three hundred wives, and became the father of a family countless as the sands of the sea. The Princesses of Rîwa and Mainpuri, to whom he had originally been married, disgusted by an association in which the dignity of castes had not been respected, fled from his castle and gave rise to a distinction between the Bais from within (Bhîtariya) and the Bais from without (Bâhariya); those from without being the offspring of pure Râjput blood, while those from within were of contaminated lineage, and occupied a doubtful position in the castes system.” But the most important distinction is between the Tilokchandi Bais or the descendants of Tilok Chand, and Kath Bais, or “wooden” Bais. Of these Colonel MacAndrew writes[39]:—“These call themselves Tilokchandi Bais to distinguish them from the Kath Bais, who are supposed to be the offspring of the real Bais by women of inferior caste. The Tilokchandi Bais will neither eat nor intermarry with them. An instance of this was exemplified the other day when the proposal was made that the Bais should erect a bridge over the Sâi at Râê Bareli. The Tilokchandis proposed that the Kath Bais should subscribe. The latter at once expressed their willingness to do so, provided the Tilokchandis would acknowledge them to be Bais by eating with them. Nothing more was heard of the proposal that they should subscribe.” The Tilokchandi Bais according to Sir H. M. Elliot,[40] are sub-divided into four clans, Râo, Râwat, Naihatha, and Sainbansi, all of whom profess to derive their rights from the Gautam Râja of Argal. He says that beside the Tilokchandi, there are said to be no less than three hundred and sixty sub-divisions of the Bais, the descendants of as many wives of Sâlivâhana. Among these the most noted are the Tilsâri, Chak Bais, Nânwag, Bhanwag, Bach, Parsariya, Patsariya, Bijhoniya, Bhatkariya, Chanamiya, or Gargbans, but it may be doubted if these are really Bais.

Religion and social standing. 8. There is nothing peculiar about the religion of the Bais except their tribal worship of the snake, and their reverence for a clan goddess, Mathotê, who is worshipped at the Mathotepur fair, in the Sîtapur District. She became a Sati at the death of her consort. The ordinary Bais give their daughters in marriage, amongst others, to the Sengar, Bhadauriya, [124]Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Gautam, Parihâr, Dikhit and Gaharwâr Râjputs, and receive daughters in marriage from the Banâphar, Janwâr, Khîchar, Raghubansi, Raikwâr, Karchauli, and Gahlot. The Tilokchandi Bais ally themselves only with septs of the bluest blood. The Bais in Faizâbâd take brides from the Bachgoti, Bhâlê Sultân, Kalhans, and Kânhpuriya septs, and they give their daughters to the Gaharwâr, Bisen, Sombansi, Bhadauriya, Chauhân, and Kachhwâha septs. In Ballia they take wives from the Ujjaini, Haihobans, Kinwâr, Nikumbh, Sengar, Kausik, Râghubansi, Sûrajbansi, Bhrigubansi, Barhauliya, Gaharwâr, Gautam, Kâkan, Donwâr, Jâdon, Kachhwâha, Chauhân, Bisen, Nâgbansi, Sakarwâr, Baghel, Sombansi, Udmatiya, Solankhi, Chandel, Parihâr, and give brides to the Sirnet, Râjkumâr, Drigbansi, Maunas, Kachhwâha, and, in rare cases, to the Ujjaini. Their gotra is Bhâradwâja.

Distribution of the Bais Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

1

48

49

Sahâranpur

185

65

250

Muzaffarnagar

109

250

359

Meerut

578

…

578

Bulandshahr

178

197

375

Aligarh

707

11

718

Mathura

231

16

247

Agra

1,022

4

1,026

Farrukhâbâd

6,688

10

6,698

Mainpuri

4,073

5

4,078

Etâwah

1,828

9

1,837

Etah

2,050

80

2,130

Bareilly

1,673

15

1,688

Bijnor

678

…

678

Budâun

8,301

212

8,513

Morâdâbâd

819

1

820[125]

Shâhjahânpur

1,111

173

1,284

Pilibhît

315

…

315

Cawnpur

6,323

15

6,338

Fatehpur

7,495

672

8,167

Bânda

15,857

224

16,081

Hamîrpur

14,285

24

14,309

Allahâbâd

11,882

60

11,942

Jhânsi

703

…

703

Jâlaun

1,133

21

1,154

Lalitpur

1,097

…

1,097

Benares

11,225

125

11,350

Mirzapur

5,844

…

5,844

Jaunpur

13,863

258

14,121

Ghâzipur

6,329

375

6,704

Ballia

9,334

59

9,393

Gorakhpur

12,246

1,708

13,954

Basti

5,873

9,954

15,827

Azamgarh

24,730

2,091

26,821

Tarâi

47

…

47

Lucknow

3,898

23

3,921

Unâo

10,319

376

10,695

Râê Bareli

27,022

1,141

28,163

Sîtapur

3,887

309

4,196

Hardoi

4,408

90

4,498

Kheri

1,073

503

1,576

Faizâbâd

18,126

1,734

19,860

Gonda

55

146

201

Bahrâich

3,896

1,239

5,135[126]

Sultânpur

6,447

2,514

8,961

Partâbgarh

8,339

560

8,899

Bârabanki

12,171

1,254

13,425

TOTAL

278,454

26,571

305,025

Baiswâr.—A tribe found in the hill country of Mirzapur, whose origin is doubtful. Their own account is that they are Râjputs of the famous Bais stock of Dundiya Khera,[41] and that two brothers being condemned to death by the Râja escaped into Rîwa, where the Râja gave them estates. For the last eight or nine generations they have been migrating into Mirzapur. They admit that they are now endogamous, and have no connection with Baiswâra. Their tribal worship is conducted at a temple of Bhawâni, in Bardi, the south eastern division of Rîwa abutting on Mirzapur. It is very doubtful if they have really any Râjput blood. In appearance they are dark, and have much of the characteristic look of the Dravidian races by whom they are surrounded.

BAISWÂR.

Tribal organization. 2. Besides this, their sub-divisions, some of which are totemistic, point to a non-Aryan origin. The Khandit take their name from the sword (Khanda), which they hold in great respect. The Bansit respect the bamboo (bâns), from which they say the ancestor of this sept was produced. These, they say, are the two original septs, out of which the remaining five have been derived. The Chaudharis are said to be the offspring of a connection between a Kurmi man and a Baiswâr woman. The Bannait say they are so called because they were residents in the forest. The remaining three septs—Rautiha, Sohâgpuriha, and Piparaha—are said to take their names from three villages in which they settled in Bundelkhand, Revati, Sohâgpur, and Pipara. The Khandit is the most respectable sept, and the others by the rule of hypergamy pay to get wives from them. The septs are exogamous in theory, but apparently the rule is not certain. When one daughter has been married into a family other daughters are, if possible, married [127]into the same family, but this is not the case with sons. The tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over by a headman (mahto), who is of the Khandit sept. The offence of adultery is dealt with much less severely than that of eating with another caste. The tribal punishments are to give seven recitations of parts of the Bhâgavata, to bathe in the Ganges, or to undertake a pilgrimage to Benares, Prayâg, or Mathura. Polygamy is allowed, but monogamy is the rule. The head wife alone joins in family worship. Concubinage and polyandry are prohibited. The marriage age for boys or girls is ten or twelve. There is no purchasing of brides, but her relations have to give a dowry, and it is considered discreditable not to provide this to a suitable amount. Adultery in husband or wife, and eating or smoking with a strange caste, are grounds for divorce. A divorced woman cannot re-marry. Widow marriage in the sagâi form is allowed. The only ceremony is that with a recitation of the Satya Nârâyana the clothes of the pair are knotted together in the presence of the clansmen. Widow marriage outside the family is allowed only if the levir does not claim his sister-in-law under the usual restrictions. Adoption and succession are recognized under the usual local rules of Hindu law.

Domestic ceremonies, Birth and Marriage. 3. The mother after birth is attended for six days by the Chamâin midwife, and then for six days by the barber’s wife. On the twelfth day the usual ceremony of purification is performed. The husband is debarred from cohabitation with his wife for six months after birth. When the child is able to walk, the ear-boring ceremony is performed, and after that the child must eat according to caste rules. Marriages are arranged by the family priest (purohit) and barber. When the proposal is accepted the envoys get a feast (bhâji) in the house of the bride. The betrothal is confirmed by the ceremony of marking (tîka) the forehead of the bridegroom by the father or one of the male relatives of the bride. Next day her envoys (tilakahru) after being entertained return home. Five days before the wedding is the matmangar, which is performed in the usual way,[42] except that after worshipping the drum of the Chamâr, which is carried in the women’s procession, by marking it with red lead, the earth is dug by the oldest woman in the family, and carried by her and placed in the marriage shed. In the centre of the shed is fixed a branch of the sacred [128]cotton tree (semal), and near it the holy water vessel (kalsa) is placed on a mound formed of the sacred earth. The usual anointing of bride and bridegroom, which is started by the Pandit, follows. A day before the wedding is the mantri pûja. In a special room some lumps of cowdung are fixed on the wall, and in them some blades of the dûb grass, mango leaves, and a bit of yellow cloth are fastened. On these the bridegroom pours a little butter, and then the worship of the sword (kharag) is done. A relative of the bride holds the sword in both his hands, and the bridegroom’s mother marks it with a mixture of ground rice and turmeric. Then an earthen pot full of sesamum grain is broken with the handle of the sword, and the grain scattered: an emblem, it is said, of the manner in which the enemies of the bridegroom who may dare to interfere with his marriage are to be scattered abroad. The sword is then placed in the middle of the marriage shed, an obvious survival of marriage by capture. After this a goat is sacrificed to the sword. In the evening there is a general feast known as bhatwân. This consists of rice and pulse, and must include cakes made of the urad pulse (bara). Before the bridegroom starts for the bride’s house he is bathed by the barber, and the water thus used is collected in a vessel and taken to the bride’s house, where it is mixed with that in which the bride is bathed. As the bridegroom starts his mother does the usual wave ceremony (parachhan) over him. At the bride’s village they are met by her friends, led by the barber, who brings a yellow cloth, which he lays on the roof of the bridegroom’s litter. At the bride’s door the bridegroom sits in a square and worships Gauri and Ganesa, which concluded, his future father-in-law marks his forehead with curds and rice. After this, food (kalewa) is sent from the bride’s house for the bridegroom and the boys with him, and in return his father sends five articles of jewellery for the bride, and a sheet (sâri) for her and her mother. With this is sent the water in which the bridegroom has been bathed. The bride is bathed in this and dressed in the sheet and jewels. The bridegroom then comes to the marriage shed, where his father-in-law washes his feet, and seats him in the square (chauk) on his left hand, while the bride sits on her father’s right hand. The pair then worship the household gods, of whom images are made in dough, and both mark the water jar and the branch of the cotton tree with red lead. Their clothes are knotted together, and [129]they do the usual five revolutions round the cotton tree, while the bridegroom holds a winnowing fan (sûp) into which the bride’s brother pours a little parched rice each time as they go round. The bride sprinkles this grain on the ground out of the fan, and both retire into the retiring room (kohabar), the walls of which are decorated. There his mother-in-law takes off the bridegroom’s crown (maur) and gives him a present. Next day follows the confarreatio ceremony (khichari), which is done in the usual way. Next day the bridegroom takes home his bride, but before he starts his father goes and shakes down one of the poles of the marriage shed, for which he gets a present (mânro hilâi). On the fourth day after they return the ceremony ends by the barber’s wife taking the sacred jar (kalsa) and the festoons (bandanwâr) of the marriage shed, and throwing them into a neighbouring stream. On their return husband and wife offer a burnt sacrifice (homa) to the local gods (dih).

Death. 4. The dead are cremated in the standard Hindu form. After the cremation all the mourners touch fire with the eight parts of their bodies, and sit for an hour in silence with the chief mourner. Next morning the chief mourner goes to the pyre, collects the ashes, and throws them into an adjoining stream. They set up an earthen vessel on a pîpal tree through which water drops for the refreshment of the thirsty spirit. While in the state of impurity, the chief mourner is armed with a stick, pointed with iron, to enable him to keep off ghosts. Every day he lays out food for the ghost along the road to the cremation ground. On the tenth day he offers lumps of rice and milk, which he throws into a tank, and all the mourners shave. On the eleventh day the Mahâpâtra receives all the personal effects of the dead man, which he is supposed to pass on to the deceased in the land of the dead. On the twelfth day the chief mourner offers sixteen balls (pinda) to ancestors, and returning, feasts the Mahâpâtra and gives him a cow and a loin cloth. On the thirteenth day Brâhmans are fed. During the fortnight (pitri-paksha), sacred to the manes, in the month of Kuâr, the ground under the eaves of the house is plastered, and some water and a tooth brush stick is left out; and flowers and rice are scattered about for the use of the dead visitors. On the fifteenth day of Kuâr Brâhmans are feasted.

Religion. 5. They principally worship Devi through Brâhmans. The local gods (dih) they worship through the Baiga with sacrifices of pigs and goats. [130]

Superstitions. 6. Their superstitions are similar to those of the surrounding castes. They swear by touching their sons’ heads, the feet of a Brâhman, the tail of a cow, or by standing in running water. They believe in the Evil-eye, which is obviated by an Ojha blowing on some dust, and sprinkling it over the person attacked, and repeating appropriate spells (mantra).

Taboos. 7. Very few drink liquor: none eat beef or pork. They will not touch the wife of a younger brother or the wife of an elder brother-in-law. They will not eat the flesh of the lizard, alligator, snake, jackal, or rat. The women eat separate from the men.

Status. 8. They rank as respectable high caste Hindus. They are either landholders or tenants with occupancy rights. They dress and wear ornaments like ordinary Râjputs, and among the low tribes around them their claim to that rank is generally accepted.

Bâjgi.[43]—A tribe of musicians found in the lower ranges of the Hills. They are possibly akin to the Nats. The name of the tribe is derived from Hindi bajâna, “to play a musical instrument.” In Dehra Dûn they consider themselves indigenous to the district.

Marriage rules. 2. They have several exogamous gotras, and are not allowed to marry in their own gotra, or in the family of the maternal uncle, until at least two generations have passed since the last connection by marriage. A man may have as many wives as he can support. Widows of the tribe may be married in the karâo form. Marriages take place when the parties attain the age of puberty. The parents and guardians of the boy have to pay a bride price which varies from forty to fifty rupees, and the price rises according to the youth and beauty of the bride. If a marriage is annulled after consummation, and she marries another man she has to repay the bride price, or as much of it as the tribal council award as compensation to the first husband. Children by a karâo marriage rank equally for inheritance with the offspring of a regular marriage. It has been asserted that the rule of the levirate is so far relaxed that the widow can be claimed by the elder as well as by the younger brother [131]of her late husband; but this assertion is in such direct opposition to the practice current among allied tribes that it is probably incorrect.

Birth. 3. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. The women act as midwives to their own people as well as to other castes; and they have no custom of adoption, initiation, or betrothal.

Marriage. 4. The marriage ceremonies are of the most simple type. The boy’s father pays the bride price, and forthwith takes the girl home; and the marriage is recognised when a few of the clansmen have been fed.

Death. 5. Persons who die of cholera, small-pox, or snake-bite, are buried, because they are supposed to be under the direct influence of the deities who rule these diseases, and no purification by fire is necessary. Persons who die a natural death in other ways are cremated. They do not use a regular pyre, but make a thatch of bamboos, and under it light some wood; when the fire is well alight they put on it the body, covered with a white cloth, and let it burn. They have no special cremation places, but consume the corpse wherever it is most convenient, and pay no regard to the ashes, which are left on the site of the cremation.

Impurity. 6. Women remain impure after childbirth for seven days, and the person who sets fire to the pyre for three days. As long as a woman has not given birth to a child she is considered impure during her menses; but once she is a mother her menstruation is disregarded, and she is not kept apart or prevented from doing her ordinary house work.

Religion. 7. Bâjgis consider themselves to be Hindus. They chiefly reverence Devi, and her worship is carried on by a tribal subscription with which goats, rams, and spirits are bought and used in sacrifice. A little of the blood and spirits is poured upon the ground, and the rest is consumed by the worshippers. They have no priests or temples, but each household has a shelf, on which is placed a trident (trisûl) with an iron lamp and an earthenware vessel containing some beads, which represent the goddess. These articles serve as a representation of Nâga Râja, the serpent godling, who is regarded as their tribal deity. Nâga Râja is a [132]most powerful godling, and, unless he is propitiated, brings misfortune, disease, and death. The special offering to Nâga Râja and Devi is a goat, while Nar Sinh Deo is worshipped with the sacrifice of fowl. Any adult member of the tribe may make these offerings.

Festivals. 8. They have only two festivals, the Naurâtra and the Basant Panchami. Some of them regard Makar-ki-Sankrânt, or the passage of the sun into the sign of Capricornus, a holiday. On these days they eat meat and drink spirits. Of ancestor worship they know little; but they are, like similar races, in great dread of the spirits of the departed, and do not care to say much about them. Like the Doms of Dehra Dûn, they keep in their houses, as a sort of household guardian, some rude wooden images representing the five Pândavas—Yudhishthira, Bhîma, Arjuna, Nakula and Sahadeva. They know little of omens.

Oaths. 9. Their chief oath is on the cow; in less serious cases they swear on the bamboo. The violation of an oath is believed to cause the death of the eldest son of the perjurer.

Demonology. 10. They have the usual beliefs characteristic of races in the same phase of culture regarding dreams, the Evil-eye, and demoniacal possession, leading to disease and death.

Social rules. 11. They will not eat beef; but as to any other kind of food they have no scruples. Men and women eat apart. They will eat pakki and kachchi from any one but a Dom or a Chamâr. No other caste will eat or drink from their hands.

Occupation. 12. Their occupation is singing and dancing, and their women, as has been said already, act as midwives.

Bâlâhar, Bulâhar.—[44] A tribe found in parts of the Duâb and Bundelkhand. The name seems to mean “crier” or “summoner” (Hindi, bulâna, “to call”). In Cawnpur they are also known as Domar or Basor, which connect them with Doms and Bânsphors and Toraiha, because part of their business is to blow the long trumpet or “cholera horn” (turi, turai, turhi) at weddings. In Cawnpur they have four exogamous septs—Suyador, [133]Laungbasa, Kudkaha, and Banha—of the meaning of which they can give no explanation.

The Census returns record 85 sections. Many of these are taken from well-known tribes, such as Baghel, Bais, Bâhman Gaur, Chamar Gaur, Khatîk; others are of local origin, like Abâdpura, Baksariya, Indauriya, Purabiya. Curiously enough they do not seem to have retained the distinctively totemistic sections of the Doms, Bânsphors, and Basors.

Marriage rules. 2. Besides the rule that a man cannot marry within his sept he cannot marry in a family which is known to be descended from the same parents as his own, or which can be traced to a common ancestor. He cannot marry in the family of his maternal uncle or of his father’s sister. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time, but he can marry the younger sister of his deceased wife.

Traditions. 3. Their traditions show clearly that they are a branch of the great Dom tribe, and they refer their origin to Sûpa Bhagat, who, in Bengal, is regarded more as the Guru than the progenitor of the Doms.

Marriage. 4. Marriage is both infant and adult. Sexual license before marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Polyandry is repudiated; polygamy without any condition or limit is allowed. They marry by the ordinary low caste form. Widows are married by the form known as Dola or Dharauna. The levirate, on the usual conditions, is recognised; but it is not compulsory on the widow to marry the younger brother of her late husband. At the Dola marriage the binding part of the ceremony is the feast to the brethren. A woman can be turned out of the house for infidelity, and this is the only form of divorce. A divorced woman can marry again like a widow.

Religion. 5. They are not initiated into any sect, but are commonly classed as Sâktas. Their tribal godling is Jakhaiya, to whom pigs are offered on a Monday. On Monday and Friday goats are sacrificed to Devi. There appears to be no worship special to women and children.

Death ceremonies. 6. Some of them bury and some burn the dead. The corpse is buried with the feet to the south. When cremation is performed the ashes are thrown [134]into some river. They have no particular ceremony to appease the spirits of the dead. Some of them do the ordinary srâddha.

Occupation. 7. Their occupation is to act as village messengers (gorait). They blow the long trumpet at marriages and festivals. Some make bamboo baskets; some are pure village menials, and work in consideration of receiving a small patch of rent-free land.

Social rules. 8. They eat meat and drink spirits. They practically eat anything, even the leavings of other people. They will eat kachchi only with their own castes; they take pakki from sweepers. No other caste will touch anything from their hands.

Distribution of Balâhars according to the Census of 1891.

Mathura

509

Cawnpur

1,428

Hamîrpur

105

Jâlaun

317

TOTAL

2,359

Balâi, Balâhi[45].—A tribe of weavers and labourers in the Central Duâb. They have no exogamous or endogamous divisions. They marry only in their own caste, but not in the gotra of their mother or grandmother. They can marry two sisters. There is no prohibition of marriage based on social position, occupation, or sectarial belief. They say themselves that they are the descendants of Panwâr Râjputs, and that their original home is Kota Bûndi and Bikâner. They are settled and not nomadic. They do not admit outsiders into the caste. Marriage is both infant and adult, and sexual license both before and after marriage is not tolerated. Polyandry is prohibited, and polygamy to the extent of two wives is allowed.

Marriage. 2. The marriage is celebrated in the usual way, and the binding part of it is the seven perambulations (bhanwar) round the sacred fire. A Brâhman priest officiates. Marriage under the form known as Dharaicha is also permitted. This is the form used in widow marriage. The widow can, if she please, live with the younger brother of her late husband; but she can, if she chooses, marry an outsider to the family, and her right of choice is fully recognized. A woman can be expelled [135]for infidelity, and she has the right of appeal to the tribal council. Such a divorced woman can marry again by the Dharaicha form.

Religion. 3. They are Hindus of the Vaishnava sect, and their chief god is Bhagwân. They worship Hanumân every Tuesday and Saturday, and Devi in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Zâhir Pîr is venerated on the ninth of the first half of Bhâdon. The offerings consist of flowers, sweetmeats, fruits, etc., and after presentation they are consumed by the worshippers. They employ Brâhmans as priests who do not incur any social discredit by serving them.

Disposal of the dead. 4. The dead are cremated. Poor people leave the ashes at the pyre; wealthier people send them to the Ganges. They perform the usual annual srâddha in the month of Kuâr.

Occupation. 5. Weaving is their main occupation, but some of them work as masons and day-labourers.

Social rules. 6. They eat pork and flesh of cloven-footed animals, except the cow. They drink spirits. They will not eat the flesh of monkeys, fish, fowls, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, rats or other vermin, or the leavings of other people. The lowest well known caste with which the caste will eat pakki is the Nâi. They eat kachchi cooked by Kâyasths, Gûjars or Ahîrs.

Bâm-Mârgi.—(Sans. Vâma-mârgi, “the left hand path”).—The notorious left hand or Sâkti sect, which presents one of the most degraded forms of modern Hinduism. On these Sir Monier Williams[46] writes:—“It can scarcely be doubted that Sâktism is Hinduism arrived at its worst and most corrupt stage of development. To follow out the whole process of evolution would not be easy. Suffice it to say that just as Hinduism resolved itself into two great systems, Saivism and Vaishnavism, so the adherents of these two systems respectively separated into two great classes. The first are now called “followers of the right hand path” (Dakshina-mârgis). These make the Purânas their real Veda (Nigama), and are devoted to either Siva or Vishnu in their double nature as male and female. But they do not display undue preference for the female or left-hand side of the deity; nor are they addicted to mystic or secret rites. The second class are called “followers [136]of the left-hand path” (Vâma-mârgis). These make the Tantras their peculiar Veda (Agama), tracing back their doctrines to the Kaula Upanishad, which is held to be the original authority for their opinions, whence their system is called Kaula as well as Sâkta, and they call themselves Kaulikas.

2. “And it is these left-hand worshippers who, I repeat, devote themselves to the exclusive worship of the female side of Siva and Vishnu; that is the goddess Durga or Kâli (Amba Devi) rather than to Siva; to Râdha rather than to Krishna; to Sîta rather than to Râma; but above all to Amba or Devi, the mother goddess, sometimes confounded with Siva’s consort, but rather, in her more comprehensive character, the great power (Sakti) of Nature, the one mother of the Universe (Jaganmâta, Jagadamba), the mighty mysterious force, whose function is to direct and control two quite distinct operations; namely, first, the working of the natural appetites and passions, whether for the support of the body by eating and drinking, or for the propagation of living organisms through sexual cohabitation; secondly, the acquisition of supernatural faculties (Siddhi), whether for man’s own individual exaltation or for the annihilation of his opponents.”

The sect devotes itself to what are technically known as the five Ms. which are named in the verse,—

Madyam mânsam cha minam cha mudrâ maithun mewa cha;

Êtê pânch makârasyur mokshadâ hi yuge yuge.

“Wine, fish, flesh, enjoyment and cohabitation—these are the givers of salvation in every age.” For each of these there is a slang or technical term. Thus wine is tîrtha or “pilgrimage;” flesh, sudhi or “pure;” fish, pushpa or “flowers;” mudra is chaturthi or “fourth;” and cohabitation, panchami or “fifth.” Their principal form of worship is known as Bhairavi chakra or “the wheel of Bhairava;” and they assert that whoever takes part in it becomes for the time a Brâhman. A jug of spirits is placed within the figure of a triangle or quadrangle, and worshipped with the mantra, Brahm shapam bimocha tha—“O wine! thou art free from the curse of Brahma.” Again the secret form of the ritual consists in the worship of a naked woman, and similarly, a naked man is worshipped by the women. A vessel is filled with water and a large dish with meat, and the leader, the wine cup in his hand, says, Bhairavoham Sivoham, “I am Bhairava and Siva.” He drinks first, and all the congregation does the same. A man and woman stand [137]naked with swords in their hands, and are worshipped. The pair are supposed to represent Devi and Mahâdeva. Then follows indiscriminate license, and the subsequent ritual takes even more disgusting forms. To free themselves from the risk of subsequent transmigration, they perform a particular charm (prayoga), which consists in placing bottles of liquor at separate places in the house and drinking till intoxication results. The mantra of initiation is said to be Dam Durge namah, or Bham Bhairavâya namah, “I salute Durga. I salute Bhairava.” In Bengal they also use the mystic formula Hrin, Srin, Klin. Another of their mystic formulas is Hram, hrim, hrum, bagala muhhai phat swâha, or Hum phat swâha. The charm to kill an enemy is to make an image of flour or earth and stick razors into the breast, navel and throat, with pegs in the eyes, hands and feet. Then they make an image of Bhairava or Durga, holding a three-pronged fork (trisûl) in the hand, and place it so close to the image of the person to whom evil is intended that the fork pierces its breast. A fire sacrifice is made with meat and a charm recited, which runs—“Kill, kill; estrange, and make him hated of all; make him subservient to my will; devour him, consume him, break him, destroy him; make my enemies obey me.” At one time they were supposed to make human sacrifices to Kâli, and the records of our Criminal Courts show that such practices have not entirely ceased. In this they are closely connected with the Aghoris, who eat human flesh. One division of them the Choli-mârgi, make the women place their boddices (choli) in a jar, and thus allot them by chance to the male worshippers. Of another, the Bîjmârgi, the bestiality of the ritual defies description.

3. There seems, unhappily, reason to believe that this brutal form of so-called worship is spreading in Upper India under the example of Bengâli immigrants, who have introduced it from its head-quarters in Bengal. At the last census, 1,576 persons avowed themselves worshippers of the left-hand path.

Banâphar.—A famous sept of Yadubansi Râjputs confined almost entirely to the Bundelkhand country now included in the Allahâbâd and Benares Divisions. According to their own account they derive their name from their ancestor, a certain Rishi who used to live on the wild fruits of the jungle (vanaphala). Their original settlement is said to have been Orai and Chausa, in the Jâlaun District. The story of their emigration to Mahoba is thus told:—Two men of the tribe once went into the forest to hunt; their [138]names were Jasar and Sorhar. They came upon two buffalos fighting, and as they watched the combat two Ahîr girls came up, and by main force separated the furious animals. The Thâkurs were so pleased with the bravery and strength of the girls that they took them to wife. Their sons were the famous Alha and Udal, whose adventures form the subject of the great Bundelkhand epic. They are the heroes of the famous war between the Chandels and Chauhâns. In the course of this campaign the Chauhân chieftain, Prithivi Râja, conquered the King of Mahoba, Paramarddi Deva, or Parmal, as he is familiarly called by the bard Chand, and the later annalists at a battle at Sirswagarh, on the Pahoj, or at Bairagarh near Orai.[47] The names of the Ahîr girls, their mothers, are said to have been Devala and Brahma. When the Râja found that his men had contracted a low marriage with Ahîrins they were turned out of caste, and took service with Parmal of Mahoba.[48] At that time Mahoba was besieged by the hosts of the Râja of Jambudwîpa, one of the seven islands or continents of which the world is made up, having Mount Meru for its centre and including Bharata-varsha or India. The Banâphar heroes drove back the enemy, and were rewarded by the gift of an estate known as the Daspurwa, or ten hamlets. Subsequently two other Banâphar soldiers of fortune, Râma Sinh and Dhana Sinh, came to Benares from Chausa and took service with Bandâl, the Râja of Benares. They rose in his favour, and by and by proposed to him to attack and expel the Bhar Râja of Kantit, in the Mirzapur District. For this purpose they invited some of their relations and made them take service with the Bhar Râja. According to the stock legend which explains the conquest of the Aborigines by the Aryan invaders, they drugged the liquor of the Bhars and overcame them while sunk in drunken sleep. Thus Râja Bandâl acquired the territories of the Bhars. Bandâl conferred on the Banâphar warriors the villages of Râjpur and Hariharpur. Dânu Sinh succeeded Bandâl, and held Dhana Sinh in high favour. One day the Râja was at his devotions and a kite dropped a morsel of flesh on him, whereupon Dhana Sinh killed it with his arrow. This so pleased the Râja that he conferred more estates upon him. These have been gradually lost until the [139]sept now hold a very inconsiderable landed property in the Benares Division.

2. The Banâphars hold only a moderately respectable rank among Râjputs. In Jâlaun they will, it is said, take brides by the dola form from all the poor Râjputs of the District, and receive the bride price. They marry their sons to the girls of the Bais, Gautam, Dikhit, and Bisen septs. In Hamîrpur they profess to belong to the Kasyapa gotra, and give brides to the Gautam, Dikhit Bais, and Chandel, while they take wives from the Nandwâni, Bâhman Gaur, and Bais. In Bânda they give brides to the Dikhit, Gautam, Gaur, and Kachhwâha; and take girls of the Panwâr Bais, Dikhit, and Sombansi septs.

Distribution of the Banâphar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Mathura

8

Farrukhâbâd

3

Mainpuri

15

Etah

1

Shâhjahânpur

36

Pilibhît

8

Cawnpur

123

Bânda

510

Hamîrpur

828

Allahâbâd

340

Jhânsi

34

Jâlaun

722

Lalitpur

59

Benares

1,447

Mirzapur

191

Ghâzipur

629

Ballia

473

Azamgarh

35

Lucknow

1

Râê Bareli

2

TOTAL

5,465

Banarwâr, Bandarwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the Benares Division. They have thirty-six sections, which are thus given in Mirzapur—Mâlhan, Sothiyân, Sanbhariya, Abakahon, Rupiya, Katariya, Patsariya, Thagwariya, Manihariya, Narihiya, Nakthariya, Khatwatiya, Khelaniya, Burbak, Manipariya, Jhatwatiya, Purwar, Deriya, Puriya, Kalyâniya, Dhângar, Sonmukhiya, Chaudhariya, Sethiyân, Bairah, Naiphiriya, Katholiya, Beriya, [140]Kakariya, Badana, Kasauliya, Lohkhariya, Panchlatiya, Dhenk, Bajâj, Motariya, and lastly those who have no knowledge of their gotra call themselves Akâsh Bhânwari. These sections marry indiscriminately. They are often initiated into the Râmanandi sect of Vaishnavas. To the East they worship, as a sort of fetish (apparently from some fancied connection of name), the bandi or chain worn by women on the forehead. To this on the day of the Nâgpanchami they offer prayers, cakes (pûri), usually one hundred and eight in number, and garlands of flowers. They worship Mahâbîr and the Pânchonpîr in the usual way. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans who are said to serve the royal family of Rîwa. They make their living as brokers, and by selling brass vessels, cloth, money-changing and similar mercantile business. Those who live towards the North eat meat, but the others do not. Drinking is prohibited. They eat pakki cooked by Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. They will eat kachchi cooked only by members of their own sub-caste. Some Brâhmans, and Kshatriyas will eat pakki cooked by them. Kahârs and Nâis will eat kachchi cooked by them.

Bandhalgoti; Bandhugoti; Bandhilgoti; Banjhilgoti.—A sept of Râjputs found principally in Sultânpur, of whose origin there are at least three different accounts. First.—Their own tribal legend, according to which they are “Sûrajbansi by origin and belong to the particular branch of the clan now represented by the Râja of Jaypur. About nine hundred years ago Sûda Râê, a scion of that illustrious house, leaving his home in Narwargarh, set out on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Ajudhya. His route lay across the Amethi Pargana, in the Sultânpur District, where, near the present village of Râêpur, half overgrown with tangled weeds and briars, a shrine of Devi suddenly presented itself to his view. The Bhars then held sway and few vestiges remained anywhere of Hindu places of worship; so the pious pilgrim resolved to tarry a while near the one accident had brought him to. Having performed his devotions, he lay down to rest, and in his slumbers saw a vision of the goddess of the fane, who disclosed to him the lofty destiny ordained for him and his descendants; they were to become hereditary lords of the territory in which he was then a temporary sojourner. Prepared to further to his utmost the fulfilment of so interesting a prophecy, he determined henceforth to abide in his future domains, and relinquishing his uncompleted pilgrimage, entered into the service of the [141]Bhar chieftain. His innate worth soon manifested itself in many ways, and secured his elevation to the post of minister. His Bhar master now designed, as a crowning mark of favour, to bestow upon him his daughter in marriage; but a Sûrajbans, though he might condescend to serve a barbarian, might not sully his lineage by a mésalliance, and Sûda Râê contemptuously refused the proferred honour. The Bhar chief, in offended pride, at once deprived him of his office and he returned to Narwargarh. But his mind was ever occupied with thoughts of the promised land; he collected a picked body of followers and marched against Amethi. The Bhars were defeated with great slaughter, and the Sûrajbans occupied their territory. Sûda Râê established a fort on the spot where he had seen the prophetic vision, and included therein the ruined shrine in grateful commemoration of the divine interposition of his fortunes which occurred there. After the lapse of a few generations, the line of Sûda Râê threatened to become extinct, for the sixth in descent remained childless in his old age. In the village of Kurmu, however, resided Kanak Muni, one of those saints of irresistible piety. To him Mândhâta Sinh poured out his tale of woe; and not in vain; for, by the prayers of the saint, a son was born to him, and was at first called Sutsâh; but when he was taken to be presented to the saint he was called Bandhu, or “who is bound,” and his descendants called themselves Bandhugoti, or popularly Bandhalgoti.”[49]

2. According to Mr. Carnegy,[50] however, they spring from a Brâhman, Chuchu Pânrê, and a Dharkârin or Dom woman, and their name is connected with that of the Bânsphor Doms. They worship as their tribal fetish the knife (bânka) with which Doms split the bamboo, and this they now call a poniard, the symbol of Narwar.

3. Thirdly, Sir H. M. Elliot[51] describes them as a branch of the Chauhâns.

4. On the general question of their origin Mr. Millet writes[52]:—“With regard to the theory which makes their Kshatriya status of local development, the Bandhalgotis freely admit that one of their number was enlisted on the side of the Râja of Hasanpur in his [142]dispute with the Baghels, and that in return for services then rendered a tract of land was made over to him by the Râja. Again, while they describe their former home to have been at Narwargarh, the town of Hasanpur was, until the time of Hasan Khân, that is just till the synchronism in the annals of the Bandhalgoti and the Bachgoti, known as Narwal. And further, whereas the Bandhalgoti derive their name from Bandhu, there is contiguous to Hasanpur a village named Bandhu, and a slight eminence on the border of a tank between the two is still pointed out as the residence of the Bandhalgoti servant of the Râja. The story of the Dharkârin alliance may seem to find some support in one form of the clan appellation; for Banjhilgoti is a very possible corruption of Bânschhilgoti (bâns, “a bamboo,” chhîlna, “to pare”), and although the exact word banschhil does not exist, a very similar one, Bânsphor, shows that the bamboo-splitting industry furnishes the basis of a caste distinction. The reverse of the picture is not, however, quite blank. Whatever the source of the Bandhalgoti traditions, it is curious that in claiming kinship with the Jaypur family they should hit on, as the home of their ancestors, the very place it occupied before its removal to Jaypur; and the strangeness of the coincidence is enhanced by the fact that Sûda Râê’s pilgrimage agrees in date with the Kachhwâha migration.” The question of their origin must then remain to some extent doubtful.

5. In Sultânpur they are reported to take brides from the Bilkhariya, Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi, Râjkumâr, and Bachgoti; and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Mainpuri Chauhâns, Mahûl Sûrajbansis, Nagar Gautams, and Bisens of Majhauli; and that their gotra is Bandhal. In Gonda, it is said that their gotra is Vatsya, and that they give girls to the Panwâr, Bisen, Sirnet, Raikwâr, Bhadauriya, Bais, Kalhans and Chauhân; and take brides from the Sûrajbans, Bachgoti, Barwâr, Gaharwâr, and other high caste Râjputs. [143]

Distribution of the Bandhalgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

9

Fatehpur

115

Lalitpur

6

Benares

27

Gorakhpur

48

Basti

257

Azamgarh

4

Lucknow

17

Râê Bareli

129

Sîtapur

35

Kheri

11

Faizâbâd

495

Gonda

407

Sultânpur

9,831

Partâbgarh

3

Bârabanki

42

TOTAL

11,436

Bândi.—A small tribe living as drummers and bird-catchers in the Himalayan Tarâi. Their chief business is catching birds for sale. They also make a living by catching birds and bringing them into cities where pious people, such as Jain Banyas, pay them to release a bird as an act of piety or as a charm to take away disease from a sick person. In their habits and occupation they resemble the Baheliya.

The Census returns record four sections,—Gaur, Mathuriya, Odrain and Serain.

Distribution of the Bândi according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Bareilly

105

Morâdâbâd

5

TOTAL

110

Bangâli, Bengâli.—A resident of Bengal, Vanga or Bang Desa. It is not quite clear whether some of these recorded in the census lists are not the familiar Bengâli Bâbu who has not been entered in his regular caste, Brâhman, Kâyasth, etc. At any rate there is a recognised tribe of vagrants known as Bengâli, Naumuslim Bengâli or Singiwâla, the last because they use a kind of horn in cupping. [144]

2. From reports from the District Superintendents of Police at Sahâranpur, Meerut, and Aligarh, it appears that these people wander all over the Upper Duâb and the Panjab and Native States. They disclaim any direct connection with Nats, Kanjars, and similar vagrants; but they are obviously closely related. Among the Hindu branch there appear to be at least three exogamous sections, Negiwâla, Teli, and Jogeli. The Census returns show 54 sections of the Hindu and four of the Muhammadan branch, but it is impossible to say how many of these belong to the vagrant Bengâlis. The Hindu branch call themselves the descendants of one Siwâi Râm, Râjput, who was a Bengâli and elephant driver, and in the time of Aurangzeb learnt the art of bleeding and cupping from a native physician or Hakîm, and taught it to his descendants. The Muhammadan branch usually call themselves Lodi Pathâns from Bengal. They do not admit outsiders to their caste; marry in the usual form, if Muhammadans, through the Qâzi, but as might have been expected their religious practices are vague. The Muhammadans are said never to be circumcised, and they as well as the Hindus worship Devi and Zâhir Pîr.

3. From Meerut it is reported the Hindu branch will eat meat of all kinds, the flesh of cloven or uncloven footed animals, fowls, all kinds of fish and crocodiles, and the leavings of other people. Though this is not quite certain, it would appear that the Muhammadan branch generally abstain from pork.

4. The Bengâli is a loafer and vagabond, prone to commit petty theft, a beggar, and a rustic surgeon as far as bleeding and cupping go. In their manner of life they much resemble the Mâl and Bediya of Bengal, and, if there is anything in the name, they are possibly akin to their tribes.

Distribution of Bengâlis according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Musalmâns.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

16

16

Sahâranpur

65

160

225

Bulandshahr

235

1

236

Aligarh

1

…

1[145]

Mathura

64

…

64

Agra

40

…

40

Farrukhâbâd

5

…

5

Mainpuri

2

…

2

Bareilly

25

…

25

Budâun

…

25

25

Cawnpur

31

4

35

Fatehpur

16

…

16

Bânda

4

…

4

Allahâbâd

65

4

69

Jhânsi

8

…

8

Benares

219

…

219

Mirzapur

12

…

12

Ghâzipur

28

…

28

Gorakhpur

41

…

41

Kumâun

15

…

15

Lucknow

61

30

91

Râê Bareli

75

17

92

Faizâbâd

5

…

5

Gonda

…

16

16

Sultânpur

2

…

2

Partâbgarh

51

7

58

TOTAL

1,070

280

1,350

Bangâli, Bengâli.—One of the great divisions of Brâhmans recorded as such at the last census. According to Mr. Risley, who has given an elaborate account of them,[53] the Bengal Brâhmans [146]belong to one or other of the Gaur groups, and are divided into five main sub-castes,—Rârhi, Barendra, Vaidik, Saptasati and Madhyasrani. As already stated, it is impossible to say how many of the 58 sections recorded in the census refer to the Brâhman branch, and how many to the tribe of vagrants of the same name.

The Rârhi Brâhmans. 2. “The Rârhi Brâhmans derive their name from the Rârh, or the high-lying alluvial tract on the west bank of the river Bhagîrathi. Their claim to be of comparatively pure Aryan descent is to some extent borne out by the results of anthropometric enquiries. The current tradition is that early in the eleventh century A.D. Adisura or Adisvara, King of Bengal, finding the Brâhmans, then settled in Bengal, too ignorant to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies, applied to the Râja of Kanauj for priests thoroughly conversant with the sacred ritual of the Aryans. In answer to this request five Brâhmans of Kanauj were sent to him, Bhatta Nârâyana, of the Sândilya section, or gotra; Daksha, of the Kasyapa gotra; Vedagarbha or Vidagarbha, of the Vatsa gotra, or, as others say, from the family of Bhrigu; Chandra or Chhandara, of the Savarna gotra; and Sri Harsa of the Bhâradvâja gotra. They brought with them their wives, their sacred fire and their sacrificial implements. It is said that Adisura was at first disposed to treat them with scanty respect, but he was soon compelled to acknowledge his mistake, and to beg the Brâhmans to forgive him. He then made over to them five populous villages, where they lived for a year. Meanwhile the king was so impressed with the superhuman virtue of Bhatta Nârâyana, who was a son of Kshitisa, King of Kanauj, that he offered him several more villages. The Brâhman, however, declined to take these as a gift, but bought them, as the story goes, at a low price.

3. “Although the immigrant Brâhmans brought their wives with them, tradition says that they contracted second marriages with the women of Bengal, and that their children by the latter were the ancestors of the Barendra Brâhmans. The Barendra, on the other hand, claim to represent the offspring from the original Hindustâni wives, and allege that the Rârhi Brâhmans are themselves sprung from the mésalliance contracted in Bengal.

4. “By the middle of the eleventh century, when Ballâl Sen, the second of the Sen Kings of Bengal, instituted his famous enquiry into the personal endowments of the Rârhi Brâhmans, their numbers [147]seem to have increased greatly. They are represented as divided into fifty-six headships of villages (gâin), which were reserved for them, and might not be encroached on by Brâhmans of other orders.

5. “It is interesting to trace in Ballâl Sen’s enquiry the survival or reassertion of the principle that the Brâhmanhood of the Brâhmans depends not merely on birth but upon personal endowments. It is a question of virtue, not a question of descent. Ballâl Sen, of course, could not go as far as this. The time had long passed when a Kshatriya could transform himself into a Brâhman by penance and self-denial. But the Sen Monarch sought to reaffirm the ancient principle, so far as was then possible, by testing the qualifications of each Rârhi family for the priestly office, and classifying them, in the order of their virtue, according to the results of this examination. Thus two grades of sacerdotal virtue were formed, the Kulin being those who had observed the entire nine counsels of perfection, and the Srotiya, who, though regular students of the Vedas, had lost status by intermarrying with families of inferior birth. The Srotiya were again divided into Siddha or ‘perfect,’ Sâdhya or ‘capable of attaining purity,’ and Kashta or ‘difficult.’ The last-named group was also called Ari or ‘enemy,’ because a Kulin marrying a daughter of that group was disgraced.”

The Barendra Brâhmans. 6. As above stated, there is a difference of opinion as to their origin. “The sub-caste takes its name from the tract or country known as Barendra, lying north of the river Padma and corresponding roughly to the Districts of Pabna, Râjshâhi, and Bogra. Of these there are three hypergamous classes—Kulin, Suddha or ‘pure,’ Srotiya and Kashta, or bad Srotiya.” Of their rules of intermarriage Mr. Risley gives full details.

The Vaidik Brâhmans. 7. “Concerning the origin of the Vaidik Brâhmans some differences of opinion exist. All agree in honouring them for their adherence to Vedic rites, their zeal for Vedic study, their social independence, and their rejection of polygamy. From the fact that some of the most important settlements of the sub-caste are formed in the outlying districts of Orissa and Sylhet, some authorities are led to describe them as descendants of the original Brâhmans of Bengal, who refused to accept the reforms of Ballâl Sen, and took refuge in regions beyond his jurisdiction. The theory that they came from Kanauj derives support [148]from Mr. Sherring’s statement that the Kanaujiya Brâhmans of Benares recognise the Vaidik as a branch of their own tribe, who settled in Bengal. There are two main divisions of Vaidik Brâhmans,—Paschâtya or ‘Western,’ claiming to have come from Kanauj, and Dakshinatya or ‘Southern,’ tracing their origin to the original Bengal stock.”

The Saptasati Brâhmans. 8. “According to popular tradition, the Saptasati Brâhmans are descended from the seven hundred ignorant Brâhmans sent by Adisur to the Court of Kanauj for the purpose of learning their priestly duties. Others trace their origin to certain Brâhmans who were exiled beyond the Brahmaputra river for resisting the innovations of Ballâl Sen. It seems to be certain that they are peculiar to Bengal, and that they cannot claim connection with any of the ten standard Brâhmanical tribes. They virtually admit their inferiority to the other orders of Brâhmans. Men of education and respectability are reluctant to admit that they belong to this sub-caste, all distinctive practices are being abandoned, and the entire group seems likely to be absorbed in the Srotiya grade of Rârhi Brâhmans.”

The Madhyasreni Brâhmans. 9. The Madhyasreni Brâhmans profess to derive their name from the fact of their original settlement being in the District of Midnapur, lying midway (Madhyadesa) between Bengal and Orissa. It is conjectured that they may be a composite group made up of members of the Rârhi, Utkal, and Saptasati sub-castes, who for some reason broke off from their own classes, settled in an outlying district, and in course of time formed a new sub-caste.

10. Further elaborate details of the Bengal Brâhmans will be found in Mr. Risley’s excellent account of them.

Distribution of Bengâli Brâhmans according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

13

Muzaffarnagar

3

Bulandshahr

30

Aligarh

8

Mathura

505

Agra

106

Farrukhâbâd

11

Etâwah

27

Etah

3

Morâdâbâd

26[149]

Cawnpur

189

Allahâbâd

1,167

Jhânsi

30

Lalitpur

22

Benares

2,362

Mirzapur

3

Ghâzipur

119

Ballia

84

Gorakhpur

108

Lucknow

289

Râê Bareli

16

Sîtapur

12

Kheri

50

Faizâbâd

26

Gonda

9

Bahrâich

11

Sultânpur

22

TOTAL

5,251

Males

2,372

Females

2,879

Banjâra.[54]—A tribe whose primary occupation is, or rather used to be, to act as grain carriers and suppliers to armies in the field. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit vanijya or banijya-kâra, “a merchant.” Sir H. M. Elliot, whose account of the tribe is perhaps the most valuable part of his admirable “Supplement to the Glossary of Indian terms,” the first attempt at a scientific account of the tribes of these Provinces, shows that the popular derivation from the Persian biranjâr or “rice-carriers” is untenable. He argues that the word must be of higher antiquity than (omitting fabulous legends) the Indian connection with Persia. “Thus we find mention of a cock-fight in the Banjâra camp in the story of Pramati in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra written by Dandi, a predecessor of Kâlidâsa, according to Colebrooke. It is to be confessed, however, that Wilson does not assign an earlier origin to this composition than the ninth century. Nevertheless, independent of this testimony, Banjâras seem to be clearly indicated, even by Arrian (Indica, XI). We may, therefore, rest assured that we are not to look to Persia for the origin of the name.” On this question Professor Cowell[55] has remarked:—“Sir H. M. Elliot was [150]misled when he supposed that the word Banjâra was necessarily of higher antiquity than the Indian connection with Persia, because it occurs in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra, written by Dandin in the eleventh or twelfth century. It is true that Professor Wilson in his analysis of the story of Pramati speaks of the Banjâra camp, but in the printed text of the original (p. 125) no such word occurs, but we have only Mahati nigame naigamânam. Dandin no doubt had Banjâras in his mind; but he cannot be quoted as an authority for the word.” The theory that the title of the caste may be connected with the Hindi ban-jârna in some such sense as “burners or cleaners of the jungle” or “forest wanderers” is untenable.

The Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 2. Before considering the tribe as found in these Provinces, it may be well to put together some of the information about them obtainable from the Dakkhin, where they retain much more of their primitive manners and customs than the small branch which remains in these Provinces, where they have been much modified by association with other races. The chief authority for the Dakkhin branch is the report of Mr. Cumberlege, District Superintendent of Police at Wun, in the Berârs.[56] He explains that the Banjâras of the Dakkhin fall into three grand Hindu tribes, Mathuriya or “those from Mathura”; Lavâna who probably derive their name from being carriers of salt (Sans. lavana), and Châran (Sans. chârana, “a wanderer, pilgrim;” châra, “a spy”). “The three Hindu tribes all trace their descent from the great Brâhman and Râjput races of Upper India, and, as usual, ascribe their tribe segregation to some irregular marriage of a legendary kind contracted by their first ancestors. In these stories Guru Nânak, the Sikh Prophet, usually figures as the opportune miracle-worker and spiritual adviser. No doubt these stories of descent are founded on fact. It is most probable that some irregular marriage, made by adventurous wanderers into distant countries, did first cut off these branches from the parent stock, and plant them apart as distinct communities. From Mr. Cumberlege’s memoir it may be conjectured, however, that the emigration which settled the Banjâra upon Dakkhin soil took place when these grain carriers came down with the Mughal armies early in the seventeenth century.” (As a corroboration of this it may be noticed that the first mention of Banjâras in Muhammadan history [151]is in Sikandar’s attack on Dholpur in 1504 A.D.[57]) “In fact they seem to have derived their whole origin and organisation from the long wars of the Delhi Emperors in the South, and the restoration of peace and prosperity is breaking them up. Neither their trade nor their tribal system can survive another generation of British predominance. Wherefore some account of their more striking peculiarities has at least the interest that attaches to a picture of things which we shall never see again.”

The Châran Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 3. “Of the Châran tribe the Râthaur family,” says Mr. Cumberlege, “is the strongest, and holds sway in Berâr, for all the Dakkhin is parcelled out among different Banjâra tribes, and no camp (tânda) trades or grazes cattle beyond its own border. The Chârans evidently came to the Dakkhin with Âsaf Jân, sometimes called Âsa Khân, the Wazîr Shâhjahân; and in the year 1630, or thereabouts, Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks (represented to have been brothers, but certainly not such, though perhaps related) had with them 180,000 bullocks, and Bhagwân Dâs, the Burthiya Nâik, only 52,000. They accompanied Âsaf Jân, carrying his provisions during his raid into the Dakkhin. It was an object of Âsaf Jân to keep these bullocks well up with his force, and he was induced to give an order to Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks, as they put forward excuses regarding the difficulty of obtaining grass and water for their cattle. This order was engraved on copper and in gold letters as follows:—

Ranjan ka pâni,

Chhappar ka ghâs,

Din ka tîn khûn mu’âf;

Aur jahân Âsaf Jân kê ghorê,

Wahan Bhangi Jhangi kâ bail.

This is still in the possession of the descendants of Bhangi, who are still recognised by the Haidarâbâd Court; and on the death of the representative of the family his successor receives a dress of honor (khillat) from His Highness the Nizâm. The meaning of the inscription seems to be—“If you can find no water elsewhere, you may even take it from the pots of my followers; grass you may take from the roofs of their huts; and if you commit three murders a day I will even pardon this, provided that where I find my cavalry I can always find Bhangi Jhangi’s bullocks.” [152]

Witchcraft among the Dakkhin Banjâras. 4. On this Mr. Cumberlege writes:—“Though not to such an extent as in former years, witchcraft still obtains in Berâr. I can confidently say this, as I had a case in this district wherein all the features coincided exactly with what I am told is still the practice of Banjâras when they fancy a woman a sorceress. The woman was knocked down and strangled by three or four men deputed by the Nâik of the camp, on her husband refusing to kill her, to kill and bury her: this they did, and the husband had afterwards to appear before the council (panchâyat), where he was mulcted of all he possessed, amounting in cattle and cash to about Rs.2,000. Even when attacked by a bad fever or determined dysentery, they often put it down to foul play by some sorceress, and on such occasions the sufferer sends for some one who knows some spell (mantra) or is supposed to know something of sorcery (jâdu). A betel-quid is given to the sufferer and some spell is repeated. Should the sufferer not recover now, he sends for the Nâik, mentions the name of the person he suspects, or not, as the case may be, who sends five or six men, taken from each family in the camp, to any Châran Bhagat to enquire of him who is the sorceress; and, to place this fact beyond doubt, as this deputation goes along they bury a bone or any other article on the road, and make the Bhagat presently state where it was buried, and what the article was. On arriving at the Bhagat’s residence, he tells each man his name, class, gotra, and denomination; that he knows they have come to enquire what has caused the illness of the person (mentioning his name and caste) who is suffering. This he must do directly after the salâms are exchanged, and before the others speak again. A relative of the sick man now places a rupee before a lighted wick; the Bhagat takes it up, looks steadily at it, and begins to sway about, make contortions of the face and body, etc., while the goddess Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli) is supposed to have entered his body. He now puts down the rupee, and, being inspired, commences to state the date and hour on which the sick man got ill, the nature of the complaint, etc., and in an indignant tone asks them why they buried a certain article (mentioning it) on the road. Sometimes they acknowledge that he is a true Bhagat now, but generally the men call for some further proofs of his abilities. A goat in kid is then brought, the Bhagat mentions the sex of, and any distinguishing marks upon the kid; the goat is then killed, and if he has [153]guessed right the deputation becomes clamorous and requires the name of the sorceress. But the Bhagat keeps them waiting now and goes on to mention the names of other people residing in their camp, their children, and sometimes the names of any prized cows or bullocks; he also tells the representative of what family he has married into, etc. On this the latter presents his nazar; this was fixed at Rs.25 formerly, but greed dictates the sum now, which is often as much as Rs.40.

5. “The Bhagat now begins chanting some song, which he composes as he goes on, and introduces into it the names of the different families in the camp, having a word or two to say about each. The better portion get vile abuse, are called a bad lot, and disposed of quickly; but he now assumes an ironical appearance, begins to extol the virtues of a certain family, becomes facetious, and praises the representative of that family who is before him. All know that the sorceress is a member of that family; and its representative puts numberless questions to the Bhagat relative to his family and connections, his worldly goods, and what gods he worships; the name of the sorceress he calls for; inquires who taught her sorcery (jâdu); and how and why it was practised in this particular instance. The business is now closed by a goat being killed and offered up to Biroliya, and then all return to their camp.

6. “Even now a man may refuse to acknowledge this Bhagat, and will, if the sorceress be a wife or daughter to whom he is attached, should he have money to take the business on to another tribunal. But as he has to pay the expenses of all the men who accompany him, all cannot afford to question a Bhagat’s decision. Sometimes the man will tell his wife, if he is certain she will obey him, to commit suicide; and as she knows full well the punishment is death, and that she must meet it in some form almost at once, when thus enjoined she will obey generally. Otherwise the husband with a witness or two, taking advantage of the first opportunity when she has left the camp, kills and buries her with all her clothing and ornaments. A meeting of the council is held, the witnesses declare the business has been completed satisfactorily, and the husband may or may not agree to the judgment of the council with regard to his pecuniary liabilities. He has to pay all the expenses of the deputation; by the Bhagat is fined Rs.100 or Rs.150; and if he has refused to do the deed himself, and others have [154]had to do it for him, or the sick man dies, he has to give a large sum besides to the man’s family for their support. This fine originally belonged to Bhangi Nâik’s representative, Râmu Nâik; but it is often kept by the different Nâiks themselves now. Râmu has still great influence; but he has used his power so cruelly that many have seceded from his control, and have Nâiks of their own, whom they now obey almost implicitly. There are men in this district well known to me who have been fined six or eight thousand rupees for small misdemeanours, and it is hardly to be wondered at that this thing could not continue for ever.” It is satisfactory to note that under the influence of British law these cruel proceedings are now practically unknown; but those best acquainted with the facts are certain that there would be an immediate recrudescence of it if the pressure of our administration were relaxed.

Human sacrifice among the Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 7. Up to our own day the Banjâras of the Dakkhin practised human sacrifice. General Sleeman[58] tells a story that the fort and part of the town of Sâgar stands on a wall said to have been built by a Banjâra. He was told that the lake would continue dry until he consented to sacrifice his daughter and her affianced husband. He built them up in a shrine and the waters rose, but no Banjâra will touch the water. Their women, even to the present day, are notorious for necromancy. They are, according to Sir Alfred Lyall,[59] “terribly vexed by witchcraft, to which their wandering and precarious existence especially exposes them in the shape of fever, rheumatism, and dysentery. Solemn enquiries are still held in the wild jungles where these people camp out like gypsies, and many an unlucky hag has been strangled by the sentence of their secret tribunals.”

Religion of the Dakkhin Banjâras. 8. According to Mr. Cumberlege, “the Chârans are all deists. There are Hindu gods they worship as having been holy men; but they only acknowledge one God, and look on Guru Nânak as the propagandist of their religion; Guru Nânak is supreme; but they worship Bâlaji, Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli), Tulja Devi, Siva Bhaiya, Mitthu Bhûkiya, and Sati. There are smaller gods worshipped also, but the above [155]are the only gods worshipped by the Chârans of Berâr. They have heard of Siva Dâs, but do not worship him as the men of the Telinga country and Central Provinces do. The reason is seen at a glance. Ours is the Râthaur country, those parts belong mostly to the Burthiya class; in fact the Telinga country is entirely theirs, and Siva Dâs was a Burthiya, not a Râthaur, I believe. The oath most sacred to them is taken in the name of Siva Bhaiya, a holy man who resided at Pohora, in the Wûn District, where there are still temples, I believe, to Siva Bhaiya and Mariyâi, and where a nephew of Siva Bhaiya, by name Sûka Bhaiya, still officiates. There are numbers of Bhagats, of varied celebrity, to whom they go on any serious difficulty; otherwise their own Nâiks, or the Nâik to whom the former is subordinate, adjudicates.”

Ceremonies prior to crime. 9. “There is a hut set apart in every camp and devoted to Mitthu Bhûkiya, an old free-booter. No one may eat, drink, or sleep in this hut; and it is simply used for devotional purposes. In front of this hut is a flag-staff, to which a piece of white cloth is attached. By all criminals Mitthu Bhûkiya is worshipped as a clever free-booter; but he is more thought of on the other side of the Wârdha than here. However, where the white flag is seen in front of the hut, it is a sign that the camp worships Mitthu Bhûkiya, and should, therefore, be watched carefully when they are suspected of having committed crime. The men who have agreed and arranged the particulars regarding the carrying out of their scheme meet at night at this hut, where an image of Sati is produced; clarified butter (ghi) is put into a saucer, and into this a wick is placed, very broad at the bottom and tapering upwards: this wick, standing erect, is lit, an appeal is made to Sati for an omen, those worshipping mentioning in a low tone to the god where they are going and what the purpose. The wick is then carefully watched, and should it drop at all the omen is propitious. All immediately get up and make an obeisance to the flag, and start then and there for the business they have agreed on. They are unable to return to their homes before they start, because they must not speak to any one till their business has been carried through. And here we have a reason why Banjâras are rarely known to speak when engaged in a robbery, for, if challenged, these men, who have gone through the ceremony, may not reply. Should they have reached their destination, whether a village, hamlet, or unprotected cart, and are challenged, [156]if any one of them reply, the charm is broken and all return home. They must again take the omens now and worship again or give up the attempt altogether. But, I am told, they generally prefer to make certain of the man who is venturesome enough to challenge them by knocking him down and either killing him or injuring him so severely that he cannot interfere, and would not wish to meddle with their other arrangements. If one of the gang sneezes on the road it is also fatal; they must return to their camp at once.” For further details regarding the methods of criminality of these Dakkhin Banjâras a reference may be made to Major E. J. Gunthorpe’s “Notes on the Criminal Tribes residing in or frequenting the Bombay Presidency, Berâr and the Central Provinces.”

Central Indian Banjâras. Worship of the ox. 10. The Banjâras of Central India have a curious form of ox worship.[60] “When sickness occurs they lead the sick man to the feet of the bullock called Hatâdiya (Sans. Hatya-âdhya, ‘which it is an extra sin to slay’), for though they say that they pay reverence to images and that their religion is that of the Sikhs, the object of their worship is the Hatâdiya, a bullock devoted to the god Bâlaji. On this animal no burden is ever laid, but he is decorated with streamers of red-dyed silk and tinkling bells with many brass chains and rings on neck and feet, and strings of kauri shells, and silken tassels hanging in all directions; he moves steadily at the head of the convoy, and the place where he lies down on when he is tired, that they make their halting place for the day; at his feet they make their vows when difficulties overtake them, and, in illness, whether of themselves or cattle, they trust to his worship for a cure.”

Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 11. The Banjâras of these Provinces have been classified at the last Census under the heads of Chauhân, Bahrûp, Guâr, Jâdon, Panwâr, Râthaur, and Tunwar. Of these, all, except the Bahrûp and Guâr, are well-known Râjput septs, and, as we have seen in the case of the Dakkhin Banjâras, the tribal tradition points to a Râjput origin. There is also a general tradition that they at one time held considerable territories in Oudh and the other submontane districts. Thus they are said to have been very early settlers in Bareilly, whence [157]they were expelled by the Janghâra Râjputs.[61] In Kheri[62] the Jângrê Râjputs acquired Khairagarh from their allies the Banjâras. In Bahrâich[63] they were finally expelled from the Sijauli Pargana by the Chakladâr Hakîm Mehndi about 1821 A.D. In the Nânpâra Pargana of the same district they were finally coerced by Rasûl Khân, the Afghân, in 1632 A.D.[64] In the Dûn[65] they have a story that they attended to the commissariat of the Pândavas after their exile from Hastinapur, and were the founders of the town of Deoband, in the Sahâranpur District. In the Banjâra Tola of the town of Gopamau, in the Hardoi District, there are some Banjâras who call themselves Sayyid Salâri, and say that they are descended from the followers of the Saint.[66] On the other hand, those in Madras describe themselves as the descendants of Sugriva, the monkey chieftain who was the ally of Râma.[67] There can be no reasonable doubt that they are a very mixed race, composed of various elements, as is the case in Central India, where Sir Alfred Lyall speaks of them as “made up of contingents from various other castes and tribes, which may have at different times joined the profession.”[68] The Census report gives the most important local sub-castes as—in Muzaffarnagar the Dhankûta, or “rice pounders,” and the Labâna; in Aligarh, the Nandbansi; in Etâwah, the Jât; in Pilibhît, the Labâna; in the Tarâi, the Bhukiya (who take their name from their leader Mitthu Bhukiya), Guâl, Kotwâr, Labâna, and Râjput; in Kheri, the Guâr, Kora, and Mujhar; and in Bahrâich, the Mujhar.

Tribal organisation of the North-Western Provinces Banjâras. 12. The best account of the Banjâra tribes of these provinces is that given by Sir H. M. Elliot. He divides them into five great tribes as follows:—

(1) The Turkiya, “Turkish” or Muhammadan, with thirty-six sub-tribes or gotras, viz., Tomar or Tunwar, Chauhân, Gahlot, Dilwâri, Alwi, Kanothi, Burki, Durki, Shaikh, Nathamîr, Aghwân, Badan, Chakirâha, Bahrâri, Padar, Kanîkê, Gharê, Chandaul, Teli, Charkha, Dhangya, Dhankikya, Gaddi, Tîtar, Hindiya, Râha, Marauthiya, Khakhara, Kareya, Bahlîm, Bhatti, Bandwâri, [158]Bargadda, Aliya, Khilji. “These assert that they came originally from Multân, and left their newly-chosen country of the Dakkhin under a leader called Rustam Khân, and first of all took up their abode at Badli Tânda, near Morâdâbâd, from which they have gradually spread to Bilâspur, Richho, and the neighbouring tracts. They are for the most part occupied as carriers.”

(2) “The Baid Banjâras came from Bhatner under a leader called Dualha. Of them are eleven gotras—Jhaloi, Tandar, Hatâr, Kapâhi, Danderi, Kachni, Tarîn, Dharpâhi, Kîri, and Bahlîm. Their occupations are more various than those of the Turkiyas, as they are occasionally employed as doctors and weavers. They are found in Pilibhît, Kant, and in the neighbourhood of those places.”

(3) “The Labâna Banjâras have also eleven gotras. They state that they are descended from Gaur Brâhmans, and came in Aurangzeb’s time from Rintambûr. They engage almost entirely in agricultural pursuits alone.” Of these people Mr. Ibbetson[69] writes:—“These men are generally associated with the Banjâras. With the exception of Muzaffargarh and Bahâwalpur, they are almost wholly confined to the hill and submontane districts. They are the carriers and hawkers of the hills, and are merely the Panjâbi representatives of that class of Banjâras, already mentioned, who inhabit the submontane tracts east of the Ganges.” The Labânas of Gujarât are thus described by Captain Mackenzie:—“The Labânas are also a peculiar people. Their status among Sikhs is much the same as that of the Mahtams. They correspond to the Banjâras of Hindustân, carrying on an extensive trade by means of large herds of laden bullocks. Latterly they have taken to agriculture, but as an additional means of livelihood, not as a substitute for trade. As a section of the community they deserve every encouragement and consideration. They are generally fine, substantially built people. They also possess much spirit. In anarchical times, when the freaks and feuds of petty Governors would drive the Jâts or Gûjars to seek temporary abiding places away from their ancestral village, the Labânas would stand their ground, and perhaps improve the opportunity by extending their grasp over the best lands of the village, in which their shorter sighted and less provident lords of the manor had, in former periods, permitted them to take up their abode for purposes of commerce. Several cases of this kind came to light [159]during settlement, and in most of them the strength and spirit of progress were as apparent in the Labânas as were the opposite qualities conspicuous in their Gûjar opponents. Their principal village is Tânda (which means “a large caravan of laden bullocks”) and is an instance of what I have above alluded to. Allowed by the Gûjar proprietors of Mota, they have got possession of the soil, built a town, and in every point of importance swamped the original proprietors. They have been recognised as proprietors, but feudatory to their former landlords, the Gûjars of Mota, paying them annually in recognition thereof a sum equal to one-tenth of the Government demand.” This tribe of Banjâras take their name from their business of carrying salt (lavana). Sir J. Malcolm[70] says that the Banjâras and Labânas are Râjputs of various tribes, Râthaur, Jalaur, Panwâr, etc. “The Labânas who live in villages sometimes mix with other cultivators and sometimes have a village exclusively to themselves, are Sûdras, originally from Gujarât, a quiet inoffensive race differing widely from the Banjâras, though engaged in the same trade. The Labânas are also cultivators, but follow no other occupation. The Banjâras preserve both in dresses and usages a marked separation and independence. They often engage in great speculations on their own account, and are deemed honest in their dealings, though very ignorant and barbarous. They trust much to the bankers and merchants with whom they are concerned, and few keep accounts; but habit has made them very acute, and their memory is, from continual exercise, extremely retentive of the minutest particulars of their extended transactions.”

The Mukeris. (4) Of them Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“The Mukeri Banjâras in the northern parganas of Bareilly assert that they derive their name from Mecca (Makka), which one of their Nâiks, who had his camp (Tânda) in the vicinity, assisted Father Abraham in building. Leaving Mecca, they came and resided in Jhajjar, where their illustrious name became corrupted from Makkai to Mukeri. Their fabulous history is not worth recording, but their names also betray a strange compound of tribes, Musalmân and Hindu—Aghwân, Mughal, Khokhara, Chauhân, Simli Chauhân, Chotya Chauhân, Panjtakya Chauhân, Tanhar, Katheriya, Pathân, Tarîn Pathân, Ghori, Ghoriwâl, Bangaroa, Kanthya, Bahlîm.” These are apparently the same people who [160]are called Mukris, in Sholapur.[71] There another explanation of the word is current. It is said to be derived from a word Mukerna, “to deny,” which does not appear in the Hindustâni dictionaries. The story goes that a servant of Tipu Sultân bought a quarter of corn from a Mukri, and found it, when he weighed it at home, ten pounds short. He brought the fact to the notice of the Sultân, who sent for the corn dealer and demanded for explanation. The Mukri denied the fact and made the full weight in the presence of the king, who had twice weighed the corn before and found it short. The king was embarrassed, and had nothing to say against the man, and gave him the name of the “Denier.” A third, and perhaps, more probable explanation is, that it is a corruption of Makkeri, and means nothing more than a seller of maize (makka). Something more will be said of the Mukris later on.

Bahrûp Banjâras. (5) Of whom Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“They are, for the most part, Hindus, and lead a more wandering life than the Musalmâns. They are divided into the tribes of Râthaur, Chauhân or Kuri, Panwâr, Tomar, and Bhurtiya. The origin of the first four is sufficiently apparent from their names. The fifth is said to be derived from a Gaur Brâhman. Of these tribes again there are several ramifications. Of the Râthaur there are four—Muchhâri, Bâhuki, Murhâwat, and Panot: of the Muchhâri there are fifty-two divisions; of the Bâhuki there are twenty-seven; of the Murhâwat there are fifty-six; and of the Panot there are twenty-three. The Chauhâns, who have forty-two gotras, are unanimous in saying that they came from Mainpuri. The Panwârs have twenty gotras, and state that they came from Delhi. The Bhurtiya have fifty-two gotras. They claim Chithor as their original seat. The Bahrûp Banjâras, like all the other clans, intermarry, but do not allow of any connection between members of the same gotra. They receive the daughters of Nats in marriage, but do not allow their own daughters to marry into Nat families; and they have some curious customs at their marriages which need not be detailed in this place.”

Nâik Banjâras. 13. In addition to the five main tribes described by Sir H. M. Elliot there is another which is usually classed as an offshoot of them, the Nâiks. There is a tribe of this name in the Panjâb. Mr. Ibbetson says that the [161]“headmen of both Thoris and Banjâras are called Nâik.” This, as we have already seen, is the name used for them throughout the Dakkhin and Central India. Mr. Maclagan[72] says:—“In Rohtak they are said to be a branch of Hindu Dhânuks, who come from Jaypur. They were also represented to me as an agricultural tribe of Râjputs. Mr. Fagan, who kindly made enquiries for me, says they may be taken to be Aheris, that they state that they were originally Râjputs, and have the same gotras as Râjputs, and that they generally act as village watchmen; while those returned at Fîrozpur were labourers on the Sirhind Canal.” They take their name from the Sanskrit nayaka, “a leader.” In the Gorakhpur Division, where they are principally found, they assert that they are Sanâdh Brâhmans, and fix their original settlement in Pilibhît. Polygamy is allowed; polyandry prohibited. They appear to follow the customs of orthodox Hindus. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents have to give a tribal feast and a recitation of the Satyanârâyana Katha. A sum of money, known as tilak, is paid by the relatives of the bride to those of the bridegroom. A man can put away his wife for adultery by leave of the tribe or council. Such women cannot remarry in the tribe, and widow marriage is forbidden. They have the usual birth, death, and marriage ceremonies. They burn their dead and perform the srâddha. They employ Sarwariya Brâhmans as their family priests, and appear to be in all points orthodox Hindus. They are landlords, cultivators, and dealers in grain and other country produce.

The Mukeri Banjâras. 14. We have already seen that they claim to have originally come from Makka. Another story told in Mirzapur is that their ancestor was one Makka Banjâra, who helped Father Abraham to build Mecca; and that they emigrated into India with the armies of the early Muhammadan invaders. Another name which they arrogate to themselves is Ahl-i-Quraish, or that of the Arabian tribe, from which Muhammad was descended (see Shaikh). They have two endogamous sub-castes—the Purbiya or “Eastern,” and the Pachhiwâha or “Western.” The Purbiya Mukeris have two sections, Banaudhiya and Malwariya, which they derive from two towns named Banaudh and Malwar, in the Arrah District of Bengal. From this it may be gathered that their last movement was from East to West, and that they have forgotten [162]their real origin, which was probably from the West; the Malwariyas being from Mârwâr, and the Banaudhiyas from Banaudh, which included Southern Oudh and the Districts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares. The Pachhiwâhas are also divided into two sections, Khân and Shaikh. They do not, now at least, admit outsiders into their community. Marriage among them usually takes place at the age of seven. They follow the Muhammadan religious and social rules, and, of course, allow widow marriage. They have, however, the Hindu rules of succession to property. They are professedly Muhammadans of the Sunni sect, but they retain many Hindu usages. They worship the Pânchonpîr in the manner common to all the inferior Muhammadan tribes of the Eastern Districts; but they also make sacrifices to Kâli Bhawâni at the Naurâtra of Chait. They bury their dead and offer to them sweets (halwa) and cakes at the Shab-i-barât. Their occupation is grinding and selling flour and other provisions, and dealing in grain. They follow the Muhammadan rules regarding food, and drink spirits.

Other Hindu Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 15. In Kheri they are known as Banjâra and Byopâri or “dealer.” They trace their origin to Jaypur and Jodhpur. They have three endogamous sections—Kora, Muchhâri and Miyân. They visit periodically a temple of Lalita Devi, at a place called Tilokpur, somewhere in the Râjputâna country. There also, when they can afford it, they get the birth hair of their children shaved. In Cawnpur they give their endogamous sub-castes as Râthaur, Panwâr-Chauhân, Gaur, and Kachhwâha, which are all the names of well-known Râjput septs. Their rule of exogamy is stated to be that they cannot marry within a family which is known to be descended from the same parents, or which can be traced to a common ancestor; nor in the family of the maternal uncle or father’s sister; nor two sisters at the same time; but a man may marry the sister of his deceased wife. When the bride is introduced into the family of her husband she has to cook sweetened rice, with which she feeds all the clansmen. A man may marry as many wives as he can afford to keep. There is no bride price, except in the case of elderly men, who have a difficulty in finding wives. Widow marriage and the levirate are both allowed under the usual conditions.

16. In Kheri at the marriage ceremony they place four pitchers (ghara) one on the top of the other in seven piles, and in the centre two pestles (mûsar), and a water jar (kalsa). Close to this [163]the Pandit makes a holy square (chauk), and performs the fire sacrifice (hom). After this the pair, with their clothes tied, walk seven times round the pestles, and the father of the bride worships the feet of the bridegroom and makes him an offering of two or four rupees. This is the respectable form. In the inferior form, known as Dharauna, the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage is completed by a feast given to the brotherhood.

17. The funeral ceremonies are of the normal type. The Kheri Banjâras are reported not to perform the srâddha or to employ Brâhmans at death; in Cawnpur, on the contrary, they carry out the orthodox ritual.

Religion. 18. In Cawnpur they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, Zâhirpîr, the Miyân of Amroha, and Kâlu Deo, who is said to have a shrine somewhere in the Dakkhin. Goats are offered to Kâlu Deo and Miyân by any one but women. Sometimes only the ear of the animal is cut and a drop or two of blood sprinkled on the altar, and sometimes a cocoanut is substituted for a goat. In Kheri they are reported to prefer the worship of Bhagwân and Parameswara, and to be initiated in a temple in the Sahâranpur District. Their religious guides are Brâhmans of their own, who teach them only to worship Bhagwân and not to tell lies. They occasionally offer goats to Devi. They swear on the Ganges or by standing in water or walking through fire.

Social customs of Hindu Banjâras. 19. In Kheri they eat the flesh of wild pigs and goats, but not fowls. They drink spirits and use opium, and the hemp intoxicants bhang and gânja, freely. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with Brâhmans, and will smoke only with their brethren. Some of them are traders, and a few are now taking to agriculture, as the profits of the carrying trade are gradually becoming reduced.

Other Muhammadan Banjâras. 20. Those in Bareilly and Pilibhît say that they were driven there by Ahmad Shâh Durrâni’s invasion. They are divided into two endogamous sub-castes—Gaurithân and Baidguâr.[73] They follow the orthodox rules of the Muhammadan faith, and work as cultivators, carriers of, and dealers in, grain. [164]

Banjâras and crime. 21. In former times the Banjâras especially in Gorakhpur and the neighbouring districts, had an evil reputation for dakaiti and similar offences.[74] This is in a great measure a thing of the past. In recent years they have come under the notice of the police in connection with the kidnapping of girls. There can be little doubt that most, if not all of them, occasionally introduce girls of other castes into the tribe. Quite recently the police in the Agra District have found reason to suspect that some of them in the guise of Commissariat contractors carry on an extensive trade in stolen cattle, and are in the habit of appropriating and changing the brands on the so-called Brâhmani bulls which are released by Hindus on the occasion of a death.

Cattle trade. 22. One of the most important trades carried on in the present day by the Banjâras is that of the purchase and sale of cattle used for agricultural purposes. Cattle are largely bred along the Jumna in the direction of Agra and Mathura. These are bought up by Banjâras, who drive them in large herds to great distances about the time when the agricultural seasons are commencing. They sell them on credit with a promise of payment when the crop is ripe. At such times they come round to realise their debts. They seldom or never take bonds or resort to the law courts; but they appear at the houses of their creditors, and if not promptly paid, practise a form of coercion known as dharna, by encamping close to the house of the defaulter and using vile language to his womenkind wherever they venture to show themselves. This form of pressure appears to be effective with even the most callous debtor, and it is understood that they generally succeed in realising their money. This result is brought about by the popular fear felt for the Banjâra, who is a wild-looking semi-savage who can make his presence most disagreeably felt.

Appearance and manners. 23. With the partial disappearance of the Banjâra carrier before our roads and railways a most picturesque element is being lost in the generally squalid life of our bâzârs. No one who sees them in their original state can help being struck by their resemblance in figure and dress to some of the Western gypsies. To Dr. Ball[75] a camp of Labânas immediately recalled to his memory the Zingari of [165]the lower Danube and Wallachia. And he was particularly impressed by the peculiar minor key of the music which is so characteristic of these people. In these Provinces the women are skilled in a peculiar form of woollen embroidery, and pride themselves on their bright coloured boddices (choli) and jackets (angi) ornamented in this way. Some wear a sort of horn made of wood in their hair, over which the sheet (châdar) is draped in a very peculiar and graceful fashion. The women, who are much taller and more robust than the people among whom they live, stride along the roads in a particularly bold and independent way. But their characteristic dress is seen to most advantage in their seats in the Dakkhin. Mr. Mullaly[76] writes of the women as “comely and above the average height of the women of this country. They are easily distinguished by their dress and a profusion of jewellery they wear. Their costume is the gown (lahnga) of khârua cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. The boddice, with embroidery on the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being ornamented with cowries and beads; a covering cloth of khârua cloth, with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side with a quantity of tassels, and strings of cowries. Their jewels are very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with a cowrie as a pendant threaded on horse hair, a silver necklace (hansli), a sign of marriage. They wear brass or horn bracelets, ten or twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a piece of embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of ivory or bone are only worn by the married women; they are removed on the death of the husband. Silk embroidery adorned with tassels and cowries is also worn as an anklet by all women. Their other jewels are a nose ornament, a silver pendant from the upper part of the ear, attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of the head; with married women it is fastened in like manner with a cowrie or a brass button, and heavy pendants are fastened to the temple. The latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood.” There is no doubt that they have a patois of [166]their own; but it has as yet not been fully collected. Dr. Ball says that he was “informed by a Russian Prince, who travelled in India in 1874, that one of his companions, a Hungarian nobleman, found himself able to converse with the Banjâras of Central India in consequence of his knowledge of the Zingari language.” He also states that “the Dîwân of Kudibuga told me that the strong-minded Banjâra women are in the habit of inflicting severe chastisement on their husbands with their very large sticks (bari bari lâthi), a custom which also prevails in the Nicobar Islands.”

Distribution of Banjâras according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Chauhân.

Bahrûp.

Guâr.

Jâdon.

Panwâr.

Râthaur.

Tunwar.

Others.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

2

…

…

…

…

…

…

936

939

1,877

Sahâranpur

578

1,865

…

…

178

528

10

3,836

3,494

10,489

Muzaffarnagar

380

112

…

53

769

637

107

1,708

88

3,854

Meerut

…

…

…

…

…

98

…

253

353

704

Bulandshahr

356

…

…

1

1

95

…

27

83

563

Aligarh

102

…

123

2

50

1,146

363

844

17

2,647

Mathura

166

…

1

21

78

205

2

108

770

1,351

Agra

140

…

6

347

92

319

…

225

207

1,336

Farrukhâbâd

215

…

…

23

50

31

3

353

170

875

Mainpuri

…

…

…

94

…

281

…

311

31

717

Etâwah

550

…

1

352

204

538

…

763

28

2,436

Etah

393

…

2

43

166

590

21

617

50

1,882

Bareilly

…

…

67

…

…

…

…

…

7,915

7,982

Bijnor

…

…

154

…

335

966

…

1,126

2,606

5,187

Budâun

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

13

13

Morâdâbâd

…

…

189

…

…

…

…

375

2,598

3,162

Shâhjahânpur

…

…

1

…

8

53

3

45

149

259

Pilibhît

99

31

459

23

270

1,343

…

1,664

5,506

9,395

Cawnpur

25

…

124

2

112

154

…

11

2

430

Allahâbâd

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

3

…

3

Jhânsi

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

16

…

16

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

1

1[167]

Ballia

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

10

…

10

Gorakhpur

6

…

10

…

…

…

…

63

36

115

Basti

3

68

…

…

…

39

…

1

48

159

Tarâi

…

…

36

…

…

190

3

2,747

911

38,887

Lucknow

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

34

…

34

Unâo

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

142

142

Râê Bareli

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

2

42

44

Sîtapur

16

…

2

…

…

…

…

27

199

244

Hardoi

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

25

25

Kheri

40

102

918

…

465

1,273

…

1,422

407

4,627

Faizâbâd

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

8

…

8

Gonda

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

5

43

48

Bahrâich

64

…

56

…

685

446

6

934

80

2,271

Partâbgarh

33

…

…

…

…

2

…

…

…

35

TOTAL

3,198

2,178

2,149

961

3,463

8,934

518

18,474

26,953

66,828

Bânsphor.[77]—(Bâns, “bamboo,” phorna, “to split”).—A sub-caste of Doms who may be considered separately as they have been separately enumerated at the last Census. Those in Mirzapur represent themselves to be immigrants from a place called Bisurpur or Birsupur in the Native State of Panna, which, according to some, is identical with Birsinhpur, a place north-west of the town of Rîwa. In Gorakhpur they call themselves Gharbâri, or “settled” Doms, in contradistinction to the Magahiya, or vagrant branch of the tribe. Their immigration from the west is said in Mirzapur to have commenced some four generations ago and still continues. They profess to undertake occasional pilgrimages to their old settlement to worship a local Mahâdeva. In Gorakhpur they have a story that they are the descendants of one Supach Bhagat, who was a votary of Râmchandra. He had two wives, Mân Devi and Pân [168]Devi, the first of whom was the ancestress of the Bânsphors. They freely, like other Doms, admit outsiders into the caste, and this is generally the result of an intrigue with one of their women. The applicant for admission has to give a feast of rice, pulse, pork, and spirits to the brotherhood, and when he has drunk with them he is admitted to full caste rights.

Internal organization. 2. The sub-caste being a purely occupational offshoot from the original Dom tribe, their internal organization is rather vague. Thus at the last Census they were enumerated under one main sub-caste, the Dhânuk, who, though possibly allied to the Dom race, are generally treated as distinct, and the Benbansi of Gonda. In Bhâgalpur, according to Mr. Risley,[78] they have a number of exogamous sections (pangat); but other Bânsphors on the Nepâl frontier regulate their marriages by local sections (dih); while others in the town of Bhâgalpur have neither pangat nor dih. In Mirzapur they enumerate eight exogamous sections: Mahâwati, Chamkel, Gausel, Samudra, Nahar, Kalai, Magariha, and Saraiha; and they reinforce the rule of section exogamy by prohibiting marriages with the daughter of the maternal uncle, of their father’s sister, and of their own sister; also they do not intermarry with a family in which one of these relations marries until at least one or two generations have passed. Similarly, in Hardoi, where they have no sub-castes or sections, they are reported to prohibit marriage with first cousins on both the father’s and mother’s sides. In Gorakhpur they name, like so many castes of this social grade, seven endogamous sub-castes: Bânsphor; Mangta, or “begging” Doms; Dharkâr, which has been treated as a separate caste; Nâtak, or dancers; Tasiha; Halâlkhor, “one to whom all food is lawful;” and Kûnchbandhiya, or makers of the brushes constructed out of the roots of the kans grass used by weavers for cleaning the thread.

Tribal Council. 3. The Bânsphors on the whole agree with the customs of the Doms and Dharkârs, of whom an account has been separately given; but, as might be expected from their living a more settled life than the vagrant Doms, they are more completely Hinduised. Their caste council, under a hereditary president (Chaudhari), is a very powerful and influential body, the members of which are, however, only a sort of assessors to the [169]president, who, after consultation with them, gives any orders he pleases. If a man is caught in an intrigue with a Dhobin or Domin he is permanently excommunicated, and the same rule applies to a woman detected in an amour with a man of either of these castes. Intrigues with persons of more respectable castes involve expulsion only until the necessary feasts of expiation are given to the brethren. In addition to the feast the offender has always, in Mirzapur, to pay a cash fine of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Monogamy is the rule, but there is no restriction against a man having as many wives as he can marry and support. Concubinage with a woman of another caste is prohibited, and the caste look on the very idea of polyandry with such horror that it is more than doubtful if it could ever have been a tribal institution. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a clansman she is married to him by order of the council, and her father has to give a dinner to the brethren. When a married woman offends in this way, both her husband and father have to give a feast; but, as among all these tribes, inter-tribal infidelity is lightly regarded; a woman is not condemned except on the actual evidence of eye-witnesses.

Marriage rules. 4. Marriage takes place usually in infancy; and, in Mirzapur, if a girl is not married by the time she comes to puberty, her parents are put out of caste. Marriages are arranged by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father, and the bride-price is fixed in Mirzapur by tribal custom at four-and-a-quarter rupees, four annas being added as siwâi for good luck. If a wife habitually commit adultery, eat with a low-caste person, or give her husband food in an impure dish, she is put away with the sanction of the council. A woman is allowed to leave her husband only if he be put out of caste. It is said, in Mirzapur, that a divorced wife cannot marry again. This is true, so far as that, of course, she cannot go through the regular service which is restricted to virgin brides; but she can live with a man by the sagâi form, and the connection, after it has been ratified by a feast, is binding, and her children are legitimate. Widows are married by the sagâi, or dharauna form, generally to a widower, and their children are recognised as heirs. The only ceremony is that the husband gives the woman a new suit of clothes, which are put on her inside the house at night, in secret, and he then eats with the family of his father-in-law. Next day he takes his bride home, and feeds his clansmen, on which the union is recognised. The levirate prevails under the usual [170]restrictions. Even if a widow be taken over by the younger brother, her children by the first marriage inherit the estate of their father. A man may adopt his brother’s, or daughter’s, not his sister’s, son. A woman can adopt if there be no one in her husband’s family to support her.

Birth ceremonies. 5. In their birth ceremonies the Bânsphors agree with the Dharkârs. The mother, during her confinement is, in Mirzapur, attended by a woman of the Basor caste. There is no rite performed on the sixth day, and the mother is impure till the twelfth day (barahi). They have the usual dread of the menstrual and parturition impurity. On the twelfth day a hog is sacrificed to the deceased ancestors of the family, and the brethren eat the flesh boiled with rice. The woman has to worship the well from which water is drawn for the use of the family by walking five times round it in the course of the sun and marking it with red lead. A man does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her confinement. The only approach to a puberty ceremony is the ear-boring, which takes place at the age of three or five, but in some cases is delayed to a later date, and it marks an approach to Hinduism, that they ask the Pandit to fix a lucky time for its performance. From that time the child is regarded as a member of the tribe and must conform to caste usages regarding food.

Marriage. 6. In the same way the Pandit draws auspices (ganana ganna) of marriages. The betrothal is settled by the father of the boy exchanging with the girl’s father a leaf platter full of liquor in which a rupee is placed, and the brother-in-law of the bridegroom ties a turban on the head of the bride’s father. The marriage ceremony resembles that of Dharkârs (q.v.). It is preceded by the matmangara ceremony. The earth is dug by the bridegroom’s mother, who offers a burnt sacrifice (homa) to the village deities (dih). In the centre of the marriage shed (mânro) is fixed up a branch of the fig tree (gûlar) and the cotton tree (semal). The usual anointing precedes the marriage. The bride’s nails are solemnly cut (nahchhu) and her feet are coloured with lac dye (mahâwar). The usual wave ceremony (parachhan) is done with a pestle (mûsar) and a water jar (kalsa). At the bride’s door her father makes a mark (tîka) on the forehead of the bridegroom with rice and curds. The bride’s father washes the feet of the bride and bridegroom in a square in the court-yard. They sit facing east, and the bride’s father worships the fig tree branch, and [171]then, in imitation of Hindus, Gauri and Ganesa. Then holding some kusa grass in his hand he formally gives away the bride (kanyâdâna). The clothes of the pair are knotted together, and they walk five times round the fig and cotton branches, while at each revolution the girl’s brother sprinkles a little parched rice into a sieve which the bridegroom holds. This he scatters on the ground, and the ceremony ends by the bridegroom marking the girl’s head with red lead, which is the binding portion of the ceremony. Then they go into the retiring room (kohabar), where jokes are played on the bridegroom, and he receives a present from his mother-in-law. As is usual with these tribes they have the ceremony of plunging the wedding jars (kalsa dubâna) into water a day or two after the wedding.

Death ceremonies. 7. The dead are cremated, except young children or those who die of epidemic disease, whose bodies are thrown into a river or buried. After the cremation they chew leaves of the nîm tree as a mark of mourning. The death pollution lasts ten days, during which the mourner every night lays out a platter of food on the road by which the corpse was removed for its use. On the tenth day the chief mourner throws five lumps (pinda) of rice boiled in milk (khîr) into water in the name of the dead, and, on returning home, sacrifices a hog in the name of the deceased, which is boiled with rice and eaten by the clansmen. No Brâhmans are employed at any of these ceremonies. In the festival of the dead (pitripaksha) in Kuâr they pour off water on the ground every day for fifteen days in honour of deceased ancestors; and on the ninth day they offer cakes (pûri), sweet rice (bakhîr), and pork, to their ancestors. These are laid out in the court-yard for their use. On the fifteenth day they offer rice, pulse, bread, and pork, if obtainable, in the same way. Any senior member of the family presents the offering.

Religion. 8. Their chief deity, in Mirzapur, is the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Bindhâchal, whom they worship on the ninth day of Chait, with hogs, goats, cakes (pûri), and pottage (lapsi). They honour the village gods (dih) with a sacrifice of a hog or goat; butter, barley, and treacle are burnt in a fire offering. On the fifth of Sâwan they lay milk and parched rice near a snake’s hole. They respect the pîpal tree, and will not cut or injure it. In Gorakhpur they worship Kâlika and Samai. The former is worshipped at marriages, child-birth, etc., with an offering [172]of a young pig, one-and-a-quarter jars of liquor, flowers, and ground rice boiled in treacle and milk (pithi). To Samai is offered a yearling pig. Maidens and widows married by the Sagâi form are not permitted to join in this worship, which takes place in a corner of the house set apart for the purpose. They do not employ Brâhmans in their domestic ceremonies, which are carried out by some old man (syâna) of the family. In Hardoi their tribal deity is Kâla Deo, whose image is painted on the wall of the house, and worshipped at any event, such as marriage, birth, etc., in the family. They also sometimes sacrifice a goat or sheep to Devi, and the worshippers consume the offerings. Their holidays are the Phagua or Holi, at which they get drunk and eat choice food; the Râmnaumi, on the ninth of Chait, when they worship the Vindhyabâsini Devi; the Tîj, on the third of Sâwan, when women pray for the long life of their husbands, and the Kajari, on the third of Bhâdon, when women get drunk, and all rules of sexual morality are ignored. In Hardoi, on the Karwa Chauth feast, the women fast and worship the moon by pouring water out of an earthen pot (karwa), whence the name of the festival. At the Guriya feast girls make dolls of rags, which are beaten with sticks by boys on the banks of a tank. The dolls are believed to represent snakes, and the feast is in commemoration of the destruction of serpents by Garuda. They worship the dead by laying out food in seven leaf platters and letting the children or crows eat it. They have a great respect for the village shrine, and never dare to tread on the pieces of earthenware horses, etc., with which it is decorated. They also, as is shown in the birth ceremonies, worship wells. The sainted dead specially delight in the savour of pork, and give trouble if not honoured with this sacrifice.

Social customs. 9. Women wear in the ears the ornaments known as utarna and karnphûl, bead necklaces (dharkauwa), and bangles (chûri) on the arms: anklets (pairi), brass rings on their fingers. Boys and girls have two names, one for ordinary use and one kept secret. They swear on the sun or the heads of their children. Those who break an oath become smitten with leprosy or lose their property. Disease, generally due to demoniacal possession, is treated by the Ojha, who also prescribes in cases of the Evil-eye. They will not eat beef, nor touch a Dom, Dhobi, the wife of a younger brother, the wife of the elder brother-in-law, or the wife of their sister’s son. They will not mention their eldest son by his name. To do so is regarded as a sin. They eat [173]pork, fowls, goats, and other animals, but not the cow, monkey, alligator, snake, lizard, jackal, or rat. Men eat before women. They salute their castemen in the form Râm! Râm!

Occupation. 10. Some work as ordinary day-labourers, but their business is making fans, baskets, and boxes of bamboo. Some work as sweepers and remove night-soil. No other caste will touch food or water from their hands.

Distribution of Bânsphors according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Dhânuk.

Others.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

156

…

156

Sahâranpur

…

5

87

92

Farrukhâbâd

…

94

…

94

Mainpuri

…

19

…

19

Bareilly

…

7

…

7

Morâdâbâd

…

…

20

20

Shâhjahânpur

…

66

…

66

Pilibhît

…

353

…

353

Cawnpur

…

44

…

44

Banda

…

4

…

4

Lalitpur

…

4,360

…

4,360

Mirzapur

…

64

…

64

Ghâzipur

…

28

…

28

Ballia

…

447

…

447

Gorakhpur

…

466

1

467

Basti

…

7

…

7

Azamgarh

…

67

…

67

Lucknow

1,102

729

…

1,831

Unâo

…

36

…

36

Râê Bareli

422

7

…

429

Sîtapur

308

853

…

1,161

Kheri

…

6

…

6

Gonda

295

327

…

622

Bahrâich

1,534

728

3

2,265

Partâbgarh

4,467

218

1

4,686

TOTAL

8,128

9,093

112

17,333

[174]

Banya.—(Sanskrit, banija, vanija.)—The great trading class of Northern India. Pedantically the Banya is known as Baqqâl—a term applied in Arabia and Persia to greengrocers. When he becomes a large merchant he is known as Mahâjan. Banya is, in fact, a generic term including a large number of endogamous sub-castes, of whom some account has been given in separate articles. The Banya has rather an indifferent reputation in the country-side, where he is hated and despised for his habits of money-grubbing, meanness, and rapacity. But at the same time he is an indispensable element in the social life of the people whose trade and business he finances. The modern Banya does not seem to have changed much since the time of Tavernier,[79] who writes:—“Those of this caste are so subtle and nimble in trade that the Jews may be their ’prentices. They accustom their children betimes to fly idleness, and instead of suffering them to lose their time by playing in the streets, as we generally do, they teach them arithmetic, which they are so perfect at, that without making use either of pen or ink or counters, but only of their memories, they will in a moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagined. They always live with their fathers, who instruct them in trade, and do nothing but what they show them. If any man in the heat of passion chafe at them, they will hear him patiently without making any reply, and parting coldly from him will not see him again till three or four days, when they think their passion may be over. They never eat anything that has life, nay, they would rather die than kill the smallest animal or vermin, being in that point above all things the most zealous observers of the law. They never fight nor go to war, neither will they eat or drink at the house of a Râjput.”

2. The current proverbs abound with chaff at the Banya:—Na Banya mît na besva sati—“A Banya is as little a friend as a prostitute is chaste”; Banya mârê jan, thag mârê anjân—“The Banya cheats his friends, and the rogue, strangers,” and so on.

3. At the same time some of the Banya sub-divisions, like the Agarwâla and Oswâl, are perhaps some of the purest races in Northern India.

4. In his social habits the Banya is very precise in the matter of food. In religion he is either a Hindu or Jain, or, as he calls himself, a Sarâogi, a word derived from the Sanskrit srâvaka, “a disciple of the Buddha.”

BANYA.

[175]

Distribution of Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindu.

Jain.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

3,212

234

3,446

Sahâranpur

31,170

6,075

37,245

Muzaffarnagar

31,997

9,388

41,385

Meerut

51,943

16,378

68,321

Bulandshahr

39,579

1,265

40,844

Aligarh

46,472

2,507

48,979

Mathura

39,602

2,041

41,643

Agra

45,060

13,371

58,431

Farrukhâbâd

25,137

1,048

26,185

Mainpuri

21,452

5,759

27,211

Etâwah

27,608

2,117

29,725

Etah

23,864

4,933

28,797

Bareilly

22,191

4

22,195

Bijnor

18,331

998

19,329

Budâun

31,307

229

31,536

Morâdâbâd

31,970

1,002

32,972

Shâhjahânpur

23,573

36

23,609

Pilibhît

7,303

11

7,314

Cawnpur

33,939

415

34,354

Fatehpur

19,338

83

19,421

Bânda

22,274

282

22,556

Hamîrpur

14,667

107

14,774

Allahâbâd

46,131

568

46,699

Jhânsi

13,556

2,521

16,077

Jâlaun

14,304

164

14,468

Lalitpur

1,893

9,546

11,439[176]

Benares

21,263

138

21,401

Mirzapur

23,754

281

24,035

Jaunpur

23,745

6

23,751

Ghâzipur

32,685

27

32,712

Ballia

44,248

…

44,248

Gorakhpur

100,209

40

100,249

Basti

53,155

…

53,155

Azamgarh

38,380

…

38,380

Kumâun

4,925

…

4,925

Garhwâl

1,920

2

1,922

Tarâi

2,850

39

2,889

Lucknow

17,231

797

18,028

Unâo

15,805

8

15,813

Râê Bareli

16,512

23

16,535

Sîtapur

15,013

234

15,247

Hardoi

27,175

…

27,175

Kheri

13,473

10

13,483

Faizâbâd

34,771

161

34,932

Gonda

33,108

…

33,108

Bahrâich

20,263

48

20,311

Sultânpur

23,524

…

23,524

Partâbgarh

13,420

130

13,550

Bârabanki

13,944

950

14,894

TOTAL

1,279,246

83,976

1,363,222

[177]

Bârahseni.—(Bârah, twelve; sena, an army).—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the Western Districts. The last Census shows none in Benares; but Mr. Sherring[80] speaks of them as a considerable colony of bankers:—“They state that their original home was Agroha. In Benares they are of the Garga gotra.”

Distribution of the Bârahseni Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

8

Meerut

3

Bulandshahr

1,791

Aligarh

12,936

Mathura

4,383

Agra

315

Farrukhâbâd

11

Mainpuri

625

Etah

2,329

Bareilly

3

Bijnor

12

Budâun

5,798

Morâdâbâd

4,511

Shâhjahânpur

33

Pilibhît

13

Tarâi

12

TOTAL

32,783

Barai, Baraiya.—(Sanskrit vritti, “occupation, maintenance.”)—The caste engaged in the cultivation of the piper betel, usually known as pân (Sanskrit, parna), the leaf par excellence. The distinction generally made between the Barai and the Tamboli is that the former grows the plant, while the latter sells the leaves. But this distinction does not seem to be always observed. It would seem that the Barai hardly ever sells the leaves, while the Tamboli sometimes cultivates the plant. Mr. Sherring denies that the distinction prevails in Benares, and says that there the Tamboli sells betel-nut as well as pân, and appears to be more of a wholesale dealer than the Barai.[81] The Barais are replaced in the Meerut, Agra, and Rohilkhand Divisions by the Tambolis. [178]

Traditions of origin. 2. In the eastern part of the Province they have a curious legend to explain their origin:—“There were two Brâhman brothers so devout that after bathing they used to throw their loin cloths up to the skies, where they dried and came down when they were wanted. One day the brothers were in the forest and were athirst. The elder brother directed the younger to climb a mahua tree and see if there was any water in the cavities of the trunk. He did so and found water, which in his greediness he drank, and, lying to his elder brother, denied that there was any water in the tree. Next day they threw their loin cloths up to the sky as usual, and when they wanted them only that of the elder brother came down. So he knew that his brother had lied unto him. The younger brother denied the charge. Then Parameswar came down from heaven, and, convicting the younger brother of falsehood, ordered that the elder brother should remain a Brâhman, while the younger should tend the nâg bel or pân plant, which he formed out of the sacred thread of the offender, and that the elder brother should serve the younger brother as his priest.” Another story is that Brahma created them to save Brâhmans from the labour of growing the plant. Traditionally the Tâmbûlika or seller of betel is descended from a Sûdra woman by a Vaisya man. The caste is probably occupational and of mixed origin. In Gorakhpur they say that once a Brâhman had three sons. He came down with them from fairy land and was able to support them only by growing betel, for which he was excommunicated. They explain the name of the caste as derived from baraitha, the betel conservatory, which comes from the Sanskrit vriti. The Gorakhpur branch fix on Bîrbhânpur, in the Azamgarh District, as their head-quarters.

Internal structure. 3. In the last Census returns the Barais were recorded in no less than one hundred and forty-seven sub-castes. Of these a large number are local, such as the Aharwâr of Ahâr, the Ajudhyabâsi of Ajudhya, the Audha of Awadh, the Bindrabanbâsi of Bindraban, the Chaurasiya of Chaurâsi, in Mirzapur, the Dakkhinâha or “Southern,” the Gorakhpuri, Jaiswâr, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, of Cawnpur, Mahobiya, Pachhwâhân or “Western”; Sarjupâri or “residents beyond the river Sarju,” Sribâstab of Srâvasti; and Uttarâha or “Northern.” Many, again, are connected by origin or function with other tribes, as the Banya, Banjariya, Baiswâr, Chauhân, Donwâr, Gaderiya, [179]Gahlot, Gauriya, Gondar, Jâdubansi, Katheriya, Karwâra, Kokâs, Maharwa, Nâgbansi, Nânakshâhi, Ummar, Pansariya, Panwariya, Râjbansi, Rauteli, Sândil, Shuklabans. This will give some idea of the diverse elements out of which the caste has been composed.

4. In Mirzapur they name seven endogamous sub-castes, Partâbgarhi (from Partâbgarh), Chaurâsi (the Chaurasiya of Benares)[82], Jaiswâr or Jaiswâra Nâsarkhâni (the Nâsalkâni of Benares), Tâmboli, Uttarâha (“Northern”), Pachhiwâha (“Western”). Mr. Sherring adds Sribâstava (from Srâvasti), Bherihâra (“tenders of sheep”), Magahiya (from Magadha), Phuihâra, and Dhanwariya. Of these three, the Magahiya, Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr appear in Behâr, where there are two others, Semariya and Sokhwa. In the Central Duâb they are divided into the Chaurasiya, who prepare betel, and the Katyâr, who sell it. In Gorakhpur we have the Kanaujiya, Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr.

Marriage rules. 5. Marriage within the endogamous sub-castes is regulated by a rule of exogamy, which forbids marriage in the family of the paternal and maternal uncle and paternal and maternal aunt as long as there is any recollection of relationship, which is usually after five or six generations. But at the same time they usually marry locally in the families of those with whom they are accustomed to eat and smoke. In Mirzapur the Partâbgarhi are distinguished from the Chaurâsi, inasmuch that the former permit the use of spirits while the latter prohibit it. They marry their daughters at the age of eight or nine, and their sons at twelve or thirteen. A man cannot take a second wife unless he proves to the satisfaction of the tribal council that the first wife is barren, disobedient, extravagant, or a thief, and even then he has to pay a fine to the council, which is spent in a tribal feast. They seldom take more than two wives. They have the usual forms of marriage,—Charhauwa for the well-to-do, Dola for poor people, and Sagâi for widows. In both the regular forms of virgin marriage the binding portions of the ceremony are the worshipping of the bridegroom’s feet (pair pûja, pânw pûja) by the father of the bride, and marking of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead (sindurdan). In Sagâi the only ceremony is dressing the bride in a suit of clothes and ornaments provided by the bridegroom, [180]and the feeding of his relations and clansmen. Intertribal infidelity is lightly regarded and is condoned by a tribal feast, but fornication with an outsider involves excommunication. They have the extraordinary rule that a woman who poisons her husband is excommunicated. If a man, in spite of the admonition and punishment administered by the tribal council, refuses to support his wife or loses caste, the council permit the woman to leave her husband, and, if she so pleases, to marry again by the Sagâi form.

Religion. 6. They are seldom initiated into any special sect. Like all Hindus of the same class, when the men get old they undergo a process of initiation and become devotees (bhagat: Sanskrit, bhakta). The only effect of this is that they abstain from meat and fish, and attend more carefully to their religious duties, such as attending temples, ceremonial bathing, etc. To the east of the Province their special deities are Mahâbîr, the Pânchonpîr, Bhawâni, Hardiha Deva, or Hardaur, Sokha Bâba and Nâgbeli. Sokha Bâba is the special deity of the Nâsarkhâni sub-caste, and, if neglected, ruins their pân gardens. They can tell nothing about him. He seems to be a deified exorciser or magician, sokha (Sanskrit: sukshma, “acute, subtle”) being the equivalent of Ojha. Nâgbel or Nâgarbel is the special deity of the pân plant. Hardiha is the special deity of the Barais of South Mirzapur. Mahâbîr receives an offering of sweetened bread (rota), gram, Brâhmanical threads (janeû), and loin cloths. His holy day is Tuesday. The Pânchonpîr receive rice cooked in milk (jawar), and fried cakes (puri), which are offered on Wednesday. Bhawâni is honoured with the sacrifice of a he-goat or ram, and sweets and cakes (halwa-puri). Hardiha is worshipped in secret inside the house on Monday. On Wednesday they fast in honour of the Pânchonpîr. Sokha Bâba is said to have a temple in Magadha (Behâr). His offering consists of sweets and cakes (halwa-puri). These deities are worshipped only by that member of the family who is under the influence of the special divinity—a fact shown by his getting into a state of ecstasy and uttering oracles. Only those who cultivate pân worship Nâgbel by lighting a lamp in the conservatory and making a burnt-offering (hom). The special day for the Nâgbel worship is the fifth of the first half of Sâwan. The greater gods are worshipped through Tiwâri Brâhmans, and the minor deities by [181]some specially inspired member of the family. They cremate their dead in the ordinary way, and some go to Gaya to perform the srâddha ceremony.

Occupation. 7. Betel is the term applied to the leaf of the piper betel chewed with the areca nut, which is hence improperly called betel-nut. The word, according to the authorities is Malayâlam, vettila, i.e., veru + ila = “simple or mere leaf,” and comes to us through the Portuguese betre and betle.[83] Areca is the seed, or, in common parlance, the nut, of the palm areca catechu. The word is Malayâlam, addakka, and comes to us through the Portuguese.[84] There are various methods of preparing the compound known as pân supâri. “Garcias da Horta says distinctly:—‘In chewing betre they mix areca with it and a little lime; some add licio (i.e., catechu); but the rich and grandees add some Borneo camphor, and also some lign aloes, musk, and ambergris.’ ”[85] Abul Fazl says:—“They also put some betel-nut and kath (catechu) on one leaf and some lime paste on another and roll them up: this is called a berah (bîra). Some put camphor and musk into it, and tie up both leaves with a silk thread.”[86] This is very much the modern practice, except that the two leaves are very generally fastened together with a clove. The conservatory in which the pân is grown is treated with great reverence by the grower.[87] They do not allow women to enter it, and permit no one to touch the plant or throw the leaves into fire. Very often they are given rent-free holdings by rich landlords to tempt them to settle in their neighbourhood. The women have an indifferent reputation, as they manage shops, and those who are attractive secure the most custom. They eat pakki cooked by all Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. In Gorakhpur, it is said, they eat pakki only from the hands of Brâhmans and Kshatriyas. They eat kachchi only if cooked by members of their own caste. Ghatiya Brâhmans and Râjputs eat pakki cooked by them. The highest caste which will eat kachchi cooked by them is the Nâi. They eat mutton and goat’s flesh, and some indulge in spirituous liquors. [182]

Distribution of the Barais according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

SUB-CASTES.

TOTAL.

Chaurasiya.

Jaiswâr.

Others.

Mathura

…

…

327

327

Fatehpur

142

…

32

174

Bânda

379

…

22

401

Hamîrpur

1,088

…

142

1,230

Allahâbâd

6,768

16

922

7,706

Jhânsi

163

…

193

356

Lalitpur

970

…

298

1,268

Benares

2,608

62

245

2,915

Mirzapur

4,329

11

25

4,365

Jaunpur

5,734

927

225

6,886

Ghâzipur

5,580

32

643

6,255

Ballia

5,512

426

461

6,399

Gorakhpur

12,856

9,884

6,258

28,998

Basti

…

26,859

1,054

27,913

Azamgarh

…

8,760

1,977

10,737

Lucknow

95

…

163

258

Unâo

579

…

…

579

Sîtapur

780

…

461

1,241

Hardoi

5,177

…

253

5,430

Kheri

462

…

216

678

Faizâbâd

80

10,612

122

10,814

Gonda

7

16,594

23

16,624

Bahrâich

…

21

1,045

1,066

Sultânpur

2,800

1,478

478

4,756

Partâbgarh

5,746

6

190

5,942

Bârabanki

…

103

…

103

TOTAL

61,855

75,791

15,775

153,421

[183]

Baranwâl, Baranwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas who take their name from the old town of Baran, the modern Bulandshahr. They are principally found in the Rohilkhand, Benares, and Gorakhpur Divisions. Curiously enough they have entirely avoided Bulandshahr, their old home. As illustrating the domestic customs of Banyas the following account from Mirzapur may be given:—

Birth customs. 2. When a woman is in the eighth month of pregnancy the Athmâsa ceremony is performed. Two or three days before it commences the women sing songs. On the day of the ceremony the Pandit makes a square in the courtyard, in which the husband and his wife are seated with their clothes knotted together. The Pandit makes them worship Gauri and Ganesa, and sweetmeats are sent to the houses of the clansmen. In the evening a feast is given to the clansmen. When the child is born, what is called the Nandi mukh srâddha is performed, and then the Chamârin midwife is called in to cut the navel cord. She attends the mother only on the first day. Then follow the usual sixth and twelfth day ceremonies (chhathi, barahi), when the mother bathes, the house is purified, and she returns to her household duties. When the child is one or three years old comes the shaving (mûnran). All the women of the family and their friends go to the temple of some goddess and worship her; then they worship the barber’s razor, and offer a rupee to it, which is the perquisite of the barber. Then he shaves the boy’s head, and the mother receives the hair on a cake made of unbaked dough. But more generally this is done by the sister or father’s sister of the boy. The boy and his mother then put on yellow garments and return home. A feast is given, and some small sums distributed to Brâhmans. In some families the ceremony of ear-boring (kanchhedan) is done at the same time as the mûnran; sometimes it is deferred till the boy is five years old. The boring is done by a Sunâr, and the friends are entertained. When the boy is six months old the anna-prâsana ceremony is performed. The mother cooks some rice milk (khîr), and the eldest member of the family puts some of it on a rupee and makes the child lick it. The function ends with the distribution of betel and cardamoms among the guests.

Occupation. 3. The Baranwâls are bâzâr traders of the ordinary type, and deal in grain and various kinds of merchandise. [184]

Distribution of the Baranwâl Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

26

Etah

28

Budâun

439

Morâdâbâd

1,825

Cawnpur

80

Bânda

1

Benares

776

Mirzapur

590

Jaunpur

2,140

Ghâzipur

1,337

Gorakhpur

466

Basti

1,880

Azamgarh

5,206

Râê Bareli

46

Faizâbâd

173

Partâbgarh

131

GRAND TOTAL

15,144

Bargâh, Bargâha, Bargâhi.—(Probably connected with Bâri, q.v.)—A caste of personal servants and makers of leaf platters (dauna). To the east of the province they trace their origin to Kanauj, and say that they emigrated with the Gaharwâr Râjputs. Their women act as wet-nurses to the Gaharwârs, and their men pass round betel at entertainments, and do other kinds of higher domestic service. They claim kinship with the Guâl Ahîrs. Thus, in Gorakhpur, Dr. Buchanan[88] says:—“The Râjput chiefs have certain families of the Ahîrs, the women of which serve as wet-nurses to their children, and the men attend to their persons. These families are called Bargâha; they have received, of course, great favours, and several of them are very rich; but others look down upon them as having admitted their women to too great familiarity with their chiefs.”

2. They marry in their own tribe; but they have no sections, and their rule of exogamy is not to marry in a family with which they have been once connected in marriage as long as any recollection of relationship exists. The marriage customs are of the usual type. In Mirzapur they practise adult marriage. The ceremony occupies three days—the sil, main, and bârât. On the day of the sil the grindstone and rice pounder (sil batta) are placed in the courtyard, and a Brâhman worships Gauri. The clansmen are fed on rice and pulse. On the main day the mâtri pûja and worship of [185]deceased ancestors is performed, and a second feast is given. On the third day, the bârât, the procession, goes to the house of the bride. The pair are seated in a shed (mânro); the bride’s father worships the feet of the bridegroom and presents him with fruits, etc., the garments of the pair are knotted, and they revolve seven times round the shed. The bride’s father then marks the forehead of the bridegroom with turmeric and rice, and takes him and the bride into the retiring room (kohabar), a relic of the custom of immediately consummating the marriage. There the women of the family make the bridegroom join the lights of two lighted wicks as a sign of lasting affection between the pair. The girl is then sent off at once with her husband. They do not allow widow marriage or the levirate. Their death customs are of the usual orthodox type.

3. The Bargâhs are all Hindus, and appear chiefly to worship Mahâbîr, the Pânchonpîr and the Dih, or the collective body of the village godlings.

4. They live principally by domestic service, and are known to be courageous and faithful. Many of them take to agriculture. In Chota Nâgpur, according to Mr. Risley,[89] they claim to be Râjputs and act as domestic servants to the local Râjas.

Distribution of the Bargâhs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Hamîrpur

392

Mirzapur

383

Basti

243

TOTAL

1,018

Bargaiyân.—A sept of Râjputs who are found principally in the Ghâzipur district. There they claim to be of the Chauhân family, and to be emigrants from Mainpuri. The name is probably derived from some place called Baragâon, or “the great village.” They have a very absurd folk etymology, and say that they are so called because their ancestors performed some great exploit (bara kâm kiya). They are now poor and discontented.[90] [186]

Distribution of Bargaiyân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Benares

2

Ghâzipur

2,659

Ballia

280

Râê Bareli

123

Faizâbâd

76

Sultânpur

10

Partâbgarh

4

TOTAL

3,154

Bargala.—A sept of Râjputs found chiefly in the Bulandshahr[91] District. They are a spurious branch of the Lunar race and are ranked as Gaurua, because they practise widow marriage. They claim descent from two brothers, Drigpâl and Battipâl, who are said to have been emigrants from Indor, in Mâlwa, and commanded the royal force at Delhi in the attack on Râo Pithaura. A number were converted to Islâm in the time of Aurangzeb. They are a turbulent, disorderly sept, and lost most of their villages in the Mutiny.

2. In the Upper Duâb, they are reported to give brides to the Bhâlê Sultân, Jaiswâr, and Bâchhal, and to take wives from the Jaiswâr.

Distribution of the Bargala Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

2

Muzaffarnagar

2

Bulandshahr

8,250

Morâdâbâd

6

TOTAL

8,260

Bargi.—A tribe found only in Mathura, according to the last Census, where they numbered 1,076. They are said to live by service, cultivation, and hunting. They are probably, if not identical, closely connected with the Bâri and Bargâh. [187]

Bargûjar.—(Sanskrit, vriddha; Hindi, bara, “great.”)—An important sept of Râjputs classed as one of the thirty-six royal races, and descended, like their opponents, the Kachhwâhas, from Râma, but through Lava, the second son. Sir H. M. Elliot[92] writes:—“Colonel Tod says that it was in Anûpshahr that the Bargûjars, on their expulsion by the Kachhwâhas from Rajor, found refuge; and that is still the chief town of the Bargûjar family. But as this expulsion occurred only in the time of the illustrious Siwâi Jay Sinh, in the beginning of the last century, the chief of Rajor must have chosen for his residence a part of the country already in the occupation of his brethren; for Bargûjars are mentioned, even in Akbar’s time, as the Zamîndârs of Khurja, Dibâi, and Pahâsu. Their own assertion is that they came from Rajor, the capital of Deoti, in the Macheri country, under Râja Pratâp Sinh, and first resided in Kheriya, near Pitampur, and that the Râja, after marrying at Koil into a Râjput family of the Dor tribe, which at that time occupied the whole country between Koil and Bulandshahr, obtained favour in the sight of the Dors and got authority to establish himself as far eastward as he chose. Having, in consequence, exterminated the Mewâtis and Bhihars, who are represented to have been in previous occupation, he was so successful as to acquire the possession of sixteen hundred villages, eight hundred on the east and eight hundred on the west of the Ganges. At the time of his death Chaundera, near Pahâsu (in the Bulandshahr District), was reckoned the chief possession of the Bargûjars, and one of the descendants of Pratâp Sinh, Râja Sâlivâhana, gave his name to a Pargana, which comprised the present divisions of Pîtampur, Pahâsu, and Birauli. Râja Pratâp Sinh left two sons, Jatu and Rânu. Jatu took up his abode in Katehar or Rohilkhand, and Rânu remained as chief of Chaundera.

2. “The antiquity of the Katehar Bargûjars may be surmised from a passage in the Râthaur Genealogies:—

‘Bharat, the eleventh grandson of Nain Pâl, the Râthaur, at the age of sixty-one conquered Kanaksir, under the Northern Hills, from Rudra Sen, of the Bargûjar tribe.’ Nain Pâl is supposed to have lived in the fifth Century. Though there appears no reason for ascribing to his reign so early a date, he must, at any rate, have preceded the final Muhammadan conquest of Kanauj. [188]

3. “While the Katehar Bargûjars and the Anûpshahr family have preserved their ancient faith, nearly all the Duâb tribes which preceded the expulsion of their chief from Rajor have turned Muhammadans; and the early opponents of the British in Kamona and Pindrâwal were Bargûjars of that persuasion. They still, however, appear proud of their Râjput lineage; for they assume the appellation of Thâkur. Thus we hear the strange combination of Thâkur Akbar’ Ali Khân and Thâkur Mardan’ Ali Khân. At their marriages they paint on their doors the image of a Kahârin or female bearer, under whose instructions they executed a stratagem by which they exterminated the Mewâtis, who had been engaged in a drunken revel during the Holi. Some of the Musalmân families have of late discontinued this custom. The Bargûjars to the west of Muzaffarnagar were all converted to the Muhammadan faith in the time of Alâ-ud-dîn Khilji; but they still retain most of their old Hindu customs. A stricter conformity to the Musalmân tenets was endeavoured to be introduced by some reformers, and all Hindu observances were sedulously proscribed by them; but when it was found, as they themselves assert, that all their children became blind and maimed in consequence of their apostacy, they were induced to revert to their ancestral customs, and still adhere to them with so much pertinacity, that it is almost doubtful which faith prevails most.

4. “The Muzaffarnagar Bargûjars state that they came from Dobandesar, near Dhain Dawâsa, south of the Alwar country, under one Kura Sen, whose ancestor, Bâba Megha, is still invoked when they make their offerings at the time of naming their children. They intermarry with the converted Pundîr Râjputs of Sakrauda in Sahâranpur, and the Râo Bargûjars, in Farîdâbâd, of Balabhgarh, to the south of Delhi. They seem to know but little of their brethren who reside in the neighbourhood of Anûpshahr.

5. “The place whence they migrated may be easily traced, for Dawâsa or Deosa lies on the Bânganga river about thirty miles east of Jeypur, and Dhain is about eight miles south of Deosa. Deosa is famous as being the first place belonging to the Bargûjars, which was occupied by the Kachhwâhas, after their emigration from Narwar, in the middle of the tenth Century. It is not improbable that the Kachhwâhas may at this period have compelled the Bargûjars to emigrate in search of other seats, and they, in turn, may have wreaked their vengeance on the Kachhwâhas of the [189]Upper Duâb, and established their Chaurâsi among the brethren of their distant foe. Certain it is that tradition assigns a large tract of country in these parts to the Kachhwâhas before the Bargûjars, Jâts, and Pathâns obtained possession.

6. “The Sikarwâl Râjputs state that they are a branch of the Bargûjars; but they are separately entered among the thirty-six royal races in Colonel Tod’s list. It is to be observed, however, that in some of the other lists which he has given neither Bargûjars nor Sikarwâls are entered.”

7. In Mathura[93] the Hindu branch are classed as pure because they do not practise widow marriage. The Rohilkhand[94] branch have various traditions of their origin, some claiming Tomar and some Sûrajbansi descent. They seem to have pushed across the Ganges from Anûpshahr about the same time that the Katehriyas occupied Bareilly.

8. In Bulandshahr they give brides to the Gahlot, Bhatti, Tomar, Chauhân, Katiyâr, Punwâr, and Pundîr; and take wives from the Gahlot, Pundîr, Chauhân, Bais, Janghâra, and Bâchhal. In Aligarh they take brides from the Janghâra, Gahlot, and Chauhân, and give wives to the Chauhân and Gahlot.

Distribution of Bargûjar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

9

9

Sahâranpur

55

64

119

Muzaffarnagar

166

1,092

1,258

Meerut

1,443

…

1,443

Bulandshahr

12,064

4,006

16,070

Aligarh

3,363

9

3,372

Mathura

383

140

523

Agra

588

9

597[190]

Farrukhâbâd

227

6

233

Mainpuri

556

1

557

Etâwah

90

3

93

Etah

1,689

106

1,795

Bareilly

883

321

1,204

Bijnor

4

…

4

Budâun

2,790

363

3,153

Morâdâbâd

6,477

156

6,633

Shâhjahânpur

171

…

171

Pilibhît

78

40

118

Cawnpur

19

…

19

Jhânsi

26

…

26

Jâlaun

68

…

68

Lalitpur

24

…

24

Benares

2

…

2

Jaunpur

8

…

8

Tarâi

59

…

59

Lucknow

6

…

6

Faizâbâd

…

3

3

Kheri

102

…

102

TOTAL

31,341

6,328

37,669

Barhai,[95] Barhi, Badhi.—(Sanskrit, vardhika; root vardh, “to cut.”)—The carpenter class, also known as Tarkhân in the Panjab, Mistri (which is probably a corruption of the English “Master, Mr.”), and Lakarkata or “wood-cutter” (lakri-kâtna). The term [191]Gokain is generally applied to a wood carver: it is derived by Mr. Nesfield from the Hindi khonchna, “to scoop out,” but is more possibly connected with gaukh, Sanskrit, gavâksha, “a window frame.” Traditionally they claim descent from Viswakarma, son of Brahma (who is identified with Twashtri, the divine artisan), through Vikramajît, who is said to have espoused a Kshatriya woman. As the sub-divisions show, the caste is probably a functional group recruited from various castes following the common occupation of carpentry.

Internal structure. 2. The Barhais have broken up into an enormous number of endogamous sub-castes, of which the last Census returns enumerate eight hundred and fifty-nine in the Hindu and seventy-nine in the Muhammadan branch. Of these locally the most important are in Sahâranpur, the Bandariya, Dholi, Multâni, Nagar, and Tarloiya; in Muzaffarnagar, the Dhalwâl or “shield-makers,” and Lota; in Meerut, the Janghâra, the name of a Râjput sept; in Bulandshahr, the Bhîl; in Aligarh, the Chauhân; in Mathura, the Bâhman or Brâhman sub-caste, and the Sosaniya; in Agra, the Nagar, Janghâra, and Uprautya; in Farrukhâbâd, the Paretiya or “reel-makers”; in Mainpuri, the Umariya; in Etah, the Agwariya, Barmaniyân, Bisari, Jalesariya (from the town of Jalesar), and the Usarbhola; in Bareilly, the Jalesariya; in Ballia, the Gokalbansi; in Basti, the Dakkhinâha or “Southern,” and the Sarwariya, or those who come from beyond the Sarju river; in Gonda, the Kairâti, which is possibly a corruption of Kharâdi, and the Sondi; in Bârabanki, the Jaiswâr. In Mirzapur they name five,—Kokâsbansi, Magadhiya, or Magahiya (from Magadha), Purbiha or Purbiya (Eastern), Uttarâha (Northern), and Khâti (Sanskrit Kshatri; root, kshad, “to cut”). Of these the Khâti specially work as wheel-wrights. In Bareilly we have Mathuriya, Dhanman, and Khâti; in Bijnor, Dahman, Mathuriya, Lahori, and Kokâs; in Basti, Kokâsbans, and Lohâr Barhai. Another enumeration[96] gives Kokâs, Mahur, Tânk, Khâti, Uprautiya, Bâmhan Barhai or Mathuriya, Ojha Gaur, and Chamar Barhai. Of these the Bâmhan and Ojha Gaur claim a Brâhmanical origin, and the Chamar Barhai are perhaps an offshoot from the Chamârs. In Benares,[97] again, we have the Janeûdhâri, [192](wearers of the Brâhmanical cord, janeû), who eat no meat, wear the sacred cord, and regard themselves far superior to the others: they are said to come from the Duâb. The Khâti are wheel-wrights. The Kokâs come from Delhi, and make chairs and tables. Those designated Setbanda Rameswar manufacture puppets and dolls, on which they perform in public: they have a character for begging, and are, therefore, not a reputable branch of the caste. In the Hills some Barhais are emigrants from the plains; but most of them are of the Orh division of the Doms.[98] To the west of the Province, the Ojha or Ujhâdon Barhais claim Brâhmanical descent, and wear the Brâhmanical cord. In some of the Western towns they have recently refused to do such degrading work as the repairs of conservancy carts, etc. In Morâdâbâd there is a sub-caste known as Khâti Bishnoi, who make a speciality of making cart-wheels like those of the same name to the east of the Province: in Bulandshahr the Khâti are said to be considered so low that water touched by them is not drunk by the higher castes.[99] In the same district are also found the Tânk, Ukât, and Dibhân, as well as the Jânghra, who claim kindred with the Janghâra Râjputs. In the Central Duâb, again, we have, besides the Ujhâdon Brâhman sub-caste, three others known as Dhîmar, Mâhar, and Khâti. These names illustrate the composite character of the caste, the Ojha claiming to be Brâhmans, the Janghra Râjputs, the Dhîmar Kâhars, the Chamar Barhai, Chamârs, and so on. Akin again to these are the class of turners—Kharâdi (Arabic, kharât, “a lathe”), Kuner, Kundera, and, in the Hills, Chunyâra. In Mirzapur this sub-caste are occupied in making the stems of the huqqa pipe out of the wood of the acacia (khair). They appear to take their name from Sanskrit kunda, a bowl.

Marriage rules. 3. To the east of the Province Barhais marry their daughters usually at the age of seven, nine, or eleven; and boys, at nine, eleven, and thirteen. They will not intermarry with a member of their own family or that of their maternal uncle or father’s sister as long as there is any recollection of relationship. They have four forms of marriage: Charhauwa, which is the respectable form; Dola, for poor people, Adala Badala, when two families exchange brides, and Sagâi, for widows. [193]

The levirate is permitted but not enforced, and the widow’s right of selecting her second partner is recognised. The rules of morality are strict, and a woman intriguing with a clansman or a stranger is liable to excommunication. Those who are guilty of an intrigue with a member of the clan can be restored to caste by paying money to Brâhmans, and bathing in a sacred stream: in bad cases a pilgrimage to Prayâg (Allahâbâd), Benares, or Ajudhya, is necessary. When a woman is expelled for an intrigue with a clansman, and conducts herself respectably for some time, she is re-admitted to caste by the council, and allowed to contract a sagâi marriage.

Religion. 4. Barhais who live in cities are usually Saivas, because they are not prohibited from the use of meat and wine. The village Barhais seldom become initiated into any regular sect. Their clan deities in the Eastern Districts are the Pânchonpîr, Mahâbîr, Devi, Dulha Deo, and a deity of rather uncertain functions, known as Bibiha Deva, or the “lady god.” They also worship Viswakarma, their divine ancestor, and he is represented by the wooden yard measure (gaz, gaj). This has a special worship in the month of Sâwan. A square is made in which it is placed, and to it are offered sandalwood, flowers, red lead (rori), and sweetmeats (halwa). This worship is supported by a general contribution. The worship is done by a Brâhman, and the sweets distributed among the worshippers. In the month of Kuâr, the other tribal deities are worshipped. Sweetmeats (halwa), sweet bread, gram, and some sugar balls (laddu) are offered to Mahâbîr on a Tuesday. Bhawâni or Devi receives the sacrifice of a goat or ram, garlands of flowers, and coloured cloth (chunari). Rice milk (khîr), and cakes (pûri) are dedicated to the Pânchonpîr. Only wives married in the regular (charhauwa) form are allowed to share in the worship of the tribal deities. In Basti they worship Mahâbîr, Purabi Deota or “the Eastern godling,” and Phûlmati Bhawâni. Purabi Deota gets an offering of clothes and rude ornaments on a Saturday: Phûlmati and Mahâbîr get, respectively, sweets and flowers on Monday and Tuesday. Mâlis, Gusâîns, and Brâhmans receive the offerings made to Mahâbîr and Phûlmati, while the offerings to Purabi Deota are taken home and consumed by the worshippers themselves. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who hold a low rank in the caste. The dead are cremated, and the ashes thrown into the Ganges or one of its tributaries. Water is poured on the ground in honour of [194]the sainted dead during the first fortnight of Kuâr: lumps of rice and milk are offered on the thirteenth day, and uncooked grain is given to Brâhmans. Those who die of cholera or small-pox are either buried or their bodies thrown into running water. When the epidemic is over, they, as well as a person dying in a foreign land, are burnt in effigy in the regular way. This must be done within six months after the death.

Occupational and social status. 5. Carpentry is one of the ancient Hindu trades, and is mentioned in the Rigveda.[100] The village carpenter is one of the recognised village menials and receives dues of grain at each harvest from his constituents (jajmân), whose agricultural implements he is bound to keep in order. The rate in Oudh is thirty village sers at each crop from each plough. This is known as tihâi. He also receives one ser of each kind of grain from each cultivator’s threshing floor before it is removed. This is called anjali. For seven months, Jeth to Aghan—May to November, his services are required. For the remaining five months he works at his own business, making cots (chârpai), carts (gâri), domestic utensils, and house carpentry. For this he receives special wages.[101] In the Eastern Districts it is about twelve sers per plough. In Bareilly it is seven-and-a-half to twelve large (pakka) sers per plough per harvest.[102] Some city carpenters who set up workshops and employ workmen do a good business in making conveyances, furniture, etc. They eat pakki or food cooked with butter by all Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. They eat kachchi cooked by Brâhmans and castemen. All Hindus drink water from their hands. Some Brâhmans will eat pakki cooked by them. Inferior Hindus, such as the Chamâr, Nâi, or Bâri, will eat kachchi cooked by them. In the villages many hold land as tenants in addition to their hereditary trade. [195]

Distribution of the Barhais according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Ajudhyabâsi.

Dhaman.

Gaur.

Golê.

Kanaujiya.

Khâti.

Kokâs.

Maithil.

Mathuriya.

Ojha.

Suthar.

Tânk.

Others.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

1,243

…

…

…

130

65

…

…

…

…

…

2,004

65

3,507

Sahâranpur

…

12,367

…

7

…

198

14

6

…

…

…

…

4,641

1,538

18,771

Muzaffarnagar

…

6,954

21

10

10

2,333

…

…

…

…

…

…

2,082

3,162

14,572

Meerut

…

446

…

…

…

2,719

…

…

…

…

…

3,212

4,059

13,242

23,678

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

…

…

164

…

…

421

351

…

628

4,824

11,473

17,861

Aligarh

…

…

…

…

…

159

…

2,864

…

3,782

…

…

12,794

7

19,606

Mathura

…

…

1,078

4

…

…

50

2,219

2,855

4,776

…

…

3,017

3

14,002

Agra

106

…

1,638

…

…

4

8

498

2,189

10,957

…

…

3,679

7

19,086

Farrukhâbâd

136

…

…

…

35

10

2,874

…

4,580

240

…

…

263

2

8,140[196]

Mainpuri

904

…

107

509

…

4

342

56

1,072

10,474

…

…

1,395

…

14,857

Etâwah

1,109

…

…

…

…

154

948

…

2,422

3,430

6

…

2,271

…

10,340

Etah

…

73

380

295

4

20

55

372

8,590

1,268

31

…

3,647

…

14,735

Bareilly

…

…

…

…

…

82

1,502

…

17,284

48

…

…

691

1,999

21,606

Bijnor

…

14,496

…

…

…

75

…

…

…

…

…

8

624

2,746

17,949

Budâun

…

28

…

…

…

…

…

…

13,820

703

…

…

2,114

1,005

17,670

Morâdâbâd

…

1,133

…

…

…

213

…

1

1,809

45

…

424

1,578

17,305

22,508

Shâhjahânpur

58

3

8

…

12

…

1,107

…

4,677

32

…

…

334

34

16,228

Pilibhît

…

…

2

…

…

110

3,754

…

6,011

9

…

20

282

176

10,364

Cawnpur

…

…

…

…

12

51

9,104

…

83

5

…

…

760

…

10,015[197]

Fatehpur

…

…

…

…

11

…

2,920

…

…

…

…

…

367

…

3,298

Bânda

…

…

…

48

…

20

6,174

…

…

…

…

…

616

…

6,860

Hamîrpur

…

…

3

…

…

29

3,366

…

…

…

…

…

1,393

…

4,791

Allahâbâd

…

…

…

…

…

17

1,237

…

3

…

…

…

566

…

1,823

Jhânsi

…

…

…

…

…

407

3,617

…

…

…

…

…

2,385

2

6,411

Jâlaun

…

…

…

…

…

1,491

1,984

…

…

…

…

…

1,550

…

5,025

Lalitpur

…

…

…

…

…

2,308

2,507

…

…

…

…

…

790

…

5,605

Benares

…

…

…

…

…

…

320

…

…

…

…

…

261

…

581

Mirzapur

…

…

…

…

…

…

352

…

…

…

…

…

224

…

576

Jaunpur

…

…

…

…

…

…

1,315

…

…

…

…

…

70

…

1,385

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

…

114

…

947

…

…

…

…

…

258

…

1,319

Ballia

…

…

…

…

83

…

3,674

…

…

…

…

…

947

…

4,704

Gorakhpur

11

…

1

…

483

…

23,058

…

…

…

80

…

1,926

748

26,307

Basti

…

…

…

…

…

…

24,277

…

…

…

927

…

3,093

…

28,297

Azamgarh

…

…

…

…

649

…

8,295

…

…

…

…

…

1,625

26

10,595[198]

Garhwâl

…

32

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

…

32

Tarâi

…

434

…

…

…

8

…

…

680

…

…

118

127

2,890

4,257

Lucknow

…

5

…

21

9

80

6,162

…

244

…

378

…

2,175

81

9,155

Unâo

…

…

…

…

20

…

12,335

…

…

…

…

…

842

1

13,198

Râê Bareli

…

…

…

…

130

…

8,411

…

6

…

1,199

…

1,537

117

11,400

Sîtapur

…

…

…

…

…

…

10,823

…

40

…

358

…

973

2

12,196

Hardoi

…

…

…

…

…

…

11,913

…

519

…

26

…

491

…

12,949

Kheri

13

…

…

…

7

…

12,296

…

4

…

…

…

171

…

12,491

Faizâbâd

…

…

…

…

207

…

10,029

…

…

…

2,659

…

291

…

13,186

Gonda

…

…

…

…

…

…

23,190

…

…

…

5

…

987

2,469

26,651[199]

Bahrâich

…

…

…

4

…

3

10,884

…

…

…

108

…

731

618

12,348

Sultânpur

…

…

…

…

69

…

8,268

…

…

…

1,123

…

1,529

…

10,989

Partâbgarh

…

…

…

…

…

…

843

…

…

…

…

…

553

1

1,397

Bârabanki

…

…

…

…

…

…

13,825

…

…

…

1,082

…

476

180

15,563

TOTAL

2,339

37,214

3,232

898

1,855

10,789

242,808

6,016

67,309

36,120

7,982

4,410

78,013

59,899

558,884

[200]

Barhiya.—A small sept of Râjputs. The last Census shows them only in Hamîrpur and Lalitpur. Sir H. M. Elliot[103] mentions a sept called Barhiya or Barhaiya in the Sikandarpur and Badâun Parganas of the Azamgarh District, and Sayyidpur Bhitri of Ghâzipur. Dr. Buchanan[104] says that they are not numerous in Gorakhpur, north of the Sarju; “but there are said to be many near Kopa in the southern part of the District. They are but a low race.”

Distribution of the Barhiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

13

Hamîrpur

28

Lalitpur

22

TOTAL

63

Barholiya, Barhauliya.—A Râjput sept, who are a branch of the Bhrigubansi stock, and the chief proprietors of Barhaul, in Benares, from the principal town of which Pargana they derive their name. They are said to have come from Rengarh, in Mârwâr, and were on their way to Jagannâth, when their chief, Narotham Râê, accepted service with the Seori or Chero Râja.[105] The head of the sept, in Bârabanki, where they are most numerous, is the Râja of Sûrajpur. There they are classed as a branch of the Bais stock.

Distribution of the Barholiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Jâlaun

2

Azamgarh

104

Lucknow

19

Râê Bareli

199

Sîtapur

1

Faizâbâd

40

Gonda

22

Bahrâich

39

Bârabanki

2,316

TOTAL

2,742

[201]

Bâri.[106]—A tribe of household servants to Hindus and makers of the leaf-platters used at Hindu feasts. The name of the caste is derived from the Hindi bâlna, or bârna, which means “to set a thing alight,” as one of their chief occupations is acting as torch-bearers. According to Mr. Nesfield, “they are an off-shoot from the semi-savage tribes known as Banmânush and Musahar. He still associates with them at times, and if the demand for plates and cups (owing to some temporary cause, such as a local fair or an unusual number of marriages) happens to become larger than he can at once supply, he gets them secretly made by his ruder kinsfolk, and retails them at a higher rate, passing them off as his own production.” That the origin of the caste is functional is very probable; but there is as yet no satisfactory evidence, such as that based on anthropometry, which would conclusively establish their connection with the jungle races; and if they are ultimately akin to the Musahar, the type must have been very considerably changed. The Bâri, in fact, looks very much like the ordinary Chamâr of the plains, and he has lost in a great measure the distinctive cast of features which characterises the Musahar.

Traditions of origin. 2. In the Eastern Districts the Bâris have a curiously naïve legend to account for their origin. “Once upon a time,” so the legend runs, “Parameswar was offering rice milk to the spirits of his ancestors. In the course of this duty the celebrant has to make a gift known as Vikraya dâna, which no one cares to accept. Parameswar offered the gift to some Brâhmans, who refused it. Then he made a man of clay, and blowing upon the image invested it with life. Parameswar asked the man whom he had created to accept the offering, and he agreed on condition that all men should drink with him and recognise his claim to caste. Parameswar then told him to bring water in a cup, and drank of it in the presence of all the castes. Ever since Hindus drink water from the hands of the Bâri, though he himself eats the leavings of many castes.” They say that this first ancestor of theirs was named Sundar on account of his personal beauty. According to the Oudh legend, when Bhagwân had created the world he took a survey of it and reflected that he had created all manner of men except the menial, who would consume the [202]leavings, which would otherwise be wasted. To remove this defect, he made a man of sand and called him Sundar. The caste derives its name from having been made of sand (bâlu bâru), a folk etymology which is probably at the bottom of the story. They say that the descendants of this Sundar lived at Ajudhya until the reign of Râja Dasaratha; after that they dispersed all over the country. The Purânic legend represents them as descended from a barber and a tobacconist girl. In Oudh they fix their head-quarters at Tulasipur, in the Kheri District.

Marriage rules. 3. The Census returns include no less than five hundred and three exogamous sections. Of these the most important locally are the Bilkhariya, who take their name from Bilkhar in Oudh, the Hinduiya and the Kariya in Ballia; the Kanaujiya, in Gorakhpur: the Desi and Sarwariya in Basti; the Dakkhinâha and Sarwariya in Râê Bareli; the Ghorcharha or “riders on horses,” and in Gonda and Bahrâich the Chauhân. Besides these, are the Donwâr, which is also the name of a sub-tribe of Bhuînhârs; the Mathuriya from Mathura; the Pattariha or makers of leaf-platters (pattar); the Râwat, and Sundar, whose name is that of their founder. To the east the rule of gotra exogamy appears to be reinforced by the condition that they do not intermarry with a family with whom previous relationship by marriage is established and admitted. In Mathura persons of the same gotra cannot intermarry, and the gotras of a man’s mother and grandmother are also barred. Marriage with two sisters is permitted. Sexual license before marriage is everywhere prohibited. Polyandry is nowhere recognized; and, while polygamy is allowed, it is restricted to cases when the first wife is barren or permanently disabled by disease. The actual marriage ceremony is of the usual low caste type. In the eastern districts, prior to the marriage, they have what is known as the panchmangari or timangari performed, as the name implies on the fifth or third day before the wedding, when the women bring clay from the village clay pit and lay it in the nuptial shed (mâro), where it is used for making the fireplace on which the food for the wedding feast is cooked. In the respectable form of marriage, called charhaua, where the bride is given away by her father, and the pair revolve round the sacred fire; there are in Oudh three stages—Barrachha or Barraksha, “fixing or holding of the bridegroom,” in which the father of the bride gives the boy a rupee as a sort of earnest money; the actual [203]betrothal known as “the cup” (katora), because the friends on both sides drink sharbat together. Then follows what is the binding part of the function—the rubbing of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead, and the walking round the sacred fire.

Widow marriage. 4. From Mathura it is reported that the caste now prohibits widow marriage. This is not the case elsewhere. In the Benares Division widows marry by sagâi, and the levirate is recognised but not enforced; in Oudh, irregular connections of widows are allowed. It is not called marriage; she is merely said to “take her seat” (baith jâna) in the house of her paramour. She is not obliged to form such a connection unless she pleases, and the preference is given to the younger brother of the late husband; those widows who set up house with an outsider are known as Urhari, a term which seems usually to bear a contemptuous meaning.

Disposal of the dead. 5. The dead are cremated, but only those who are well off are careful about disposing of the ashes in the Ganges or Jumna.

Religion. 6. The Bâris are Hindus. To the east of the Province they are seldom initiated into any recognised sect; if they are initiated they give the preference for the Saiva or Sâkta. They worship various local deities. Thus, in Jaunpur, they worship a form of the female energy known as Bibiha Devi, “Our Lady”; in South Mirzapur, Hardiha Deva or Hardaul Lâla, the cholera godling; and many of them worship Mahâbîr. Sacrifices of rams and goats are offered to Hardiha, with sweetmeats and a Brâhmanical thread (janeû). To Mahâbîr is offered a head-dress (muraith), a small loin cloth (langot), sweet bread (rot), and sweetmeats. Those only are allowed to worship Mahâbîr who do not eat the leavings of other people. Another local deity, Birtiya, receives a sacrifice of a young pig, once a year, in the month of Sâwan. The worship of all these clan deities is performed annually in the month of Sâwan (July–August) and Kuâr (September–October). Their family priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who are, as a rule, not received on equal terms by their brethren. In Mathura they worship Devi in the months of Chait and Kuâr with an offering of flowers and sweetmeats, the latter being consumed by the worshippers after dedication. They follow the tenets of the Vaishnava sect. In Unâo their clan deities are Bhitarihâi Devi, “the goddess of the inner house,” and Nara Sinh or [204]the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu. These deities are worshipped on the eighth day of the waxing moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. The offering to Devi consists of the sacrifice of goats and the burning of incense. Nara Sinha prefers the offering of parched barley mixed with treacle. This worship is done by the eldest son of the family. Their priests are Brâhmans, who are received on terms of equality by their brethren.

Occupation. 7. Their primary occupation is the making and sale of leaf-cups (dauna, pattari, gadaura) used at Hindu feasts, and in which articles such as sweetmeats, curds, etc., are commonly sold in bâzârs. They serve respectable Hindus as domestic servants and hand round water. They light and carry torches at marriages, entertainments, and on journeys, and perform many of the functions discharged by our house bearers. Their occupation as domestic servants seems to be on the decline, and many are taking to cultivation. Their women act as maids to high caste Hindu ladies, and, as they are always about the zenâna, they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation. To the east of the Province they certainly eat the leavings of Brâhmans, Banyas, Râjputs and, it is said, now-a-days even of Kâyasths. In Mathura they seem to be abandoning the practice of eating the leavings of other castes. In Mirzapur all Hindus drink water touched by them, and all, except Sarwariya and Kanaujiya Brâhmans, eat food cooked by them in the form of pakki, i.e., cooked with butter. Kachchi roti or food cooked in water by them is eaten by Chamârs and other menial castes. In Unâo, it is said that they will eat kachchi and pakki from the hands of a barber, but that no high caste Hindu takes anything but water from their hands. In Mathura they will eat kachchi cooked by a Banya or Kâyasth. Their loyalty and fidelity to their master is proverbial, and they rank high among the classes of Hindus who devote themselves to domestic service. [205]

Distribution of the Bâris according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Donwâr.

Mathuriya.

Pattariha.

Râwat.

Sundar.

Others.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

…

…

19

19

Meerut

…

…

…

…

…

88

88

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

43

…

61

104

Aligarh

…

…

…

51

…

239

290

Mathura

…

…

…

10

…

139

149

Agra

…

2

…

123

2

828

955

Farrukhâbâd

7

15

…

119

125

705

971

Mainpuri

65

385

3

169

…

309

931

Etâwah

1

57

12

152

19

1,773

2,014

Etah

30

14

…

42

2

195

283

Bareilly

…

…

…

…

…

450

450

Bijnor

…

…

…

…

…

43

43

Budâun

…

8

…

24

…

269

301

Morâdâbâd

…

…

…

…

…

224

224

Shâhjahânpur

2

…

…

35

182

279

498

Pilibhît

…

…

…

…

40

122

162

Cawnpur

…

12

217

52

22

2,323

2,626

Fatehpur

…

…

…

…

83

599

682

Bânda

…

…

2

53

1

62

118

Hamîrpur

…

…

…

28

…

87

115

Allahâbâd

…

…

26

7

393

1,024

1,450

Jhânsi

…

…

…

37

…

84

121

Jâlaun

…

…

…

185

2

578

765

Lalitpur

…

…

…

4

…

45

49

Benares

174

…

10

175

…

1,971

2,330

Mirzapur

…

…

…

…

16

1,906

1,922[206]

Jaunpur

351

…

390

673

68

578

2,060

Ghâzipur

214

…

…

73

127

1,577

1,991

Ballia

597

…

…

38

10

1,457

2,102

Gorakhpur

3,280

4

21

…

205

4,454

7,964

Basti

379

…

3,612

…

…

1,615

5,606

Azamgarh

418

…

…

…

59

2,992

3,469

Lucknow

…

…

…

…

918

382

1,300

Unâo

69

2

127

…

374

1,581

2,153

Râê Bareli

…

…

318

24

1,214

1,901

3,457

Sîtapur

…

…

26

…

921

601

1,548

Hardoi

…

…

…

…

211

299

510

Kheri

…

…

…

…

821

211

1,032

Faizâbâd

1,946

…

138

…

…

165

2,249

Gonda

2,574

…

1,635

…

…

2,138

6,347

Bahrâich

338

…

537

…

455

2,297

3,627

Sultânpur

…

…

…

196

263

1,879

2,338

Partâbgarh

…

…

…

…

31

2,182

2,213

Bârabanki

…

…

362

22

471

1,219

2,074

TOTAL

10,445

499

7,436

2,335

7,035

41,950

69,700

Barua, Barwa.—A tribe of mendicant Brâhmans who are found in Sahâranpur and the neighbourhood. They bear an indifferent reputation on account of the vileness of the abuse which they shower on people who refuse to give them alms.

Barwâr.[107]—A notorious criminal tribe found in Northern Oudh. There is much difference of opinion as to the meaning of the word. [207]According to one theory it means “a bearer of burdens” (bârwâla); according to others it comes from the Hindi Baryara in the sense of “violent.”

Traditional origin. 2. The story the Barwârs tell of themselves is as follows:—Some centuries ago the ancestor of the tribe, a Kurmi by caste, lived at the village of Yahyapur, which is said to be situated in the Sâran District, east of the river Nârâyani. One day he was ploughing his field near the river when the wife of a rich Mahâjan came down to bathe. She took off her pearl necklace and stepped into the water. A kite swooped down, and, carrying it off, dropped it in the field where the Kurmi was ploughing. When he saw the treasure he began to think that it was easier to live by thieving than by farming. From that time his prosperity increased, and his clan became known as Suvarna or golden. They began then to be known as Barwâr or men of violence. It happened one day that a Kingariya or Nat musician attended the death ceremony of a Barwâr at Yahyapur, and was given an empty purse as a present by the relatives of the deceased. By chance the Kingariya came to the village where the purse with two gold coins had been stolen. The owner recognized it; and enquiries proving that the theft had been committed by the Barwârs, they were expelled from Yahyapur. After this they divided into two sections. One went to Basti, in the North-Western Provinces, and settled at Barauli, which is four miles west of Basti. The other gang went to Hardoi, in Oudh, and settled there. After their arrival in Hardoi that section were given the name of Gânjar, which is said to mean “hoarders,” and by which they are still known. In Barauli the Barwârs lived for some two centuries, and supported themselves by thieving. At last, one day, they robbed the camp of the Râja of Basti, and he had them expelled from his territory. They then came to Gonda and settled at Dhanaipur, thirteen miles north of Gonda. They now occupy fifty-four villages in the Gonda District. They were again at one time forced to change their quarters by the influence of a money-lender named Sobha Sukl, whose name is still held in abhorrence among them. Another legend makes the Barwârs to be the descendants of a woman of low caste named Goli, by a Kurmi father. There seems nothing improbable in the story that they are a branch of the Kurmis, who separated from the parent stock owing to their bad character, or for some other reason. That the tribe is very [208]much mixed is admitted on all sides. The Barwârs, in former times, were certainly in the habit of recruiting their numbers by kidnapping young children of various castes. These became a separate class known either as Ghulâm, an Arabic term meaning “slave,” or Tahla, a Hindi word meaning “one who walks about in attendance,” “a follower.” In contradistinction to this servile class the pure Barwâr calls himself Swâng, which in their slang means “master.” It would appear that the recruitment of these Ghulâms has ceased in recent years, and that the pure Barwârs and the Ghulâms no longer intermarry. While the custom prevailed among the Gonda branch the other divisions of the tribe would not intermarry with them. At present it is said that they neither give their daughters in marriage nor take girls from the Ghulâms, who have become themselves an endogamous section. Below the Ghulâms again is another section known as Tilâms or Talâms, who are the descendants of children kidnapped by the Ghulâms. These ostracised Ghulâms and Tilâms are the only members who have been as yet allowed by the tribe to enlist in the Police. Ghulâms will eat food prepared by Barwârs, but the latter will not touch a dish prepared by the former. Male Ghulâms and Tilâms both get their equal share of plunder from the thieving gangs they join. A dowry is given with the Ghulâm bride, but not with the bridegroom. The Tilâms possess the same privileges in every way as their kidnappers, the Ghulâms. The Ghulâms are still believed occasionally to seduce girls of other castes, such as Brâhmans, Chhatris, Murâos, Kurmis, Ahîrs and Kahârs. These are received and adopted into the community. The more respectable Barwârs are also known as Thakuriya in Gonda.

Marriage rules. 3. The marriage of two sisters is permitted, provided the elder sister is married before the younger. The custom of exchanging girls in marriage does not prevail among them. The bride is admitted into the family of her husband without any special ceremony; but it is significant that every Barwâr, on marrying, is obliged to give to the landlord four hundred betel leaves or the equivalent value in money, which looks as if it were a commutation of the jus primæ noctis, if it be not one of the ordinary dues levied by a landlord on his tenants. They may take two wives at one time. The favourite wife for the time being rules the household. Concubinage with women of the tribe is allowed; polyandry is prohibited. [209]Marriage is both adult and infant. Divorce is permitted in case of infidelity on the part of the woman. The husband merely assembles the clansmen, and announces to them the fact of the divorce. Divorced wives cannot be re-married; but they may be kept as concubines by other men in the caste. They have a peculiar rule of inheritance by which the property is divided, half going to the children of the regularly married wife or wives, and the other half to the children of the concubines, provided they belong to the Barwâr caste. The offspring of a woman of a strange tribe have no rights of inheritance. When a pure Barwâr marries or keeps a woman of another caste he is excommunicated and sinks to the rank of a Ghulâm. Illicit intrigues within the caste are also punished by expulsion; but the offending parties can be restored on giving a tribal feast. Widow marriage is allowed. The only ceremony is that the man puts a set of bangles (chûri) on the woman and feeds the community. The levirate is permitted, not enforced, and the widow may, if she pleases, accept an outsider. In such cases she loses the right of guardianship over the children of the first marriage, and has no rights of succession to the estate of her first husband.

Birth ceremonies. 4. The mother is attended by a woman of the Kori caste, who acts as midwife. She attends for five days and then the barber’s wife acts as nurse for eight days. On the twelfth day after a birth the father purchases spirits and treats the brotherhood, and puts silver and gold ornaments on the child. This is supposed to bring luck in thieving. If a Barwâr fails to bring home plunder he is taunted by his comrades that his father did not perform the twelfth-day ceremony. If a child is thus initiated, he gets his share of the spoil; but if born after the Dasahra of Jeth he does not share till the next Dasahra of Kuâr. Similarly, during the rainy season, each man keeps his own plunder and has to share only with those who are incapacitated from thieving by blindness, old age, or some physical defect. But, as a rule, they seldom thieve in the rains from the Dasahra of Jeth to the Dasahra of Kuâr; and after the latter date the partnership of the whole community is revived, and every soul becomes entitled to a share in the spoil, whether he goes on a thieving excursion or remains at home. Widows and women who live in retirement get no share; but if a Barwâr is in prison his share goes to his wife. [210]

Betrothal. 5. The girl’s father with some friends goes to the house of the boy, and pays his father a couple of rupees. He entertains his guests and sends to the bride, in return, some curds, fish, sweetmeats and a bottle of liquor. This settles the betrothal. This generally takes place when the girl is between three and seven.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies begin with the lagan or fixing of the wedding day, which is carried out in the ordinary way. The actual ceremonies are of the usual type. The binding portions of the ritual are the kanyâdân or giving away of the bride, the pairpûja or worship of the feet of the bridegroom by his future father-in-law, and the bhanwar or walking of the pair round the sacred fire.

Funeral ceremonies. 7. The young are buried; adults are cremated, or the corpse is thrown into a river. After the cremation is over they bathe and then plant a piece of kusâ grass in the ground to act as a refuge for the spirit until the funeral rites are completed. The man who fired the pyre pours water on this for nine days; on the tenth day he is shaved, on the eleventh the Mahâbrâhmans are feasted; on the twelfth day the friends and relatives are fed; on the thirteenth the Brâhmans are fed. After this one Brâhman is fed for a year on the day of each month when the death occurred. On the anniversary there is a feast, and at this the family priest (purohit) receives five articles of wearing apparel—a jacket (angarkha); a loin cloth (dhoti); a turban (sâfa); a sheet (châdar); bedding (bistar); and five cooking utensils—a pot (lota), a tray (thâli), a cooking pot (batloi), a tongs (dastpanah), a spoon (karchhul). Besides these things he gets a cot (chârpâi); wooden sandals (kharaun); a pair of shoes (jûta); and a stool (pîrha). When the corpse cannot be found the ceremonies are performed on an effigy made of barley and sânwan.

Religion. 8. Their special deity is Bhâgawati. The household sacrifice is held on the third or fifth day of the first half of Bhâdon, when the master sacrifices a fowl and bakes thin cakes called lubra. These, with cooked gram, are given to a Muhammadan beggar as an offering to the Pânch Pîr. They make an annual pilgrimage to the tomb of Bâla Pîr, at Bahrâich, and offer a banner. They also worship Devi-Bhawâni; but in their depredations spare only the tomb at Bahrâich and the temple at Jagannâth. When a goat is sacrificed to Bhâgawati, the head is [211]given to a gardener (mâli), and the rest of the meat is eaten by the worshippers. Sometimes a pumpkin (lauki) is substituted for a goat.

Festivals. 9. They observe all the ordinary Hindu festivals, and also some which are not so common—the Bahura on the fourth light half of Bhâdon, when the girls eat curdled milk and cucumbers; on the Barka Itwâr or “great Sunday,” the last Sunday of Bhâdon, they fast and drink milk at night; on the Sakat Chauth, or fourth light half of Mâgh, they eat sweet potatoes, sesamum, and new raw sugar. No spirits or intoxicating drugs of any kind are used at the Barka Itwâr, but at the other festivals they are freely consumed.

Omens. 10. Omens are much regarded on their expeditions. Tuesday, Friday, and Sunday, are lucky days, and sometimes Thursday. The ass is a lucky animal, and so are a dead body met on the road, a washerman, a woman, or a Pandit. Tuesday is, however, regarded by some as an unlucky day, and a jackal, a Gusâîn, an oilman, are also unlucky. A jackal or a fox crossing the road from right to left is lucky; the reverse is unlucky. When they go out to thieve they prefer to wear good clothes and a turban. When children are unhealthy they are given opprobrious names as a protection.

Taboos. 11. When worship is being done to keep off evil spirits, children are not allowed to be present. Any intercourse between the husband’s father and the wife’s relations is tabooed. The husband does not name his wife, and vice versâ. A father will not call his eldest son by his name, nor a disciple his Guru.

Social rules. 12. They eat the flesh of sheep and goats; they reject fowls, and will eat fish. Flesh of monkeys, beef, pork, crocodiles, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin, are not eaten. Spirits are freely drunk; they will eat the leavings of no one but a parent. Men and women eat apart. Before they eat they say Jay Thâkurji, “Glory to the Lord!” To Brâhmans they use the salutation Pâ lagan, to Banyas, Kalwârs, etc., Râm! Râm!; to Sâdhs Pranâm and Namaskâr; to Gusâîns Nâmonârâyan; to Aughars, Dandwat. Elders bless their juniors with Jiyo, “Long may you live.” Juniors say to their seniors Pâ lagan. Those who are equal in rank say Râm! Râm! [212]

Occupation. 13. Of those who have been brought under the Criminal Tribes Act some are cultivators and some field-labourers. Like the Sanaurhiyas, they do not commit dacoity, theft with burglary, theft at night, or cattle-lifting. The Sanaurhiya leaders are known as Nal, and those of the Barwârs, Sahua. The leaders of the Barwârs enjoy no rights or privileges from their zamîndârs, unlike the Sanaurhiyas. The Barwârs consult astrologers and go on predatory expeditions after the Dasahra; the Sanaurhiyas after the Diwâli. Among the Sanaurhiyas if any one renounce the profession of thieving, he is debarred from marrying in the caste; but a Barwâr under similar circumstances is debarred only from a share in the booty. The Sanaurhiyas associate with the children of any caste, even Chamârs, but the Barwârs jealously exclude outsiders. The Sanaurhiya gangs consist of not less than forty or fifty men; those of the Barwârs from twenty to fifty. The Sanaurhiyas teach their children thieving, and punish them if they forget their sleight of hand; but the Barwârs leave their children to learn themselves. The Sanaurhiyas have an umpire called Nahri, who settles disputes and divides the plunder. This is not the case with the Barwârs. The Sanaurhiyas administer oaths to each other to prevent misappropriation of stolen property; the Barwârs do not do this, but excommunicate the offender. The Sanaurhiyas go in for zamîndâri and cultivation, of which the Barwârs do little. In emergencies the leader is expected to feed his gang; but he usually stays at home and looks after the families, and whatever property is acquired is left to the Sahua or actual commander to be divided. The Sahua is generally a Barwâr, but he may be a Brâhman or Râjput, and is often the headman of the village. Another official is the Dhebra or Naliha (a term also applied to a Barwâr who gives up thieving and is excommunicated). He carries a spade, a knife, or dagger, and some leaf-platters, on which he serves meals to the gang. He receives three rupees per mensem in addition to his share of the spoil. He does not join in thieving. Some go out in smaller gangs, and these are usually more successful than those who go in large bodies. If a single Barwâr brings in plunder he keeps it for himself, and any articles of clothing he acquires are his own at whatever season he gets them. During the rains they engage in drinking and amusement and do not work, the house and farm work being done by the women. A Barwâr who secretes property which should go to the gang is [213]called Kabkatta. If he readily surrenders his spoils he is known as Khiliya. One who holds an influential position in the community is called Jûsar, and one who, from poverty, is obliged to take service is called Rih. A person in ordinary circumstances is Rotikhâha. If within a year a Barwâr does not secure property of some value he does not return home through shame and mortification. Each man has a bag of net-work secured at both ends with a strong cotton string. It is kept tied to the waist and holds jewelry and valuables. It is so carefully concealed that it often escapes detection. The slang phrase for the mode of tying this bag is langri bigâna. The women are usually employed in service with the village zamîndârs, and receive very petty remuneration. If a Barwâr is dissatisfied or suspects misappropriation on the part of his Sahua, he can leave his gang or can discharge his Dhebra from his service, provided in the month of Asârh he clears up accounts with both Sahua and Dhebra.

Morality. 14. As might have been expected, when the women are left to themselves for a large part of the year adultery is very prevalent. If a woman be detected in a lonely or retired place or in a field or jungle in sexual intercourse with a man, whether it be compulsory or by consent, no Barwâr will take offence at it, nor will the woman be excluded from the brotherhood, and a child born in adultery is not considered illegitimate, but admitted to all rights and privileges as if it were legitimate. But if detected otherwise in the act of adultery, both the woman and her paramour are both excommunicated, and are re-admitted only after giving a feast to the community.

Modes of theft. 15. When they get booty, they return in November or December. When they go to a fair they always sojourn in the vicinity and some dress as devotees, Brâhmans, Mahâjans, soldiers, tradesmen, etc. Some mark their foreheads, wear the Brâhmanical thread, wear the dress, beads, etc., of learned Brâhmans, and shave their beards and moustaches. They generally keep a brass vessel with a string tied to it, and a stone pot tied up in a cloth. They generally go about with their backs naked, and carry some meal or dry gram in a bag and a stick in their hands. Thus they stroll about in a simple, dejected way intended to excite compassion. When interrogated they claim to be Brâhmans or Râjputs, and when arrested call [214]themselves Kurmis, Bâris, or Tamolis, and say that they are going on a pilgrimage to some famous shrine. They never divulge their real names. When they see valuable goods in a shop they pretend to barter or buy. If they observe the shop-keeper to be suspicious, they say Biroh hai budah rahê deo,—“He is on his guard; let him alone.” When they conceal some article and say Buthahr hai dhokar, pherai kar laê,—“The shop-keeper is suspicious; take off the booty,” then those who are near snatch up the article and run away, while those who are at the shop pretend to disagree about the bargain and leave. If a Barwâr wishes to call his friends to his aid he waves his handkerchief, or puts as many fingers to his cheek as he wants Barwârs to help him. At this signal those in the neighbourhood collect. When he wishes his confederate to carry off an article he puts his hand on his neck. In fact they have a more complete language of signs than any other thieving fraternity. When a Barwâr sees a man bathing with his clothes on the bank he puts his own bundle of rags close to it and changes his articles for it. Sometimes another Barwâr assists, and in this case the signal is Teri âi dâl,—“Leave your own bundle and take his.” For a single garment the signal is Roto,—“Leave your own cloth and take his.” Whenever they see a crowd and property scattered in different places two of them join the crowd, while a third keeps watch. The signal is Anchri sahâike chânsi râg lâi,—“Throw the covering of your sheet over the property and make off with it.” They tell how a soldier once concealed some jewelry under his shield and sat upon it. A Barwâr with studied inadvertence dropped two gold coins near him, and as the soldier stretched out his hand to seize them a confederate carried off the jewels. Another plan is to get up a mock fight among themselves in a bâzâr, under cover of which thefts are committed. The Barwâr women also frequent fairs like Ajudhya, Devi Pâtan, etc., and in rich dresses attend shrines and rob the worshippers. They also adopt the disguise of Brâhman women, and thus gaining admission to the private apartments of native ladies, commit depredations. Barwârs freely use the railway, and rob travellers.

Disposal of the booty. 16. Formerly they used always to take the stolen property home; but this has been in a great measure discontinued, since the police began to make searches and the tribe has come under special supervision. Some is [215]left with receivers in the chief places frequented by them. With some they come home after sunset, and keep it that night at their houses, and next day make it over to the Sahua for distribution. First a deduction is made of 3¾ per cent.—1¼ for Mahâbîr or Hanumân, 1¼ for Bâlapîr, 1¼ for Deviji. Out of the remainder, 28 per cent. is made over to the Barwâr who stole the property, and the balance is equally divided among the whole clan, including the thief himself. Out of the 28 per cent. paid to the thief, the Sahua appropriates half, and also receives his own share as a member of the gang. Thus the gains of the thief and Sahua are equal. It is also a rule that if a Barwâr returns with gold muhars the Sahua pays him Rs.12 for each, and retains them himself. The rate is the same whatever the value of the coin may be, and this Rs.12 is divided. Again, for silver bullion the Sahua pays only 10 annas for each rupee. Cloth and arms are the property of the thief. As to coral beads, one-sixth is given to the thief and five-sixths to the Sahua, who pays one anna for each bead; and this sum is divided among the clan, including the thief and the Sahua. For pearls, the Sahua pays Re.1–4–0 for each lot of 24, and the sum is divided. Then, when the spoils are divided, the Sahua produces his account and charges from Re.1–8–0 to Re.1–12–0 for each rupee he has advanced to the thief’s family during his absence. For any balance due the Sahua takes a bond for a year at 100 per cent. All Barwârs are always in debt to the Sahua. The zamîndârs of villages in which Barwârs live realise from them a poll-tax of Re.1–8–0 per head, known as subhâi, and 3 per cent. on the value of property known as chaunâi. They also get R1 per house known as mûnr-ginni. Besides this the zamîndâr gets presents after a successful raid, and on occasion of births, marriages, etc., in his family. This tribute is known as kavaila. In the same way the zamîndâr takes fees for bailing a Barwâr.

This account has been mainly taken from a report prepared shortly after the Mutiny on the methods of the Barwârs. Their criminality has much diminished since they have been brought under the Criminal Tribes Act; but the details are so interesting from an ethnographical point of view that they deserve reproduction.

Thieves’ patois of the Barwârs. 17. The Barwârs have an elaborate thieves’ Latin of their own. The following list has been prepared by M. Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector of Gonda, with the assistance of the police officers at present in charge of the [216]tribe. It would be easy to show that many or most of the words are corrupted Hindi:—

- Sahua—the leader of a gang.

- Dhebra—the attendant of a gang.

- Kabkatta—a man who conceals part of the property.

- Khiliya, Nalhiya—a man who faithfully gives up all he steals.

- Jûsara—a rich Barwâr.

- Rih, Sajurha—one who works for wages.

- Roti khâha—one in ordinary circumstances.

- Langri bigâna—to tie a purse round the waist.

- Nal budâna—to fix a lucky day for a journey.

- Phânr chhûrna—to put on the Brâhmanical thread.

- Lût âi ao khankhur âte hain—clear out; the police are coming.

- Bhûnk âi âo—disperse.

- Langri lagâo—conceal the goods in your belt.

- Wahi tir mâl dabâva hai—let us go where there is much to gain.

- Akauti na kurais—don’t betray your companions.

- Murih ka asrâi deo—I am caught; give up hope for me.

- Mâti lai—roll on the ground.

- Chhâwa kuchâyo na nehti na kîno, nahîn tau uthai jâo gâi—do not reveal anything or you will be put to death.

- Anchari sahâike châns râg lâe—throw your sheet over the goods and escape.

- Pohina hai khâli lâi na—let us dig the property from the ground.

- Subâi—tax paid by the Barwârs to the zamîndâr.

- Chaunâi—tax paid on value of stolen property.

- Mûnr ginni—house-tax paid by Barwârs.

- Kavaila—presents given to zamîndârs at marriages.

- Namut—man.

- Bân—woman.

- Bahub—Barwâr man.

- Bahuban—Barwâr woman.

- Kiryâr—son.

- Chhâwa—grandson.

- Tiryâr—boy of another tribe.

- Dhûchar—old man.

- Dhûchari—old woman.

- Chhâi—Barwâr’s daughter.

- Kûsar—Brâhman.

- Tenwâr—Râjput.

- Phairu—Musalmân.

- Chorka—British officer.

- Baijarâi—a Râja.

- Sahâjan—a merchant.

- Muskâr—a Kâyasth.

- Sûgha—a goldsmith.

- Savat—a Bhât.

- Kitiha—a blacksmith.

- Lûdukha—a confectioner.

- Kârikha—a torch-bearer.

- Maskâta—a barber.

- Chipta—an oil-man. [217]

- Matiha—a potter.

- Leduha—a Kurmi or Lodha.

- Sisuha—a washerman.

- Bamâr—a sweeper; tanner; shoe-maker.

- Suldaha—a bearer.

- Guvaha—a cowherd.

- Benu—a tailor.

- Pûtaha—a liquor seller.

- Aluhya—a beggar.

- Satûrya—a dancing girl.

- Benâri—a prostitute.

- Lumit—a Kurmi or Barwâr.

- Bisni—valuable property.

Guga—

various kinds of Barwârs.

Pachhâdha—

Auhiriya—

Udh—

- Ruh—a poor Barwâr.

- Siyâhi—a money-changer.

- Kula dhânsu—officer in charge of a police station.

- Nahkiar—a head police officer.

- Churga—a constable.

- Chuktahwa—a peon.

- Bingar—a slave.

- Pân—one acquainted with the Barwâr language.

- Bantikhar—a handsome woman.

- Karchhi—a cowry.

- Beng—pice; a Barwâr’s fees.

- Chikain—a gold muhar.

- Bikâsu—four annas.

- Telahi—eight annas.

- Kinâra—ten or fifteen rupees.

- Sût—twenty rupees.

- Bhîta bhâri—one hundred rupees.

- Audh durgani—fifty or five hundred rupees.

- Bajâr—a thousand rupees.

- Ganda—twenty-four rupees.

- Kajari—night.

- Kaira—a garden.

- Dîp—day.

- Nehâi—a fair; collection of people.

- Dari—a highway.

- Bepur—an unfrequented road.

- Butahar—simple, careless.

- Birah—wide awake.

- Mudhar—not on guard.

- Thûk—a gang.

- Tikhurki—valuable things.

- Ghavar—an army.

- Chhulu—be silent.

- Bel—head.

- Bûl—face.

- Chandrukh—eyes.

- Pâlu—hand.

- Sunghni—nose.

- Gavana—shoe, foot.

- Lutakha—breast.

- Thâru—grove, timber.

- Chanduph—wood.

- Sukhar—river.

- Laupju—water, fish.

- Keli—fire.

- Bhâbhi—box, well, pit.

- Sonra—chair, stool.

- Tinra—bundle.

- Basuth—book.

- Benâcha—looking-glass.

- Gudara—shrine, bathing place.

- Sunrhi—boat, elephant.

- Nât—temple.

- Pheru swâmi—Mosque.

- Belâcha—Hindu temple. [218]

- Songala—European bungalow.

- Mâr—dwelling-house.

- Chivâri—thatch, cot.

- Sullu—gate.

- Aijâpu—priest.

- Kalhâri—wheeled carriage.

- Dehânu—bribe.

- Chikâri—cattle.

- Putâi—lamp.

- Kunkhar—village watchman.

- Chânsu, Khalna, Milavi—theft.

- Lûni—plunder.

- Uthai dâlna—to murder.

- Tipaha—murder by poison.

- Khurkana—kidnapping of children.

- Kailiyâna—arson.

- Bumv—affray, riot.

- Jhumni—flogging.

- Chamgaya—imprisonment.

- Dîp—term of imprisonment.

- Benbi—cohabitation.

- Urso—comfortable sleep.

- Gudhana—to eat.

- Gânth—to drink.

- Dîb—to sit.

- Nusi—to plunder.

- Phona baikali—to dig property out of the ground.

- Lutiâna—to come hastily.

- Bhaunkana—to leave the road.

- Debidina—to conceal stolen property.

- Gainjai lâna—to call up the whole gang.

- Kachhana—to be afraid of.

- Patâkhu—a gun.

- Dharâr—a sword or other weapon.

- Khopuri—a shield.

- Unâva—corn.

- Churki—milk, butter.

- Pitâri—pepper.

- Phurvâni—garlic, onion.

- Lang—meal.

- Dutar—intoxicating liquor.

- Bhagâvati—meat.

- Chupra—butter, oil.

- Pharoti—pickles, vegetables.

- Rasosi—salt.

- Gurni—rice, bread, and pulse.

- Lingi—parched grain.

- Digna—to smoke and chew tobacco.

- Lurhi—a camel.

- Phûnk—bullock, a buffalo.

- Nikûlha, Dautâra—a horse.

- Chukarahwa—a mule or ass.

- Sûnha—a tiger, a wolf.

- Nemi—a sheep, a goat.

- Sithâi—sweetmeats.

- Bakalsithâi—coarse sweetmeats.

- Sethar—pearls, precious stones.

- Chuksar—silver.

- Rih—copper.

- Sul, Bakhil—bell metal.

- Dharârwâla—iron.

- Phoridata—corn.

- Kharâi dâlna—to sell stolen property.

- Nikra—gold and silver ornaments.

- Phûdiha—pearl or coral necklace. [219]

- Sunhi, Banthi—gold bead necklace.

- Tungani—nose ring.

- Betâl—gold necklace.

- Tevaki—a bangle.

- Gulchimni, Putpata—an ear ornament.

- Gûna—a wrist ornament.

- Bisendhi—metal plates, etc.

- Chunti—a lota.

- Bugna—a tub.

- Dagana—a huqqa.

- Ghaigha—a large metal vessel.

- Biguli—a metal dish.

- Kadenla—a vessel.

- Munhlagani—grass.

- Bhambhi—a bucket.

- Kaili—a lamp stand.

- Banauti—a metal box.

- Chihu—a large metal pot.

- Bijra—cloth.

- Lamaicha—apparel.

- Phutkan—a turban or waist-band.

- Chappar—a sheet.

- Dûna, Agasi—a cap.

- Tilauthi—a waist cloth.

- Sirki, Sulga—a small cloth worn over the head.

- Padangarer—trousers.

- Banri—a woman’s head dress.

- Salaicha—a woollen carpet.

- Datta—a handkerchief.

- Murghumana—a petticoat.

- Thâphu, baklas—a quilt.

- Tikhuri—rich clothes.

- Selva—a small bag.

- Kulahi—a large bag for cash.

- Basîth—a bundle of cloth.

- Davaiwâla—a carpet.

- Chîn—brocade.

- Bambu—tents.

- Sûnvi—a double shawl.

- Betachha—an umbrella.

- Rutika—gold and silver articles.

- Lugra—money offered to the gods.

Distribution of the Barwârs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

11

Mathura

206

Agra

73

Bareilly

361

Morâdâbâd

664

Shâhjahânpur

190

Cawnpur

284

Allahâbâd

445

Jhânsi

145

Hardoi

6

Faizâbâd

42

Gonda

2,579

Bahrâich

76

TOTAL

5,082

[220]

Barwâr.—A sept of Râjputs of whom Mr. Carnegy writes[108]:—“They are said to be an offshoot of the Bais, and to have come from Dundiyakhera, about three hundred years ago, under two leaders, Baryâr Sinh, from whom they take their name, and Châhu Sinh, whence the Châhu clan. These two brothers were imprisoned by the Emperor Akbar at Delhi. The elder of the two brothers, during his incarceration, had a dream by night, in which he saw a deity who announced himself as Kariya Deota, and promised them deliverance and future greatness, and at the same time pointed out the spot where his effigy was buried in the earth. Soon after, on their release, they sought for and found the effigy and carried it off to the village of Chitâwan in Pargana Pachhimrâth, where they set it up as the object of their domestic adoration, and where it is still worshipped by both branches. Their sacred place is Râmghât at Begamganj, which was selected by their chieftain, Dilâsi Sinh, in consequence of their being excluded from Ajudhya by the enmity of the Sûrajbansi Thâkurs. Another account makes them an offshoot of the Bais who came from Mûngipâtan or Pathânpur, south-west of Jaypur, where their Râja Sâlivâhana, had a fort. Thence they came to Chitâwan Kariya and expelled the Bhars. There is a romantic legend describing how ten heroes of the clan carried off Padmani, the lovely queen of Kanauj, and made her over to the Emperor of Delhi, who in return gave them rent-free lands fourteen kos in circumference. These Barwârs were notorious for the practice of infanticide. Two daughters of the chief of the family who were permitted to live have married, one the Janwâr ex-Râja of Gonda, and the other the Raikwâr Râja of Râmnagar Dhimari, in the Bârabanki District; the Barwârs generally selected wives from the Palwâr, Kachhwâha, Kausik, and Bais septs, which is curious, as they claim Bais origin. These Barwârs are probably of equivocal aboriginal descent, and the heroic legend given above has probably been appropriated from some other clan.” The Barwârs of Ballia are reported to take brides from the Ujjaini, Haihobans, Narwâni, Kinwâr, Nikumbh, Sengar, and Khâti, and to give girls to the Haihobans, Ujjaini, Narwâni, Nikumbh, Kinwâr, Bais Bisen, and Raghubansi. Their gotra is Kasyapa.

2. They are elsewhere known under the name of Birwâr and Berwâr. In Ghâzipur they say they first came from Delhi, and [221]take their name from Bernagar, their leading village. They are said to have come under the auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they helped to expel the Cheros.[109] There is a sept of them in the Chhapra District. In Azamgarh[110] they are said to be both Chhatris and Bhuînhârs, and not to rank high among either. “Each set ignores the origin of, or any connection with, the others. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came from the westward. The Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from Bernagar, near Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief, Garak Deo, who lived between 1336 and 1455 A.D. The Chhatri and Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as at marriages and other feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or offer to their guests broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the custom is said to have been that at a feast to which a number of the Birwârs had been invited by another clan, their treacherous hosts, on the password bara khanda chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as “broken”), slaughtered the Birwârs. Their name is probably connected with this custom. The Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come from Kanauj; but its different branches are not unanimous as to his name or pedigree, or how they came to Azamgarh.”

Distribution of Barwâr Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Aligarh

5

Allahâbâd

80

Jâlaun

34

Benares

50

Jaunpur

46

Ballia

7,603

Gorakhpur

300

Basti

1,716

Azamgarh

5,249

Faizâbâd

3,402

Gonda

54

Sultânpur

23

TOTAL

18,562

[222]

Basor.[111]—A tribe found only in the Bundelkhand Division, and usually regarded as a sub-caste of Doms. Some of them are occasional visitors to Mirzapur and other towns, where the men work as musicians and basket-makers, and the women as midwives. The name of the tribe seems to mean “worker in the bamboo,” and to be the same as Bânsphor (q.v.). The Basors have a large number of exogamous sections, of which locally the most important are: in Hamîrpur, the Bâhmangot, Dhuneb, Gotela, Katahriya, Parauniya, Sakarwâr, Samangot, Sarmoriya, Sonach, and Sûpa or Supach Bhagat, the Dom hero; in Jhânsi the Barâr, Basgarh, Basobiya, and Dhânuk; in Jâlaun, the Baghela, Balâhar, Khangrela, and in Lalitpur, the Barâr, Morel, and Purabiya. In Mirzapur they name four exogamous sections,—Kulpariya, Katariya (named from the katâri or curved knife used in splitting the bamboo); Neoriya, which is also a section of Dharkârs (q.v.), and takes its name from newar, a young, soft bamboo; and Bamhila, who say that they are so called because they had once some connection with Brâhmans. In Jhânsi the Basors are also known as Barâr and Dhânuk. Barâr is apparently derived from the Sanskrit varataka kâra, “a maker of string.” Dhânuk is from the Sanskrit dhanushka, “a bow.” When a Basor abandons his regular occupation of working in bamboo and takes service with a land-owner as messenger or drum-beater, he becomes known in Jhânsi by the name of Barâr, and the Dhânuks seem to have been an offshoot from the original Basor stock, who took to the profession of bow-making. They now, however, work as much in bamboo as the regular Basors do; and all three—Basors, Dhânuks, and Barârs—intermarry and eat and drink together. In Jhânsi they have no traditions of their origin, but believe themselves indigenous to that part of the country. They name in Jhânsi, like so many of these menial castes, seven exogamous sections, Jhitiya, Loleri, Rasmel, Saina, Astiya, Bhardela, and Gursariya: of the origin, and explanation of these names they can give no explanation. A man must marry in Jhânsi in a section different from his own; he will not give his daughter in marriage into a section from which his own wife has come; but he can take wives for his sons, brothers, and brothers’ sons, etc., from that section. The prohibition against intermarriage lasts only for three generations. In Mirzapur the stray visitors who [223]occasionally come are said to be governed by the same rule of exogamy as in the case of the Dharkârs (q.v.). As far as religion goes the only bar to intermarriage is conversion to another creed, such as Islâm or Christianity. A man may have as many wives as he can afford to keep, and some in Jhânsi have as many as three or four. The first wife, known as Biyâhta or Jethi, manages the house, and the others are subordinate to her. Further than this the Basors admit the introduction of a woman of another tribe; but it is asserted that she is not allowed, at any rate at first, complete caste privileges, and if she comes of a caste lower than the Basor, such as the Bhangi, she is never so admitted. If she be of any superior caste, she is admitted to full tribal privileges if her husband give a feast (roti) to the clansmen.

Marriage rules. 2. Women are allowed full freedom before marriage, and fornication, if it do not become a public scandal, and particularly if the woman’s paramour be a fellow caste-man, is lightly regarded. They usually marry their girls at puberty at the age of ten or twelve; if they are orphans, they settle the marriage themselves, and in any case a considerable freedom of choice seems to be allowed. This choice, curiously enough, is always notified through a female relation, sister, mother, or aunt of the boy or girl, and she notifies it to the tribal council, who, if they agree, permit the marriage to proceed. Widows and widowers living by themselves have full freedom of choice. Some small sum of money, or some vessels, clothes, etc., are usually given by the parents of the bride as dowry, and these become the property of the husband. There is no regular divorce, but if a pair do not agree, or if the husband is dissatisfied with the conduct of his wife, they can separate at any time, and re-marry or take a partner by the sagâi form, within the caste. If the parties agree to separate, the case need not necessarily come before the tribal council unless there is some dispute about the property, or the woman protests against the charge brought against her and challenges her husband to prove it in the presence of the assembled brethren. In such case it appears to be the rule that no circumstantial evidence of adultery is accepted; if there are no actual eye-witnesses, the charge will be dismissed. Any child born by any woman or by any form of connection recognised by tribal usage is admitted as legitimate, and ranks as an heir to any property, which is seldom much, that may be left by his [224]father. If a Basor woman have a child by a man of a higher caste, such children will not be allowed to intermarry with a Basor of pure blood, but must find a husband or wife from among families which suffer from the same bar sinister. On the contrary, if a Basor keep a woman of a higher caste than his own, he has seldom any difficulty, particularly if he be a man of standing and substance in the tribe, in marrying his children in a family of pure blood.

Widow marriage. 3. As a rule all widows of marriageable age find a new partner. Such connection is fully recognised, and is known in Mirzapur as sagâi, and in Bundelkhand as dharauna or baithâna, “making her sit in the house.” There is no particular ceremony in widow marriage, except the announcement of the connection and the giving of a feast to the brethren. The levirate is recognised, but is not compulsory on the widow. In a recent case at Jhânsi the tribe excommunicated a man who formed a connection with the widow of his younger brother, and expressed extreme horror at such an act. If the children of a widow are very young she generally takes them with her to the house of her new husband, who adopts them as his own, and is held responsible for getting them married and starting them in the world. In this case they lose all rights to the property of their own father. But if the children are grown up they usually stay with the family of their late father, and are heirs to his estate. If the widow is old and does not form a new connection, she is entitled to a life maintenance in the house of her late husband. If a widow forms a connection with the younger brother of her late husband, he takes all the property and adopts his nephew or nieces as his own. In Mirzapur there is a regular bride-price fixed by tribal custom: this is nine and a half rupees in cash, liquor to the value of three rupees, two sheets, three sers of coarse sugar, and two sers of sweetmeats. More or less than this cannot be given without leave of the council. An outsider marrying a virgin widow has to pay twenty-two rupees, and it is a peculiarity among them that the man, as in other castes, does not go to fetch his wife, but her relatives bring her, realise the marriage fee, and then make her over to her new partner.

Birth customs. 4. A woman during delivery is attended by a woman of the tribe. With the umbilical cord a few pice are buried, and at the door of the delivery room a broken shoe or the horn of some animal is burnt to ward off evil from [225]mother and child; the foul smelling smoke thus produced is supposed to be particularly offensive to evil spirits. They have the usual sixth (chhathi) and twelfth day (barahi) ceremony, and on the latter a young pig is sacrificed in the name of some godling, about whom they are most reluctant to give any information or even to mention him by name. After her purification the mother worships the family well by rubbing red lead on the platform and pouring some water and a few grains of rice near it. Children have their ears bored and are ceremonially shaved at the age of five or six.

Marriage ceremonies. 5. In Mirzapur the betrothal is arranged by the husband of the father’s sister of the boy, possibly a survival of the matriarchate. The betrothal (mangni) is concluded by sending a skirt (ghaghri) and a sheet (orhni) with some liquor and treacle for the bride, after which the clansmen are feasted on pork and liquor. Some time after is a second ceremony in which the two fathers exchange leaf-platters filled with water or spirits, into one of which the boy’s father drops a rupee or two. In Jhânsi the marriage is first arranged by the women, and then a day is fixed on which the friends of the bride send a turban and a rupee for the bridegroom. This is received in the presence of the brethren, who are entertained with tobacco and spirits, which last in the case of poor people is replaced by sharbat. When the present has once been accepted, the engagement is held final, and either party repudiating it is suitably dealt with by the tribal council. Then follows the matmangara ceremony common to all low castes in the Eastern Districts. Among the Basors the earth, on this occasion, is dug by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father and the father of the bride, in which, again, we seem to find a survival of the matriarchate. In the centre of the marriage shed is a bamboo, and some wooden images of parrots are fixed up, with a jar full of water covered with a saucer filled with rice. Then one of the senior men of the tribe makes a fire offering (hom) in honour of the deceased ancestors, and the clothes of the pair are knotted together, and they are made to walk seven times round the sacred fire. In Jhânsi an old man says this prayer: “Ye godlings (deota), stand witness that this pair are joined by the knot. Keep them as closely joined in love as the knot which ties their raiment.” On the fourth day is the chauthi chhorna, when the marriage pitchers (kalsa) are thrown into water by the mother of the bridegroom. The binding part of [226]the ceremony is the giving away of the bride (kanyâdân) by the bridegroom.

Death ceremonies. 6. When they can afford it, they burn the dead in the usual way; poor people simply fling the corpse into running water; if no river be convenient, it is buried. Some sacrifice a hog in the name of the dead man; some do not. After six months the brethren are feasted. Some kill a pig, cut off its legs, and bury the trunk (thûnth, thûthan) in the court-yard, in the belief that this prevents the ghost of the dead from giving annoyance to the survivors. In Mirzapur it appears that, as among the Doms, the sister’s son of the dead man acts as priest at his obsequies; but this is denied at Jhânsi. At any rate it is quite certain that no Brâhman officiates, and that all the ceremonies are performed by some old man of the tribe. The death impurity lasts only three days, and is then removed by bathing.

Religion. 7. The tribal deities are Kâli-Bhawâni and Ganga Mâi, or Mother Ganges. To the east of the Province they offer sacrifices of pigs to Vindhyabâsini Devi, at Bindhâchal. In Jhânsi they offer to Kâli or Jagadamba Devi, during the Naurâtra of Chait and Kuâr, or in other months, on a Monday or Friday, cocoanuts, sweets, spirits, betel leaves, and sometimes a goat. In Jhânsi they also worship various deified persons who are called Bâba. Thus there is Gusâîn Bâba, who has a platform under a pîpal tree near Moth Tahsîl, in the Jhânsi District. He is said to roam about in his ascetic costume in the neighbourhood, and sometimes speaks to people. Nat Bâba has no special shrine; but his platform is to be seen in many villages with a little niche for holding a light, which is occasionally lighted in his honour. Many curious tales of this worthy are told, one being that after his death he attended the marriage of his grand-daughter, and made all the arrangements for the reception of the guests. Mahton Bâba is the ghost of some celebrated village headman of the olden time, of whom little is known except that he is now a guardian of villages, and wards off famine and pestilence from men and cattle if he be duly propitiated with some sweets and cocoanuts. The Sayyid, or Shahîd Mard, is some Muhammadan martyr, whom they greatly reverence, and another worthy of the same class, Jîwan Shâh Bâba, is also much respected. In no part of this worship are the services of Brâhmans required; but the Joshi or village astrologer is occasionally consulted to [227]select lucky days for weddings and the like. Their holidays are the Phagua or Holi, the Kajari, the Panchaiyân, Naumi, and Dasmi, at all of which they get drunk, if they can afford to do so. They are much afraid of the ghosts of those who die a violent death by drowning or some other accident. Such ghosts haunt the scene of the accident, and need careful propitiation. They have a very vague idea of the other world. They believe in a sort of hell into which evil-doers are flung and fall into a pit full of human ordure and urine.[112] This place they call Narak, of which Manu enumerates twenty-one varieties. Some of them who are becoming more enlightened have now begun to perform some rude kind of srâddha. Women who are tattooed on the arms, wrists, breast, and below the knee, become holy, and the door-keepers of Bhagwân admit them into his paradise.

Social customs. 8. The women wear nose-rings (nathya, phurhur), ear-rings (bâli), ear ornaments (karanphûl), bangles (chûri, kara), ankle ornaments (pairi, sânkar). They swear by the Ganges, Kâli-Bhawâni, and on their sons’ heads. They will eat almost any meat, including beef and pork, and all kinds of fish, but not monkeys, vermin, and the like. They will not eat other people’s leavings, nor food touched by a Musahar, Dom, Chamâr, Dhobi, Halâlkhor, or Dharkâr. Like all of the Dom race, they have a hatred for Dhobis, and consider them the vilest of all castes. They have the usual taboos. They will not touch their younger brother’s wife, their child’s mother-in-law (samdhin), nor will they mention their wives by name. The elder brother’s wife can eat out of the same dish as her husband’s younger brother; but no wife or younger brother’s wife will eat with a husband or his elder brother or father. Their salutation is Râm! Râm! and the juniors touch the feet of their elders. Women seem, on the whole, to be fairly well treated; but they are soundly beaten if they misbehave themselves. No one, not even a Dom or Mehtar, will drink water from their hands. They will eat food cooked by a Nâi or any higher caste.

Occupation. 9. They live by making baskets and other articles manufactured out of bamboo, and playing on the flute (bânsuli), or the tambourine (dafla), at marriages. Their women are midwives. [228]

Distribution of the Basors according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Cawnpur

42

Bânda

12,264

Jhânsi

7,912

Jâlaun

5,231

TOTAL

25,447

Bâwariya.[113]—A hunting and criminal tribe practically found only in Muzaffarnagar and Mirzapur. Various explanations have been given of the name. Colonel Dalton would connect it with the Sanskrit barbara, varvara, which appears to be the Greek barbaros, and applied to any outcaste who cannot speak Sanskrit. Others take it to be another form of the Hindi bâola, bâora (Sanskrit, vâtûla, “inflamed with wind”). It is most probably derived from the Hindi banwar, “a creeper” (Sanskrit bhramara), in the sense of a noose made originally from some fibrous plant and used for trapping animals, which is one of the primary occupations of the tribe. The Bâwariyas in these provinces seem to fall into two branches—those resident in the Upper Duâb, who still retain some of their original customs and manners, and those to the east, who assert a more respectable origin, and have abandoned their original predatory life.

The Western Bâwariyas. 2. The best account of the western branch is that given by Mr. J. Wilson[114]:—“The Bâwariyas of Sirsa are divided into four sections—(1) the Bidâwati from Bikâner territory, claiming connection with the Bidâwat Râjputs, giving Chithor as their place of origin; (2) the Deswâli, living in the country about Sirsa; (3) the Kapriya to the west about Delhi; (4) the Kâlkamaliya, or “black blanket people,” who (especially the women) wear black blankets, and are found chiefly among the Sikhs of the jungle and Mâlwa country. These four sections do not eat together or intermarry; but say they all came originally from the country about Bikâner. They are most numerous in Râjputâna and the districts bordering upon it, but extend up the Satlaj to Fîrozpur and Lahore. The name of the [229]tribe seems to be derived from the banwar or snare with which they catch wild animals, but many of them despise this their hereditary occupation; and, indeed, it seems now to be practised only by the Kâlkamaliya or Panjâbi section. The Bâwariyas are seemingly an aboriginal tribe, being of a dark complexion and inferior physique, though resembling the Bâgri Jâts. Many of them are fond of a wandering life, living in wretched huts, and feeding upon lizards, foxes, and other jungle animals, but they say they will not eat fish. In other districts they are known as a criminal tribe, but here many of them are fairly respectable cultivators, some are employed as village watchmen, and many of them are skilled in tracking. They are divided into clans (got, nak) with Râjput names, such as Chauhân, Panwâr, Bhâti. The Bâwariyas who live among the Sikhs (Kâlkamaliya) wear the hair long (kes), and some of them have become regular Sikhs, and have received the pahul. The black blanket Bâwariyas speak Panjâbi, and the Bidâwati Bâgri; but they have besides a dialect peculiar to themselves, and not understood by the ordinary peasants. Bâwariyas consider themselves good Hindus, and say that regular Brâhmans officiate at their marriage ceremonies—the same Brâhmans as officiate for Jâts and Banyas. They hold the cow sacred and will not eat beef; they burn their dead and send their ashes to the Ganges. They are said sometimes to admit men of other tribes to their fraternity, and an instance is given in which a Banya for love of a Bâwariya woman became a Bâwariya himself.”

Manner of hunting practised by the Western Bâwariyas. 3. “Whole families of Bâwariyas come South in the rains for a lizard hunt, and may be seen returning with baskets full of their game, which live for days without food, and thus supply them with a succession of fresh meat. The lizard has a soft fat body and a broad tail with spikes along each side. He lives on grass, cannot bite severely, and is sluggish in his movements, so that he is easily caught. He digs a hole for himself of no great depth, and the easiest way to catch him is to look out for the scarcely perceptible air-hole and dig him out; but there are various ways of saving oneself this trouble. One, which I have seen, takes advantage of a habit the lizard has in cold weather (when he never comes out of his hole) of coming to the mouth for air and warmth. The Chûhra or other sportsman puts off his shoes and steals along the prairie till he sees signs of a lizard’s hole. This he approaches on tiptoe, raising over [230]his head with both hands a mallet with a round, sharp point, and fixing his eyes intently upon the hole. When close enough, he brings down his mallet with all his might on the ground just behind the mouth of the hole, and is often successful in breaking the lizard’s back before he awakens to a sense of his danger. Another plan, which I have not seen, is to tie a wisp of grass to a long stick and move it over the hole, so as to make a rustling noise. The lizard within thinks “Oh here’s a snake! I may as well give in,” and comes to the mouth of the hole, putting out his tail first that he may not see his executioner. The sportsman seizes his tail and snatches him out before he has time to learn his mistake.

4. “Again, a body of them, men, women, and children, go out into the prairie in search of game. When they have sighted a herd of antelope in the distance, they choose a favourable piece of ground and arrange their banwars, which are a series of many running nooses of raw hide tied together and fastened loosely to the ground by pegs; from the banwars they rapidly make two lines of bogies by sticking bits of straw with black rags tied to them into the ground at distances of a foot or two apart. These lines widen away from the snares so as to enclose a V-shaped piece of ground with sides perhaps a mile in length, the unsuspecting herd of antelope being enclosed within the V, at the pointed end of which are the snares. All this is arranged in a wonderfully short space of time, and when it is all ready, the main body of hunters, who have meanwhile gone round the herd of antelope and formed a line across the open mouth of the V, suddenly start up, and by unearthly yells drive the herd inwards towards the point. The first impulse of the antelopes is to rush directly away from their tormentors, but they soon come to the long lines of fluttering bits of rag which forms one line of the V. They are thus directed into the place occupied by the snares. It is interesting as one of the methods by which an ignorant tribe with the simplest means can by their superior cunning circumvent the swift antelope on his native prairies.”

Dialect of the Western Bâwariyas. 5. “The Bâwariyas have a dialect of their own, which has sometimes been considered a sort of thieves’ slang kept up to facilitate their combination for purposes of crime; but the great mass of the Bâwariyas in this district are not at all given to crime, and have no desire to conceal their dialect; moreover it is spoken most generally by the women and children, while the men, at all events in their intercourse with [231]their neighbours, speak in ordinary Bâgri or Panjâbi. It seems probable that it is simply the dialect of the country of their origin, kept up by them in their wanderings. I had not much time to make much enquiry about it, but was given the following as their names for the numbers by their leading men—ek, bai, tren, châr, pânch, chhau, hât, âth, nau, daukh, vik, (20) and the following words—khakhra for susra (father-in-law), khakhu for sâsu (mother-in-law), hândo for sândo (lizard), manukh (man), châro (antelope), haru (snake), laukra (fox), nauri (jackal), jamna (right hand), dava (left hand). Some of these words may be Bâgri, and they are not much to go upon, but the use of h, for s, and the peculiar kh for the Sanskrit palatal sibilant should afford some clue to the origin of the dialect; for this kh sound, like the Arabic kh in khâwind, is not found in any dialect indigenous in this part of India.” The numerals are obviously of Sanskrit origin, and so are most of the words—châro, harina; haru, sarpa; laukra, lomasa; nauri, nakula; jamna is the direction of the river Yamuna, Jumna; dava, dakshina.

The Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces. 6. A body of Bauriyas or Bâwariyas who were, many years ago, interrogated as to their customs and kindred, gave the following account of themselves[115]:—“The Mugîns and Baguras who reside in Mâlwa and on the Chambal river commit dacoity, burglary, and theft; they stick at nothing. They go in large parties (kâfila), sometimes as carriers of Ganges water, sometimes as Brâhmans, with the sacred string round their necks. The Hâbûras commit theft. The Gûjars call us Gidiyas, and the Jâts call us Bauris. Gidiya is merely a local name of our tribe; there is no distinct class of people of that name. The Sânsiyas are not of our tribe; they are a distinct class; they are thieves, but seldom ascend to dacoity—(this is certainly incorrect). The Kanjars are all thieves; they cut grass and make thatches, and bivouac in suburbs under huts of long grass (sirki), but always thieve. Our caste was originally Râjput, and our ancestors came from Mârwâr. We have seven clans (got)—Punwâr, Soharki, Dabas, alias Dâbi, Chauhân, Tunwar, Dhandara, alias Dhandal or Koli, and Gordhi, with the Châmi, making eight in all. Two or three centuries ago, when the Emperor of Delhi [232]attacked the fortress of Chithor and besieged it for twelve years for the sake of the Princess Padmani, the country became desolate, and we were obliged to emigrate in search of employment, and disperse. Those that came into the Delhi territory were called Bauris; those that went into the Gwâlior territory were called Mugîns and Bagûras. To the eastward they were called Baddhiks, and in Mâlwa Hâbûras. We are not people of yesterday; we are of ancient and illustrious descent. When Râvana took away the wife of the god Râma, and Râma wanted to recover her, men of all castes went to fight for him in the holy cause. Among the rest was a leader of the Bauris called Pardhi. When Râma vanquished his enemy and recovered Sîta he asked Pardhi what he could do for him. ‘Grant,’ said Pardhi, ‘that I may attend your Majesty, mount guard, and hunt in the intervals of leisure, and I shall have all that my heart wishes.’ The god granted him his request, and his occupation has come down to us. If any Prince happens to have an enemy that he wishes to have made away with, he sends for some of our tribe and says,—‘Go and bring so and so’s head.’ We go, steal into his sleeping apartments, and take off the person’s head without any other person knowing anything about it. If a Prince wanted, not the head of his enemy, but the gold tassels of the bed on which he lay asleep, we brought them to him. In consequence of our skill in those matters we were held everywhere in high esteem, and we served Princes and had never occasion to labour at tillage. This was before the emigration and dispersion of the tribe. We, who have come to the Delhi territory and are called Bauris, took to the trade of thieving. Princes still employed us to take off the heads of their enemies and rob them of their valuables. At present the Bauris confine themselves almost exclusively to robbing tents; they do not steal cattle or break into houses, but they will rob a cart on the highway occasionally; any other trade than robbery they never take to. They reside in or near villages under the protection of landlords, and while out for a long period at their vocation, they leave their wives and children under their care. They give them the means of subsistence, and for these advances we are often indebted to them three hundred or four hundred rupees by the time we return. When we are about to set out on our expeditions we get a loan of twenty or thirty rupees from the landholders or merchants of the place, and two days before starting we sacrifice a goat and make burnt offerings to the goddess Devi, sometimes to [233]her of the fiery furnace of Jawâla, in the Himâlaya, and sometimes to our old tutelary god of Chithor. We present sweetmeats and vow unwearied devotions if we are successful. After this we take our auspices thus:—We go in the evening into the jungle, and there in silence expect the call. If the partridge or jackal call on the left we set out without further ceremony; the bark of a fox even will do. If any of them call on the right, we return home and try again the day following. As soon as we get a good omen we set out. If we take it in the morning it must be before sunrise, and the fox, partridge, or jackal, must cry on the right to be good. If a deer cross from the left to the right it is a good omen. We have a couplet on this subject signifying that if the crow and the deer cross from the left to the right and the blue jay from left to right, even the wealth that has gone from us will come back.”

Present condition in the Upper Duâb. 7. The Census returns give the sections as Badniyâr, Banwâr, Bardhia, Barmâr, Chauhân, Dalê, Dhandin, Dyâs, Garali, Gaur, Gûjar, Kori, Madniyâriya, Pahari, Panwâr, Râjput, Solankhi, Saurangi, and Topiwâl. Those best known in the Upper Duâb are, Turai, Pachhâda or “Western,” Gola Kori, and Khâgi. These gotras, as they are called, are exogamous, but the Turai marry only with the Pachhâda and the Gola with the Khâgi. This rule of exogamy they reinforce with the rather vague formula that marriage with relatives by blood (dûdh kê nâtêdâr) is prohibited. They can marry two sisters in succession. They have now settled down and abandoned their wandering habit of life. They admit strangers into the caste. The only ceremony is that the convert has to eat and drink with his new clansmen. Some say that candidates for admission must be of high caste themselves; but they do not appear to be very particular, and these new admissions are treated at the outset with some contempt, and are not all at once admitted into full tribal privileges. Marriage usually takes place in infancy. The standard of morality is very low, because in Muzaffarnagar[116] it is extremely rare for a Bâwariya woman to live with her husband. Almost invariably she lives with another man; but whoever he may be, the official husband is responsible for the children. Divorced wives and widows can marry in the clan by the karâo form, and a man can have two or three wives at a time. The marriage ceremony is [234]carried out by the brother-in-law (dhiyâna) of the bride, and he makes them walk round the marriage shed, and promise to be faithful to each other. The relative, in fact, does all their religious and quasi-religious ceremonies. Infidelity, contraction of a fatal disease, and loss of religion and caste warrant either husband or wife giving up cohabitation, and if the separation is approved of by the clansmen, the woman can re-marry by the karâo form. It is also said that a wife can be discarded when she loses her good looks.

Religion and customs of the Western Bâwariyas. 8. They are Hindu by religion and worship Kâli-Bhawâni and Zâhir Dîwân. The women in particular worship Kâli-Bhawâni. As already stated, they do not employ Brâhmans, but get their religious business done by the brother-in-law. They usually burn the adult dead, and bury those who have not been married. They are in constant fear of the ghosts of the dead, and lay out food for them in platters made of leaves. They now principally live by catching birds of all kinds. Those that are eatable, they sell; others they take to the houses of rich Jain merchants, and make an income by releasing them from their cages. They do not prostitute their married women or girls. They will eat almost any kind of meat except beef, and indulge freely in liquor. They will eat and drink from the hands of any Hindu except Nats and the regular outcaste tribes.

The Eastern Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces. 9. In direct contrast to this disreputable branch of the tribe are the Eastern Bâwariyas of Mirzapur. They are very possibly an offshoot of the Bauris of Western Bengal, of whom Mr. Risley writes[117]:—“They are a cultivating, earth-working, and palanquin-bearing race, whose features and complexion stamp them as of non-Aryan descent, although evidence is wanting to affiliate them to any particular tribe now in existence. Their meagre folk-lore throws no light on their origin. According to one story they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical ancestor named Bâhak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how, while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted their Guru, who cursed them for the sacrilege, and compelled them to rank thenceforward [235]among the lowest castes of the community. Another name for this ancestor is Rik Muni, the same as the eponym of the Musahars and Bhuiyas; but it would be straining conjecture to infer from this any connection between the Bauris and the Bhuiyas.” At any rate the Mirzapur Bâwariyas admit no connection with such people. According to their own account they were originally Bais Chhatris, and come from Baiswâra, a tract of country which Sir H. M. Elliot defines as lying between Cawnpur on the west, the Sâi river which, running through the Partâbgarh District, joins the Gûmti some twenty miles south-east of the town of Jaunpur; and between the Chhuâb rivulet on the south, and Dikhtân, or the land of the Dikhit Râjputs, on the north.

10. They tell their story as follows:—There were two Chhatri brothers named Sûrê and Bîrê, who left Baiswâra in search of employment, and went to Chayanpur, in the Shâhâbâd District. There they took service with a Râja who had a lovely daughter. When her suitor, a neighbouring Râja, came to woo her, the two brothers challenged his wrestlers. To show their prowess they took a well-burnt tile and crushed it into dust, with which they rubbed their bodies as athletes do before they enter the arena. Then they tore up a great tamarind tree by the roots, and the rival wrestlers ran away in fear. This so pleased their master that he gave them a village called Bâwari or Chân Bâwari, from whence they take their name. They appear now to be fully recognised as Chhatris, and marry in the Chauhân, Jethi, and Gaharwâr clans.

11. They have now no landed property, but settle as tenants wherever they can find land. They do not admit outsiders into the tribe. Their marriage rules are of the type common to the more respectable tribes, but their special worship of Dulha Deo at marriages suggests a connection with some of the non-Aryan races. This is done on the eve of the marriage. The house kitchen is plastered, and the oldest woman of the family draws a lota full of water from the well, but in doing this she must use only her right hand. A burnt offering is then made with one-and-a-quarter sers of butter, and the water is poured on the floor in honour of the godling. Widow marriage is forbidden, and a woman caught in adultery must be discarded. They are generally initiated into either the Saiva or Sâkta sect, and specially worship Dulha Deo and one Sinha Bâba, who was a Nânak Shâhi faqîr. To him is made a burnt offering of sugar and butter once a year; the butter [236]must be of the weight of one pice and the sugar one quarter pice. A goat is also sometimes offered in the house court-yard. The priests of the clan are known as the Pânres of Machhiâwan, who have come with them from their original settlement. Their death ceremonies are such as are performed by the higher castes. They abstain from spirits, and their women are kept under careful control. They eat the flesh of deer and goats, and all kinds of fish except the gûnch or Gangetic shark. Brâhmans will eat pakki from their hands, and they will eat kachchi cooked by their Brâhman spiritual guides. They smoke only with their clansmen. Lower castes, like Kahârs and Nâis, will eat both kachchi and pakki from their hands.

The criminal Bâwariyas. 12. The Western Bâwariyas of these Provinces are best known to District Officers as a criminal tribe. When they go on their predatory excursions, which extend over a large part of Northern India, they usually assume the garb of faqîrs, and the only way of finding them out is by a peculiar necklace of small wooden beads, which they all wear, and by a kind of gold pin which they wear fixed to their front teeth.[118] It seems, however, doubtful whether this last test is always conclusive. In cases of doubt their mouths should be examined, for under their tongues a hollow is formed by constant pressure from their younger days, in which they can secure from fifteen to twenty silver bits. The women are believed to possess secrets for charms and medicines, and sell the roots and herbs which they collect in the jungles. They are said to be expert in making patchwork quilts, which they sell. Whenever they wander they sleep on a bed and not on the ground. One peculiarity about their thieving is that, like the Alâgiris of Madras,[119] when they enter a house they take with them some dry grain, which they throw about in the dark, so as to be able by the rattle to ascertain the position of brass vessels and other metal articles. In Central India they are said to be greatly wanting in intelligence and timid in their intercourse with their fellowmen. They are there divided into five tribes—the Râthaur or Mewâra, Chauhân, Sawandiya, Korbiyâr, Kodiyâr; and each tribe has a separate hunting ground. They are governed by Chiefs called Hauliya, who attain their office by descent. [237]“Game is divided into three shares—one for the god of the wilds, one for the god of the river, and the remainder is divided among those present at the capture. At the Holi they all assemble at the Hauliya’s residence, when he collects his income, one rupee per head. For the first five years after the beard first appears, it and the hair are cut once a year; but ever after that they wear both unshorn, and their long shaggy locks add to their uncouth appearance. Few attain sixty years of age, and ten is the greatest number of children they have known one woman to bear. They call themselves a branch of the Dhângar or shepherd class.[120]”

Distribution of Bâwariyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindu.

Musalmân.

TOTAL.

Muzaffarnagar

1,107

…

1,107

Agra

40

…

40

Mirzapur

1,333

…

1,333

Gorakhpur

1

…

1

Tarâi

9

…

9

Ballia

…

239

239

TOTAL

2,490

239

2,729

Beldâr.[121]—(One who works with the bel or mattock.)—A general term for the aggregate of low Hindu tribes who make their living by earth-work. But, besides these, there appears to be a real endogamous group of this name found chiefly in Bareilly, Gorakhpur, Basti, and Pilibhît. Mr. Risley[122] describes under the same name a wandering Dravidian caste of earth-workers and navvies in Bihâr and Western Bengal, many of whom are employed in the coal mines of Râniganj and Barâkar. “Both men and women labour, the former digging the earth and the latter removing it in baskets carried on the head. The Beldârs regard this mode of carrying earth as distinctive of themselves, and will on no account carry earth in baskets slung from the shoulders.” Whatever may be the [238]case in Bengal, in these provinces at least, the practice of carrying earth and other burdens on the head and not on the back or shoulders is habitual among all the castes who do this kind of labour.

Internal organization. 2. The Beldârs of these provinces classified themselves at the last Census under three sub-castes—Bâchhal, Chauhân, and Kharot. The two former are, of course, well known Râjput tribes. The Kharot appear to take their name from khar (Sanskrit, khata), “grass.” They are described as a tribe of mat-makers in Basti, and a number have entered themselves separately at the last enumeration. Besides these, among the most important local sub-castes, we find the Mahul and Orh of Bareilly; the Desi, Kharêbind, and Sarwariya, or “dwellers beyond the Sarju,” of Gorakhpur; and the Kharêbind and Maskhauwa, or “flesh-eaters,” of Basti. The Census returns give 186 sub-castes of the usual type. Some taken from the names of existing well known tribes, such as Bachgoti, Bâchhal, Baheliya, Bindwâr, Chauhân, Dikhit, Gaharwâr, Gaura, Gautam, Ghosi, Kurmi, Luniya, Orh, Râjput, Thâkur; others, local terms of the usual type, like Agarwâl, Agrabansi, Ajudhyabâsi, Bhadauriya, Dehliwâl, Gangapâri, Gorakhpuri, Kanaujiya, Kashiwâla, Purabiya, Sarwariya, and Uttarâha. The Beldârs have no definite traditions of their origin, save that they were once Râjputs who were compelled by some Râja to work as navvies, and were in consequence degraded. There can, however, be little doubt that they are an occupational offshoot from the great Luniya, Orh, or Bind tribe, who are certainly to a large extent of non-Aryan origin.

Occupation and status. 3. Besides their trade of doing earth-work, they also make their living by fishing. They are very fond of field rats, which they dig out of the rice fields after the harvest is over, and boil down with the grain which they have collected in their granaries. They also eat pork, but in spite of this it is reported from Gorakhpur that Brâhmans and Kshatriyas drink water from their hands. Their widows marry by the sagâi form, and a man may discard his wife for adultery; but if she marries her paramour, the council compels him to repay the original cost of her marriage to her first husband.

Religion. 4. To the east of the province they worship the Pânchonpîr, to whom they offer a turban (patuka) and a sheet (patau) made of coarse country cloth, and occasionally a fowl. The sheets before being offered are marked [239]by a streak of red. Another form of offering is what is known as kâra, which is made of flour and urad pulse. Some worship Mahâdeva once a year in the month of Phâlgun or at the Sivarâtri.

Distribution of Beldârs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Bâchhal.

Chauhân.

Kharot.

Others.

Musalmâns.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

32

5

37

Muzaffarnagar

…

…

…

…

29

29

Mathura

…

…

…

2

…

2

Etâwah

…

…

…

222

…

222

Bareilly

5,688

…

…

748

…

6,436

Budâun

…

…

…

17

…

17

Morâdâbâd

…

…

…

160

…

160

Shâhjahânpur

62

350

…

369

…

781

Pilibhît

627

149

…

1,579

…

2,355

Cawnpur

…

…

…

56

…

56

Fatehpur

…

…

…

96

…

96

Bânda

…

…

…

148

3

151

Hamîrpur

…

…

…

212

…

212

Allahâbâd

…

…

…

1

2

3

Jhânsi

…

…

…

246

…

246

Jâlaun

…

…

…

586

…

586

Lalitpur

…

…

…

248

…

248

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

2

…

2

Ballia

…

…

…

35

…

35

Gorakhpur

…

…

9,782

5,463

3

15,248

Basti

…

…

3,623

3,162

…

6,785

Azamgarh

…

…

…

31

1

32

Tarâi

973

…

…

42

…

1,015

Lucknow

…

…

…

69

…

69[240]

Unâo

…

…

…

79

5

84

Râê Bareli

…

…

…

122

2

124

Sîtapur

…

59

…

115

…

174

Hardoi

…

…

…

216

…

216

Kheri

…

…

…

336

…

336

Faizâbâd

…

…

…

110

…

110

Gonda

…

…

…

170

…

170

Bahrâich

…

…

…

226

…

226

Sultânpur

…

…

…

148

1

149

Partâbgarh

…

16

…

92

10

118

Bârabanki

…

520

…

249

…

769

TOTAL

7,350

1,094

13,405

15,389

61

37,299

Belwâr, Bilwâr.—A tribe in Oudh of whom no satisfactory account has been received. According to Mr. Nesfield, they take their name from bela, “a purse”; but this is very uncertain. They are said to deal in grain and cultivate.

2. According to the last Census their chief sub-caste is the Sanâdh. In Kheri the chief sub-castes are Baghel, Bhonda, and Gaur.

Distribution of the Belwâr according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Sanâdh.

Others.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

…

42

42

Etâwah

7

35

42

Lucknow

…

22

22

Sîtapur

1,255

793

2,048

Hardoi

605

146

751

Kheri

1,269

1,412

2,681

Bahrâich

…

608

608

TOTAL

3,136

3,058

6,194

[241]

Benawa.—(“Without provisions,” “destitute.”)—A class of Muhammadan faqîrs, the chief of the Beshara or unorthodox orders. They are said to be followers of Khwâja Hasan Basri. Mr. Maclagan[123] says:—“The term is sometimes apparently applied in a loose manner to Qâdiri and Chishti faqîrs, but is properly applicable only to a very inferior set of beggars, men who wear patched garments and live apart. They will beg for anything except food, and in begging they will use the strongest language, and the stronger the language the more pleased are the persons from whom they beg. Many of the offensive names borne by villages in the Gujrânwâla District are attributed to mendicants of this order, who have been denied an alms. The proper course is to meet a Benawa beggar with gibes and put him on his mettle, for he prides himself on his powers of repartee, and every Benawa wears a thong of leather, which he has to unloose when beaten in reply, and it is a great source of shame for him to unloose this thong” (tasma khol dena).

Distribution of the Benawas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Dehra Dûn

3

Sahâranpur

2,347

Muzaffarnagar

2,620

Meerut

1,620

Bulandshahr

24

Mathura

63

Agra

31

Farrukhâbâd

10

Mainpuri

8

Bareilly

451

Bijnor

655

Morâdâbâd

755

Shâhjahânpur

32

Pilibhît

8

Bânda

8

Lalitpur

4

Benares

5

Ghâzipur

212

Gorakhpur

84

Basti

1,134

Tarâi

293

Râê Bareli

45

Sîtapur

13

Faizâbâd

62

Bahrâich

10

Sultânpur

201

Partâbgarh

5

Bârabanki

32

TOTAL

10,735

[242]

Benbans.—(“Of the stock of Râja Vena.”)—A small sept of Râjputs in Mirzapur and Rîwa. The sept is interesting as an example of the development in quite recent times of a new Râjput sept. There seems to be little doubt that only a couple of generations ago they were Kharwârs, a purely Dravidian tribe, and have developed into Râjputs since they obtained the chiefship of that part of the country. The present Râja has now married into a respectable Chandel family, and his claim to be a pure bred Râjput will doubtless soon cease to be disputed.

Beriya,[124] Bediya.—A caste of vagrants found in various parts of the Province. They are very closely allied if not identical with the Sânsi, Kanjar, Hâbûra, Bhântu, etc. In Bengal the term is applied to a number of vagrant, gypsy-like groups, of whom it is difficult to say whether they can properly be described as castes. Of these Bengal Beriyas a very full account has been given by Bâbu Rajendra Lâla Mitra.[125] According to him, they show no tendency to obesity, and are noted for “a light, elastic, wiry make, very uncommon in the people of this country. In agility and hardiness they stand unrivalled. The men are of a brownish colour like the bulk of Bengâlis, but never black. The women are of lighter complexion, and generally well formed; some of them have considerable claims to beauty, and for a race so rude and primitive in their habits as the Bediyas, there is a sharpness in the features of their women which we see in no other aboriginal race in India. Like the gypsies of Europe, they are noted for the symmetry of their limbs; but their offensive habits, dirty clothing, and filthy professions, give them a repulsive appearance, which is heightened by the reputation they have of kidnapping children and frequenting burial grounds and places of cremation. Their eyes and hair are always black, but their stature varies much in different individuals. They are a mixed race, and many outcastes join them. Some of them call themselves Mâl, and live by snake-catching and sale of herbs. Though known as Bediyas, they keep distinct, and do not intermarry or mix with the pure Bediyas, who, unlike European gypsies, keep themselves distinct. They seldom build houses, and take to [243]agriculture, but wander about with a few miserable wigwams. Like all gypsies, they dress like the people of the country. They cook in a pipkin in common. Their women and children eat promiscuously, except when placed among Bengâlis, when the women eat separately. They eat whatever they can get, and nothing comes amiss to them, whether it be a rotten jackal or a piece of beef or mutton.

2. “Familiar with the use of bows and arrows, and great adepts in laying snares and traps, they are seldom without large supplies of game and flesh of wild animals of all kinds. A variety of birds they keep dried for medical purposes; mungooses, squirrels, and flying foxes they eat with avidity as articles of luxury. Spirituous liquors and intoxicating drugs are indulged in to a large extent, and chiefs of clans assume the title of Bhangi or drinkers of hemp (bhang) as a mark of honour.” They practise all the usual gypsy trades. “In lying, thieving, and knavery he is not a whit inferior to his brother of Europe, and he practises everything that enables him to pass an easy life without submitting to any law of civilized Government or the amenities of social life. The women deal in charms for exorcising the devil, love phylters, palmistry, cupping with buffalo horns, administering moxas and drugs for spleen and rheumatism. She has a charm for extracting worms from carious teeth by repeating indecent verses. They are the only tattooers. At home she makes mats of palm leaves, while her lord alone cooks. Bediyas have no talent for music; Nats and Banjâras have. Firdausi says this was the reason they were exiled to Persia. Bediya women are even more circumspect than European gypsies. If she does not return before the jackal’s cry is heard in the evening, she is subject to severe punishment. It is said that a faux pas among her own kindred is not considered reprehensible. Certain it is that no Bediyâni has ever been known to be at fault with any one not of her own caste. They are fond husbands, kind parents, affectionate children, and unswerving friends. Attachment to their nationality is extreme, and no Bediya has ever been known to denounce his race. Whenever a Bediya is apprehended by a police officer, his clansmen do their best to release him, and if condemned to imprisonment or death, they invariably support his family. He is a Hindu or Musalmân according to the population he lives in. Some are Deists, some Kabîrpanthis, or Sikhs; some take the disguise of Jogis, Faqîrs, Darveshes, Santons, etc. [244]Hence he is called Panchpîri. His dead are usually buried, and his marriage contract is solemnized over country arrack without the intervention of priests, the only essential being the consent of the elders of the clan. Marriage is restricted to his own clan; but kidnapped children brought up in camp are not prohibited. He is very sparing of ceremony; in reply to the exhortations of the bride’s relatives to treat her kindly, he simply declares,—‘This woman is my wedded wife,’ marking her head at the same time with red lead. The bride replies,—‘This man is my husband.’ Incestuous marriages are believed to be common among them. It is said that all Bediyas, whether professing Hinduism or Muhammadanism, worship Kâli. Like the gypsies, they never go to court. Their chiefs (sardârs) have supreme power, and manage their affairs with the help of tribal councils (panchâyat). The punishments are fine, stripes with a shoe, expulsion from caste. The fines are spent in liquor. The chief is generally hereditary, and he is invested with authority over his clansmen, wherever they may be located. This is possible, as the Bediya, though a vagrant, is much attached to his birthplace, and often returns there.”

The Beriyas of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 3. The Beriyas of these Provinces are in a much more degraded condition than their brethren in Bengal. At the last Census they recorded themselves under three main sub-castes—Chauhân and Raghubansi, the titles of well known Râjput sub-divisions, and Kâmchor or “loafers.” But in the Central Duâb, like so many of the tribes of the same social rank, they pretend to have seven sub-castes. By one enumeration these are given as Khâlkhur, Chhâhari, Bhains, Gunnar, Nâritor, Rattu, and Kachhâr. Another list adds Mahish. The complete returns show 250 sections of the Hindu, and 12 of the Muhammadan branch. These are of the usual type, many taken from the names of existing castes, such as Bais, Banya, Bangâli, Chauhân, Chhatri, Gaur, Ghosiya, Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Kânhpuriya, Raghubansi, Râwat, Teli, and Thâkur; others of local origin like Amrapuriya, Baiswâri, Bhadauriya, Deswâl, Jaiswâr, Mainpuriya, Multânwâri; others again common to them and similar vagrant and prostitute tribes, such as Brijbâsi, Dhânuk, Gandharb, Gidhmâr (“kite-killers”), Jangali, Kuchbandhiya, Kapariya, Karnâtaki, Nat, Paturiya, Râjnat, and Tawâif. They believe themselves indigenous in the Central Duâb, and profess to have some unexplained connection, like their kinsmen the [245]Hâbûras, with the old ruined city of Nohkhera, in the north of Pargana Jalesar, in the Etah District. All the camps (gol) which frequent that part of the country meet there during the rainy season, and hold tribal councils at which marriages and all matters affecting the caste are settled. Regular marriages seldom occur among them, because nearly all the girls are reserved for prostitution, and the men keep concubines drawn from any fairly respectable caste. So far is this the rule, that in Farrukhâbâd, it is alleged that if a man marry a girl of the tribe, he is put out of caste; and in Etâwah, if a man marry a girl who has been prostituted, he is obliged to pay a fine to the tribal council. This is a good example of what Sir John Lubbock[126] calls “Communal marriage.” “In many cases,” he says, “the exclusive possession of a wife could only be legally acquired by a temporary recognition of the pre-existing communal rights.” While, however, concubinage is a tribal institution, connections with a woman of the menial tribes, such as Chamâr, Bhangi, Kori, or Dhânuk, are prohibited; and a man offending in this way is expelled from the caste. The only ceremony in selecting a concubine is the presenting to her a suit of clothes, and eating with her and the clansmen. There seems, however, to be an increasing tendency towards the more respectable form of marriage, and some of them not only profess to have a law of exogamy to this extent that they will not give their boys to, or take a bride from, a family with which within memory they have been allied by marriage, but they also pretend to allow the levirate under the usual restrictions, and permit widow marriage. When they do marry in the caste continence is compulsory on the wife, and her husband can put her away for infidelity proved to the satisfaction of the tribal council.

Domestic ceremonies. 4. During pregnancy the mother generally vows that if she gets over her confinement in safety, she will have the head of the child shaved at some shrine. She is attended at delivery by the Chamârin midwife, and after that by the women of her family. All Beriyas do the chhathi or sixth day ceremony after delivery; some do the barahi or twelfth day rite as well, and if the child be a boy, feed the tribesmen. Adoption is common among them; usually a sister’s son [246]is adopted. There is no ceremony except the distribution of sweets to the kinsmen, and the formal announcement that the adoption has taken place. There is no initiation rite for males; but when a girl reaches puberty, and is prostituted for the first time, the money she earns is spent in drinking and in feeding the other unmarried girls of the tribe, while Satya Nârâyana is worshipped, and verses in honour of him are recited. In a marriage of a virgin girl of the caste, which is very unusual, they follow the orthodox form; when they get hold of some other woman or of a widow there is no ceremony except feeding the clansmen, and until this is done the husband cannot eat the food cooked by her.

5. The caste is in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Farrukhâbâd they touch the left foot of the corpse with fire and then bury it. In Etâwah they cremate the dead and collect the ashes, which they put into an earthen pot, and then bury this in the ground, raising over it a small earthen platform. When they can afford it, they offer at this place some cakes in honour of the dead, which they subsequently consume themselves. They do not employ the Mahâbrâhman; all the death ceremonies are done by the sister’s son or son-in-law of the deceased. They have no regular srâddha; but once a year, on any convenient date, they offer up cakes in the name of their dead ancestors in general, and invite a few of the brethren to a feast.

Religion. 6. Their tribal deities are Devi, Kâliji, and Jwâlamukhi. Many of them also worship a deity called Sayyid, which they understand to represent Muhammad, the prophet. Others visit the shrine of Madâr Sâhib. They seem to depend more on ancestor worship than on any other form of belief. They hardly employ Brâhmans at all except for giving omens at marriages, and it is, of course, only the very lowest Brâhmans who serve them.

Occupation and social status. 7. The Beriya, as we have seen, supports himself to a large extent by prostituting his women. His women loaf about villages and procure information about valuable property for their male relations. He is a pilferer and petty thief, and will steal crops from fields and any uncared-for property which he can find lying about. He makes almost a speciality of stealing the clothes and brass vessels of men who labour in the fields, and a camp of these people is such a pest in a neighbourhood that they would meet with short shrift from [247]the villagers if they were not protected by some landowners, who intrigue with their women, and by goldsmiths and others, who receive stolen property from them. They have also been known to commit more serious crime and attack camel carts and wedding parties at night. They usually begin the attack on a travelling party with a shower of stones, and if this fail to compel them to abandon their goods, they assail them with their bludgeons. In Farrukhâbâd the Gunnar sub-caste carry the regular Kanjar spud (khanti,) with which they dig out young jackals and pass them off as wolf cubs for the sake of the Government reward. They have a vague tradition that they were once Râjputs, and were forced to take to their present means of living by the Muhammadans after the siege of Chithor. But their appearance and physique certainly indicate that they are a branch of the Indian gypsy race, and closely allied to the Sânsiya and his kinsfolk. The women who are prostitutes salute with the word salâm; those who are married use Râm! Râm! When they take an oath they turn to the river and swear by mother Ganges. They are steady believers in the demoniacal theory of disease. When a person falls sick they call in a wizard (syâna), who smokes a huqqa, and with a few incoherent words waves a broom over the patient, and thus scares the ghost. When a patient is attacked by the Evil-eye, they put some thorns of the babûl (acacia arabica) in an earthen pot face downwards; then a shoe is waved over it, and they call out—“Evil glance! leave the sick man!” They eat mutton, goat’s flesh, and pork; not beef, fowls, fish, vermin, or the leavings of other people. But there is reason to believe that when in camps by themselves they are much more catholic in their diet. No respectable caste will eat from their hands, they will eat both kachchi and pakki from the hands of all but the very lowest menials.

Distribution of the Beriyas according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Chauhân.

Kâmchor.

Raghubansi.

Others.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

…

…

…

…

11

11

Meerut

…

…

…

…

6

6

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

…

3

3[248]

Aligarh

…

…

…

7

1

8

Mathura

…

…

…

2

…

2

Agra

59

140

…

926

96

1,221

Farrukhâbâd

24

8

25

662

22

741

Mainpuri

…

32

49

600

…

681

Etâwah

26

…

…

779

…

805

Etah

1

39

…

156

…

196

Bijnor

…

…

…

9

1

10

Morâdâbâd

…

…

…

10

…

10

Cawnpur

57

…

…

1,033

…

1,090

Fatehpur

90

…

…

631

…

721

Bânda

54

…

…

190

…

244

Hamîrpur

53

…

…

368

…

421

Allahâbâd

7

…

…

1,015

2

1,024

Jhânsi

14

…

…

113

…

127

Jâlaun

4

…

…

38

…

42

Lalitpur

1

…

…

147

4

152

Mirzapur

19

…

…

…

…

19

Jaunpur

…

…

…

108

…

108

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

…

4

4

Gorakhpur

…

…

…

19

…

19

Basti

4

…

…

83

701

788

Azamgarh

…

…

…

89

…

89

Lucknow

…

…

…

192

9

201

Unâo

171

…

…

90

12

273

Râê Bareli

794

…

…

676

1

1,471

Hardoi

…

…

…

90

…

90[249]

Faizâbâd

227

…

…

455

2

684

Gonda

…

…

…

30

…

30

Bahrâich

48

…

…

105

7

160

Sultânpur

773

…

…

709

2

1,484

Partâbgarh

516

8

…

537

…

1,061

Bârabanki

856

…

…

452

9

1,317

TOTAL

3,798

227

74

10,321

893

15,313

Berwâr, Birwâr.—A Râjput sept found in the Districts of Ghâzipur, Azamgarh, and Faizâbâd. In Ghâzipur they say that they are emigrants from the neighbourhood of Delhi, and take their name from Bernagar, their leading village. They are supposed to have come under the auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they assisted to expel the Cheros.[127] In Azamgarh they are said to be both Râjputs and Bhuînhârs, and not to rank high among either. Each set ignores the origin of, or any connection with, the other. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came from the westward. They Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from Bernagar, near Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief named Garak Deo, who lived between 1393 and 1512 of the Sambat era (1536–1455 A.D.). In Faizâbâd they call themselves Bais of Dundiyakhera. The Chhatri and Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as at marriages and other feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or offer to their guests broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the custom is said to be that at a feast where a number of the Berwars had been invited by another clan, their treacherous hosts, on the pass-word bara khanda chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as “broken”), slaughtered the Birwârs. Their name is possibly connected with this custom.[128] The Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come from Kanauj; but its different [250]branches are not unanimous as to his name or pedigree, or how they came to Azamgarh.[129]

Bhadauriya.—An important sept of Râjputs who take their name from the village of Bhadâwar, near Ater, south of the Jumna. The eastern branch have some traditions which point to a Meo origin;[130] but according to Sir H. M. Elliot[131] they are a branch of the Chauhâns; but the Chauhâns are disposed to deny this relationship, now that for motives of convenience the two tribes have begun to intermarry. They are divided into the six clans of Athbhaiya, Kulhiya, Mainu, Taseli, Chandraseniya, and Râwat. He further remarks:—“The high claims which have been put forward in favour of the family are somewhat unreasonable, and were indeed entirely needless, as its respectability for many years past has been unquestionable. Bhatûla, or bread made from the grain of arhar, chana, and mûng, is notorious for its hardness, and is, therefore, seldom eaten by those who can afford to grow or purchase the better grains. It is said to have been the cause of the elevation of the Bhadauriyas, and the story, absurd as it may appear, is commonly believed in the neighbourhood of Bhadâwar, and is not denied by the Bhadauriyas themselves. One of the Bhadauriya chiefs, Gopâl Sinh, went to pay his respects to the King, Muhammad Shâh. The chief had very large eyes, so much so, as to attract the attention of the King, who asked him how he obtained them. The chief, who was a wit, replied that in his district nothing but arhar was grown, and that from the constant practice of straining at swallowing bhatûla, his eyes had nearly started out of his head. The King was pleased at his readiness, and bestowed upon him other Parganas in which he could grow the finer grains. The immediate cause of their aggrandisement is obscure, but it is as likely to have been a pair of large eyes as the capture of a fort. It is clear that their political importance lasted no longer than for a few years at the beginning of the last century; that their illustrious lineage even now invests them with consideration in the eyes of the surrounding Râjas, who allow the Bhadauriya to sit higher than themselves; who receive from him the investiture, or rather impress of the tilak, who confess that he alone can cover with grain the lingam at Batesar (the Râna of Gohag having tried twenty-one [251]maunds in vain); and that, though influential, they are not of that high importance which they would arrogate to themselves. It is to be feared also that they are much addicted to infanticide; so that when we take all these circumstances into consideration, there seems some reason to acknowledge that the indiscriminate bounty of the British Government might perhaps have been more worthily bestowed.” The last Census Returns give some colour to the supposition that infanticide prevails among them. There are 16,312 males to 12,715 females.

2. Of the clans above enumerated the Chandraseniya, Kulhiya, Athbhaiya, and Râwat marry girls of the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Râthaur, Chandel, Sirnet, Panwâr, Gautam, Raghubansi, Gaharwâr, Tomar, and Gahlot septs. The Taseli intermarry with Râjputs of rank inferior to these. The high class Bhadauriyas give their daughters to the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, and Râthaur septs.

Distribution of the Bhadauriya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

4

Meerut

54

Aligarh

62

Mathura

54

Agra

4,034

Farrukhâbâd

1,490

Mainpuri

1,936

Etâwah

5,387

Etah

239

Bareilly

398

Budâun

300

Morâdâbâd

165

Shâhjahânpur

1,130

Pilibhît

257

Cawnpur

2,533

Fatehpur

933

Bânda

169

Hamîrpur

116

Allahâbâd

421

Jhânsi

371

Jâlaun

596

Lalitpur

36

Benares

363

Ballia

232

Gorakhpur

68

Basti

19[252]

Azamgarh

93

Lucknow

162

Unâo

521

Râê Bareli

1,417

Sîtapur

1,112

Hardoi

609

Kheri

1,266

Faizâbâd

50

Gonda

340

Bahrâich

516

Sultânpur

910

Partâbgarh

366

Bârabanki

298

TOTAL

29,027

Bhagat.—(Sanskrit, bhakta, “a worshipper.”)—A term usually applied to men of any caste who take a vow of abstinence from meat, wine, etc. This they usually do as they advance in life, and wear a necklace of beads as a mark of the vow. It is also applied to a Sâkti sect, not Vaishnavas, as the ordinary Bhagats are, who are worshippers of Devi. Some of them eat meat, but abstain from wine. To the west of the province they are chiefly devotees of the Bajesri Devi of Kângra, whose temple was plundered by Mahmûd of Ghazni and Fîroz Tughlaq. At Jwâlamukhi, in the same District, is another and equally famous temple, where jets of gas proceeding from the ground are kept ever burning, and the crowds of pilgrims provide a livelihood for a profligate community of Gusâîns and Bhojkis. “The days most holy to Devi are the first nine days of the moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Some persons will fast in the name of Devi on the eighth lunar day (ashtami) of every month, and perform special ceremonies on that day. Sometimes they will light lamps of flour, and when a Brâhman has read the Devipâtha, will prostrate themselves before the lamps. Sometimes it is customary to distribute rice and sweetmeats on this day to unmarried girls; and goldsmiths will often close their shops in honour of the day. The greatest Ashtamis of all, however, are those in the months above mentioned; and of the two [253]great yearly festivals, the Naurâtra is the greatest, following as it does immediately after the completion of the annual srâddha or commemoration of the dead. It is the custom in some parts of the country for worshippers of Devi on the first day of this festival to sow barley and water it, and keep a lamp burning by it, and on the eighth day to cut it and light a sacrificial fire (homa), breaking their fast next day.”[132]

2. The name is also applied to a class of dancing girls in the Agra Division.

Distribution of the Bhagats according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Sahâranpur

1

Farrukhâbâd

185

Mainpuri

7

Etâwah

12

Etah

127

Bareilly

14

Budâun

11

Bânda

4

Benares

124

TOTAL

485

Bhâlê Sultân.—(“Lords of the spear:” Sanskrit, Bhâla, “a kind of arrow or spear.”)—According to the tribal tradition in Sultânpur,[133] between two and three hundred years ago Râê Barâr, son of Amba Râê, brother of the then Râja of Morârmau, commanded a troop of cavalry recruited entirely from the Bais clan in the Imperial service, and was deputed to exterminate the troublesome Bhars in the Isauli Pargana. Having accomplished his task he returned to Delhi and presented himself at the head of his troop before the Emperor, who, struck with their manly bearing, exclaimed, “Ao, Bhâlê Sultân,” “Come, spears of the Sultân.” Thence they adopted the name. Another story is that it was as link-bearers (Bâri), and not the lance, which they so dexterously wielded, and that they were made Râjputs by Tilok Chand as a reward for their diligence. A third account connects them with the Balla, who are included in the royal races and were lords in Saurâshtra. “But this lays stress [254]on the first factor of the name, and leaves the other, an equally perplexing one, altogether unexplained. That it is a corruption there is little doubt. The Bhâlê Sultâns are either not mentioned by Abul Fazl at all, or they are the Bais Naumuslim of Sâtanpur. In either case the suspicion is raised that they did not take their modern name till after the time of Akbar, and, if so, it hardly bears the ring of Imperial coinage. ‘From this time’ (1507 A.D.), says Bâbar, ‘I order that I should be styled Padshah,’ and from him downwards this, and not Sultan, appears to have been the title affected by the Mughal Emperors. It is very probable that the Bhâlê Sultâns are the Naumuslim Bais of Sâtanpur, for they now occupy that locality, and Palhan Deo, great grandson of Râê Barâr, is said to have been converted to Islâm in Shîr Shâh’s time; and the only thing against this view is that the Gandeo Bais may have held territory thus far east, and as they, too, had a Musalmân branch, they would then answer equally well to the description given.”

Bhâlê Sultân of the North-West Provinces. 2. The Bulandshahr[134] branch, according to one story, claim descent from Sidhrâo Jai Sinh, a Solankhi Râjput of Parpatan in Gujarât. After the defeat of Prithivi Râja, Sawai Sinh, the ancestor of the family, obtained the title of Bhâlê Sultân, or “Lord of the lance,” from Shahâbuddîn Ghori. Another story is that they are descended from Sârang Deo, a nephew of the Râja of Gujarât, who took service under Prithivi Râja of Delhi, with whom he was distantly connected, and perished in the war against Kanauj, when his descendant was rewarded with lands in Bulandshahr. It was his grandson, Hamîr Sinh, who took service with the Râja of Kanauj, and obtained through him and Shahâbuddîn the title of Bhâla Sultân. The seventh in descent from him, Kirat Sinh, distinguished himself in the campaign of Ghayâsuddin against the Meos, and got their lands. The seventh in descent from him, Khân Chand, became a Musalmân to please the Muhammadan Governor under Khizr Khân, the protegee of Timûr.

The Oudh branch. 3. In Faizâbâd[135] the Bhâlê Sultân claim descent from Râo Mardan Sinh of Bais, of Dundiya Khera, who was a horse-dealer by profession. He chanced to visit Gajanpur, in Isauli Pargana, of the Sultânpur District, where there was a fort of the Râjbhars, whom he overcame. His [255]son, Râo Barâr, entered the service of the King of Delhi, and as he was a good horseman and clever spearsman, he obtained the title of Bhâla Sultân. One of his descendants, Baram Deo, ambitious of obtaining the title of Râja, became Khânzâda to the King of Delhi, and since then his descendants have been called Khânzâda. In Râê Bareli the tradition runs that they were Ahîrs who were raised to the rank of Râjputs by Tilok Chand.

4. In Sultânpur they are said to marry girls of the septs of the Bhâratipur Chauhâns, Kath Bais and Kath Bisen, and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Chauhâns of Mainpuri, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli, Gahlot, Sombansi, Râjkumâr, Bandhalgoti, and Bachgoti. In Faizâbâd they marry girls of the Gargbansi and Raghubansi septs, and give girls to the Sombansi, Bachgoti, and Bais.

Distribution of the Bhâlê Sultân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

17

27

44

Meerut

20

…

20

Bulandshahr

6,370

4,790

11,160

Agra

59

3

62

Farrukhâbâd

9

6

15

Mainpuri

36

…

36

Budâun

11

…

11

Shâhjahânpur

…

9

9

Pilibhît

19

4

23

Cawnpur

11

75

86

Fatehpur

3

…

3

Bânda

…

1

1

Allahâbâd

324

18

342

Lalitpur

2

2

4

Benares

15

86

101

Jaunpur

25

3

28[256]

Ghâzipur

…

7

7

Gorakhpur

35

64

99

Basti

155

53

208

Azamgarh

122

29

151

Lucknow

17

283

300

Unâo

5

38

43

Râê Bareli

377

372

749

Sîtapur

20

23

43

Kheri

3

108

111

Faizâbâd

757

687

1,444

Gonda

406

352

758

Bahrâich

108

271

379

Sultânpur

8,016

4,607

12,623

Partâbgarh

49

17

66

Bârabanki

329

735

1,064

TOTAL

17,320

12,670

29,990

Bhând, Bhânr.[136]—(Sanskrit, Bhanda, a jester.)—The class of story-tellers, buffoons, and jesters. They are sometimes known by the Muhammadan title of Naqqâl, or actor. The Bhând is sometimes employed in the courts of Râjas and native gentlemen of rank, where, at entertainments, he amuses the company with his buffoonery and imitations of European and Native manners, much of which is of a very coarse nature. The Bhând is quite separate from, and of a lower professional rank than, the Bahrûpiya. They appear now to be practically all Muhammadans, but retain numerous Hindu usages. There are two recognised endogamous sub-castes—[257]the Chenr, which seems to mean little (Hindi, chenra), and the Kashmîri. The former trace their origin to the time of Taimûrlang, who, on the death of his son, gave himself over to mourning for twelve years. Then one Sayyid Hasan, a courtier of the Emperor, composed a humorous poem in Arabic which gained him the title of Bhânr. Sayyid Hasan is regarded as the founder of the caste. Though he was a Sayyid, the present Bhânrs are either Shaikhs or Mughals; and the difference of faith, Sunni and Shiah, is a bar to intermarriage. The Kashmîri Bhânrs are said to be of quite recent origin, having been invited from Kashmîr by Nasîr-ud-dîn Haidar, King of Oudh. The Chenr Bhânrs fix their headquarters at Karra in Allahâbâd, and Lucknow. In Farrukhâbâd they profess to have twelve-and-a-half sub-divisions, all of which, except the half sub-division, intermarry. Many of these are derived from the names of castes from which they are, or pretend to be, sprung: thus Kaithela (Kâyasth); Bamhaniya (Brâhman); Kamarhas; Ujharha; Banthela; Gujarha (Gûjar); Nonela (Luniya); Karraha (from Karra); Pitarhanda. The Census returns give the sub-caste of the Hindu Bhânrs as Baraha, Nakhatiya, and Shâhpuri, and of the Muhammadan branch as Bakarha, Bhandela, Burkiya, Desi, Gâorâni, Hasanpuri, Harkha, Jaroha, Jaroyân, Kaithla, Kâyasth, Kâniwâla, Kashmîri, Kathiya, Katila, Qawwâl, Kha, Kharya, Khatri, Kheti, Monkhra, Musalmâni, Naqqâl, Naumuslim, Pathân, Patua, Purabiya, Râwat, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and Târâkiya.

2. Girls are married at the age of twelve or fourteen, and unlimited polygamy is allowed. Widows re-marry generally in the family of their late husband, and if a match then is impossible, they marry an outsider, and the levirate in the usual form prevails. A wife can be put away for infidelity, and cannot then marry again in the caste. The marriage ceremonies are conducted in the standard Musalmân form. Bhânrs are generally Sunnis, except in Lucknow, where they are mostly Shiahs, and respect the Pânchonpîr (of whom the most regarded is Ghâzi Miyân) and Sayyid Hasan. To the Pânchonpîr are offered cakes (malîda), sharbat, garlands of flowers, and perfumes. Sayyid Hasan receives cakes, sweetmeats, flowers, and perfumes, at any time during the year. Food is offered to the sainted dead at the Shab-i-barât festival. The chief offering consists of the halwa sweetmeat, and cakes. The Chenr Bhânrs play on the small drum (dholak), and Kashmîris on the drum (tabla) and fiddle (sârangi). A popular proverb describes the Bhânr to be as [258]essential at an entertainment as a tiger in a forest,—Mahfil vîrân jahân Bhânr na bâshad; Jangal vîrân jahân sher na bâshad. They are notoriously exacting and abusive if offended. A proverb runs,—Rânr, Bhânr, Sânr, bigrê burê,—“The rage of a widow, a Bhânr, and a bull is terrible.” Another classes them with the monkey,—jaisê Lakkho bandariya vaisê Manva Bhânr—“Lakkho, the monkey, is like Manva, the actor”—“six of one and half a dozen of the other.” Dr. Buchanan quaintly describes them as “impudent fellows who make wry faces, squeak like pigs, bark like dogs, and perform many other ludicrous feats. They also dance and sign, mimicking and turning into ridicule the dancing boys and girls, on whom they likewise pass many jokes, and are employed on great occasions.”[137]

Distribution of the Bhânds according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Hindus.

Musalmâns.

TOTAL.

Sahâranpur

…

12

12

Muzaffarnagar

…

50

50

Meerut

…

27

27

Bulandshahr

…

167

167

Aligarh

…

105

105

Mathura

…

20

20

Agra

…

180

180

Farrukhâbâd

8

101

109

Mainpuri

…

80

80

Etah

…

112

112

Bareilly

…

23

23

Bijner

…

32

32

Budâun

…

21

21

Morâdâbâd

…

75

75

Shâhjahânpur

…

57

57

Pilibhît

…

11

11[259]

Cawnpur

…

12

12

Fatehpur

…

79

79

Hamîrpur

…

40

40

Allahâbâd

…

52

52

Jhânsi

…

8

8

Jâlaun

…

9

9

Lalitpur

…

9

9

Jaunpur

…

33

33

Ghâzipur

…

84

84

Gorakhpur

…

47

47

Lucknow

…

43

43

Unâo

…

5

5

Râê Bareli

…

21

21

Sîtapur

…

294

294

Hardoi

…

58

58

Kheri

…

203

203

Gonda

…

1,325

1,325

Bahrâich

6

385

391

Sultânpur

…

75

75

Partâbgarh

…

25

25

Bârabanki

…

120

120

TOTAL

14

4,000

4,014

Bhangi.[138]—The sweeper tribe of Hindustân. About the derivation of the word there is some difference of opinion. It is usually [260]derived from the Sanskrit bhanga, “hemp,” in allusion to the drunken habits of the tribe. Mr. Nesfield would derive it from the same word in the sense of “interruption,” as a Hindu must give up whatever he is doing when he is touched by a sweeper. The Benares sweepers say that the word is a corruption of sarbhanga (sârva-bhanga), in the sense that while part of the Hindu community they are isolated from it. There are various titles used to designate the tribe. Thus they are known in the Western districts of the province and in the Panjâb as Chûhra, Chûra, or Chûhara, which is by some derived from their business of collecting or sweeping up scraps (chûra-jhârna), while Mr. Nesfield, with perhaps less probability, connects it with chûha, “a rat,” which would make them eaters of rats and mice like the Musahars of the Eastern districts. They are also known as Mehtar or “prince,” which is a honorific title of various classes, such as Bhatiyâra, Mochi, Qasâi, etc., and seems to have been used ironically, as cooks, tailors, or barbers are called Khalîfa. In connection with this it is important to note that the Bediyas of Bengal call their leaders Bhangi or hemp-drinkers, as a title of honour.[139] The name Mehtar was commonly applied to the servants of the Emperor Humâyun.[140] Another title for them is Halâlkhor, “one who eats what is lawful, one whose earnings are legitimate.” This euphemistic title is said to have been introduced by the Emperor Akbar.[141] They are also known as Khâkrob, or “sweepers of dust,” and Bâharwâla, “one who is not admitted into the house.” Another euphemistic name for them in the Punjâb is Musalli, “one who prays.” From their religion and patron saint they are sometimes known, collectively, as Lâlbegi, which is really the name for one of their sub-castes.

Origin of the tribe. 2. The modern Bhangi is apparently the representative of the Chandâla of Manu,[142] who is said to be descended by a Sûdra from a Brâhmani woman. He ordains that they must live without the town, whence the name Antavâsin or Antevâsin, “one who dwells near the boundaries.” Their sole wealth must be dogs and asses; their clothes must consist of the cerecloths of the dead; their dishes must be broken pots, and their ornaments of rusty iron. No one [261]who regards his duties must hold any intercourse with them, and they must marry only among themselves,—a prohibition which takes us back to the very beginning of the caste system. By day they may roam about for the purposes of work, be distinguished by the badges of the Râja, and they must carry out the corpse of any one who dies without kindred. They should always be employed to slay those who by the law are sentenced to be put to death, and they may take the clothes of the slain, their beds, and their ornaments. The term Chandâl is now-a-days used only in the sense of contumely, and the so-called Chandâls of Bengal invariably call themselves Nâmasûdra,[143] “and with characteristic jealousy the higher divisions of the caste apply the name Chandâl to the lower, who in their turn pass it on to the Dom.” The word Chandâla, which, if it really comes from an Aryan root, may be connected with chanda, in the sense of “evil or mischievous,” was possibly the designation of some of the meaner non-Aryan or Dravidian races who were at an early time reduced to servitude, and compelled to perform the vilest functions of the Aryan commonwealth,[144] but that the term Bhangi can be applied to any definite ethnological unit is more than doubtful. Many of the special duties of the Chandâla of Manu, such as the conveyance of corpses and the task of acting as public executioners, are now vested in the Dom and his kindred, with whom the Bhangi, as we now see him, is doubtless closely allied. But the modern names seem to imply that the present organisation of the caste may have been contemporaneous with the early Muhammadan conquest, and there seems reason to believe that the tribe, as we now find it, is made up of a number of different elements. This is corroborated by the divergent physical appearance of the race. Some Bhangis have the dark complexion, stunted figure, and peculiar dark flashing eye which is so characteristic of the Dom. Others, again, are of a much taller form and fairer complexion. This may be perhaps accounted for partly by the fact that their admittance as servants into the higher class families facilitates illicit connection with superior races, and partly that the tribe habitually recruits itself by the admission of outcastes from the superior tribes. It has [262]also been suggested that the names of some of their sub-castes point to the supposition that the caste may be made up of menials attached to various Râjput, Jât, or Musalmân tribes, the Hâris, with the Haras, the Dhe, with the Dhe Jâts, and the Râwats with the higher tribe of the same name. But of this there is no distinct evidence.

Tribal legends. 3. The tribal legends do not throw much light on their history. Of these a whole cycle centres round Lâl Beg.[145] The common legend, as told by the Chaudhari or headman of the Lâlbegis in Benares, runs as follows:—In the city of Hastinapur lived the five Pândavas, whose mother’s sister had one hundred and one sons. The Pândavas quarrelled with their cousins, who were all killed. In order to celebrate their victory, the Pândavas invited their gods to a banquet, but the gods refused to come, on the ground that the Pândavas had killed so many of their Brâhman kinsmen. The penance imposed upon the Pândavas was that they should be dissolved in the snows of the Himâlaya. They agreed to this, but as they were starting one of their cows died. They did not know how to dispose of the carcase, as it was a sin to touch it. So the other four conspired to induce their brother, Nakula, to perform the hateful duty. They addressed him thus: “Good lad (bâlnîk, whence his name Bâlnîk), remove the carcase, and we promise not to excommunicate you.” He obeyed, and hid the carcase under some leaves by the bank of a stream. But when he returned his brothers refused to admit him until he brought some mango wood to perform the fire sacrifice (hom), and while he was away in search of it they started on their journey to the Himâlaya. When Nakula found himself deserted, he returned to the place where he had buried the dead cow and wept, when lo! by the grace of the Almighty, the cow was restored to life.

4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of grinding and sifting flour for bread.”

5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, [263]from the sûp or winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,” who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and is ranked with the Chandâla.

6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg (Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life. He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage of the Bhangis.

7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra! “Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and Jîwan.

8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this [264]duty might be imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,” answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr, son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety, Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu, to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.

9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty, came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,” answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was. Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle, called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi, ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored the horse [265]to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander, and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos (bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.

10. By another equally veritable tale Lâl Beg was the son of the King of Ghazni. Being old and childless, the King devoted himself to the service of the saint Dâdagir Jhonpra, who blessed him with four sons on condition that he should receive the eldest. But Lâl Beg, the eldest, was so lovely that the King tried to pass off his second son on the saint. But he refused the exchange, and threatened that if Lâl Beg were not made over to him, he would strike him with dumbness. So the King was obliged to keep his word, and made over the prince to the saint, giving him kingdoms and palaces. When the prince came to the saint, the latter discovered his desire to rule. He sent him back and presented him with the wonderful cup which gave him all he wished, one of the wonder-working vessels like the sack or cap or jar which appears all through the range of folk-lore.[146] Lâl Beg succeeded his father as King of Ghazni and, with the aid of the cup, worked such miracles that he was deified after his death.

11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion, said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and there, through the mercy of Providence, he [266]found a boddice (choli). He brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk, and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every pious sweeper.

12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar), saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed, and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr, or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher (matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher [267]that the Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.

13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life [268]for them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this was in the age of gold.

14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence, and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did. Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl Beg then [269]proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and Kashmîr.

15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.

16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan) escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum), whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.

17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy; but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice. Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard [270]for every grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him for the accomplishment of their prayers.

18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg. According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill, in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava, is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much of modern Hinduism is made up.

Tribal organization. 19. As might have been expected from what has been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or “stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, [271]Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish, Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account, the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.

20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis. It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however, fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais, Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob, Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya, Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr, Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri, Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or Ujjainpuriya.

21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal, and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar, Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya, Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi, Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl; in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah, the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor, the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli, Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the [272]Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.

22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns, who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh. Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”

23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes (gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha, ‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working out fresh explanations of their [273]totemistic sections, and this is probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.

24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.

25. This, however, does not exhaust the tribal organisation of the sweepers of these provinces. Thus, in Kheri, they are reported to be divided into two endogamous groups, with various exogamous sections. In the first group are the Mehtar, Bhangi, Lâl Begi, Chaudhari, and Rangreta. The second group consists of the Hathîlê, Râwat, Domra, Dhabâê, and Bânsphor. Most of these names have been already discussed. But in connection with the Rangreta section Mr. Ibbetson’s remarks[147] may be quoted:—“The terms Mazhabi and Rangreta denote Chûhras who have become Sikhs. The Mazhabis take the pahul or formula of initiation, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they apparently refuse to touch night-soil, though performing all the other offices hereditary to the Chûhra caste. Their great Guru is Tegh Bahâdur, whose mutilated body was brought back from Delhi by Chûhras, who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their devotion. But though good Sikhs as far as religious observance is concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is upon them; and Sikhs of other castes refuse to associate with them even in religious ceremonies. They often intermarry with the Lâl Begi or Hindu Chûhra. They make capital soldiers, and some of our regiments are wholly composed of Mazhabis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazhabi apparently found only in Ambâla, Ludhiâna, and the neighbourhood, who consider themselves socially superior to the rest. The origin of their superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that [274]they were once notorious as highway robbers. But it appears that the Rangretas have very generally abandoned scavengering for leather work, and this would at once account for their rise in the social scale. In the hills Rangreta is often used as synonymous with Rangrez to denote the cotton dyer and stamper; and in Sirsa the Sikhs will often call any Chûhra whom they wish to please, Rangreta, and a rhyme is current, Rangreta, Guru ka beta, or “the Rangreta is the son of the Guru.”

26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes: Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted (kirtiya) to Islâm.

27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra, Chûhra, and Dom.

28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.

29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.

30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya, Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs; others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in which these sections prevail.

Traditions of origin. 31. Beyond the legends already given in connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other hand, the [275]Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed, and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.

Tribal council and caste discipline. 32. The Bhangis have a most elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares, to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment, Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City; the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate can afford to [276]present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger (piyâda).

33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect, interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which, through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them, delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible, except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers, the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers, while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a formality.”

34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private soldier. [277]

35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman, treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons acquainted with the facts of the case.

36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines (dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna). Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon such practices.

37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his expense.

38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes [278]are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President (Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.

Marriage rules. 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste, provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage. Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste, but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact, all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the Helas. [279]The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.

40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs, and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi), and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but the wife is not treated as an out-caste.

Initiation. 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren, and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats distributed among those present. This ceremony is [280]known as the chauki. Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit, or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered before the holy volume. The present head of the community at Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak, and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—

Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;

Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;

Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;

Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;

Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.

“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key; golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure of the Holy Saint.”[148]

This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,” and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.” The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the initiate can afford.[149] The ceremony, such as it is, is always done in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails, [281]part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how far this is true.

Marriage ceremonies. 42. The following account of the ritual in force in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract (nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between” (bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom, except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).

The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies, in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot (gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When, however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake, in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.

43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with [282]music, to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm leaves.

44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father, usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.

45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway. From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole. On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are lowered.

46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a present.

47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle [283](châdar) of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as Mân, does this office.

48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary, for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the bridegroom and his father.

49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.

50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber, washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife, until appeased by a present.

51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket, with a basket of fruit and flowers between [284]them. To overcome their modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride (dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress (maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.

Divorce. 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation. Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis. The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of [285]the penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.

Birth ceremonies. 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. [286]Among the Lâl Begis the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.

Death rites. 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing; while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths. The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the [287]corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli), or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the mound, until forty days after the funeral.

55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and, if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.

56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats, rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary, to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class [288]mendicant, usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed, while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume (granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and when it has once been broken the ghost is released.

57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites, for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri) containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree. They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies. In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.

Religion. 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion. But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed. Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes[150]:—“While there is no doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the [289]Chamâr? And, if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree (Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident (trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.

59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis. They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.

60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow, Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if [290]Hindus, the festivals of the faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.

Social rules. 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri). The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence. Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus. No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals, scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word salâm only.

Occupation. 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially they are the lowest of the [291]low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs. The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an indifferent character.

63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa) each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact most of the cases which come before the council relate [292]to disputes of this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.

Distribution of the Bhangis according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Bâlmîki.

Dhânuk.

Hela.

Lâl Begi.

Pattharphor.

Others.

Muhammadans.

TOTAL.

Dehra Dûn

59

…

…

746

…

2,662

…

3,467

Sahâranpur

95

…

72

6,057

…

23,890

5

30,119

Muzaffarnagar

378

258

…

16,128

…

13,093

…

29,857

Meerut

4,770

…

…

30,297

…

23,402

91

58,560

Bulandshahr

…

…

…

2,859

…

27,939

…

30,798

Aligarh

…

…

64

8,228

766

20,186

…

29,244

Mathura

…

14

57

1,231

…

11,953

31

13,286

Agra

…

…

…

10,707

47

5,031

663

16,430

Farrukhâbâd

…

…

…

5,840

53

1,259

3

7,155

Mainpuri

…

…

…

8,870

484

682

…

10,036

Etâwah

…

…

1,069

4,042

127

913

45

6,196

Etah

27

…

8

4,612

4,662

4,042

…

13,351

Bareilly

…

…

…

8,925

…

5,807

…

14,732

Bijnor

43

…

11,399

…

1,286

…

13,148

Budâun

…

…

…

…

…

17,337

…

17,337

Morâdâbâd

32

210

…

11,199

…

13,187

14

24,642

Shâhjahânpur

…

…

…

5,146

53

2,409

225

7,833

Pilibhît

…

1

…

3,200

…

1,170

8

4,379

Cawnpur

…

65

392

3,698

…

2,356

63

6,574[293]

Fatehpur

…

222

556

33

2

3,016

46

3,875

Bânda

…

…

…

…

…

…

11

11

Hamîrpur

…

…

139

…

…

183

41

363

Allahâbâd

…

…

1,790

556

…

6,359

644

9,349

Jhânsi

…

…

36

1,444

72

826

180

2,558

Jâlaun

…

…

…

951

…

1,326

531

2,808

Lalitpur

…

…

…

123

…

455

133

711

Benares

…

…

…

144

…

1,126

812

2,082

Mirzapur

…

…

144

13

…

378

930

1,465

Jaunpur

…

…

…

…

…

15

1,751

1,766

Ghâzipur

…

…

…

…

…

1,360

477

1,837

Ballia

…

…

…

…

…

1,348

120

1,468

Gorakhpur

…

…

300

38

…

1,466

2,025

3,829

Basti

…

…

…

…

…

2,315

1,095

3,410

Azamgarh

…

…

…

…

…

13

1,772

1,785

Kumâun

…

…

…

…

…

692

…

692

Garhwâl

…

…

…

…

…

126

…

126

Tarâi

275

…

…

2,116

…

390

…

2,781

Lucknow

…

675

313

766

…

2,867

1,424

6,045

Unâo

…

798

457

8

…

390

20

1,673

Râê Bareli

…

…

480

…

…

693

14

1,187

Sîtapur

6

39

…

2,747

…

1,186

305

4,283

Hardoi

…

…

…

4,496

…

1,027

…

5,523

Kheri

…

…

…

3,522

18

557

84

4,181

Faizâbâd

…

5

654

417

…

426

1,212

2,714

Gonda

…

…

685

932

…

246

130

1,993

Bahrâich

…

1

…

809

…

687

586

2,083

Sultânpur

…

…

761

…

…

1,145

593

2,499

Partâbgarh

…

…

…

4

…

1,553

433

1,990

Bârabanki

…

…

…

1,446

…

35

818

2,301

TOTAL

6,105

2,288

7,977

1,63,751

6,284

210,792

17,335

4,14,532

[294]

Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh. They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain. Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti (Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the state of the departed from crows visiting the spot.[151]

2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.

Distribution of the Bhântus according to the Census of 1891.

DISTRICT.

Number.

Agra

3

Bareilly

17

Budâun

98

Morâdâbâd

2

Ghâzipur

12

Kheri

9

Sultânpur

231

TOTAL

372

[1]  Institutes, VIII, 161. ↑

[2]  Sultânpur Settlement Report, 137, sqq. ↑

[3]  Chronicles of Unâo, 69. ↑

[4]  Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v. ↑

[5]  Archæological Survey, I., 352, sq. ↑

[6]  II., 239, sq. ↑

[7]  Settlement Report, App. I., 2 A. ↑

[8]  Settlement Report, 59. ↑

[9]  Growse, Mathura, 12, 356. ↑

[10]  Asiatic Researches, XIII., 282. ↑

[11]  Report, Inspector-General, Police, N. W. P., 1869, page 121, sqq. ↑

[12]  People of India, III., 113. ↑

[13]  3rd S. I., 467, sqq.; III., 186, sqq. ↑

[14]  Journey through Oudh, I., 112. ↑

[15]  Annals, I., 105, sqq. ↑

[16]  Archæological Reports, XXI., 103, sqq. ↑

[17]  Settlement Report, page 12. ↑

[18]  Highlands of Central India, page 278. ↑

[19]  Census Report, N.-W. P., 1865, I., App. B., 129. ↑

[20]  Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur: a few notes on the Oudh branch of the tribe have been contributed by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. ↑

[21]  Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353. ↑

[22]  Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353. ↑

[23]  There is a tradition at Chunâr that Akbar garrisoned the fort with a body of Baheliyas under a Commander known as Hazâri. The descendant of the last Hazâri of Chunâr is now a runner in the Government Tahsîl. ↑

[24]  Panjâb Census Report, 122, sqq. ↑

[25]  Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 188. ↑

[26]  Mathura, 179, sq. ↑

[27]  These terms are Kanarese and mean “Southerners” and “Northerners,”—Oppert, Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha, 613. ↑

[28]  Loc. cit., 181, sq. ↑

[29]  Chronicles of Unâo, 66, sq. ↑

[30]  Settlement Report, 213, 276, sq. ↑

[31]  Settlement Report, 20. ↑

[32]  Archæological Reports, V., 20. ↑

[33]  III., 221. ↑

[34]  Sleeman, Journey through Oudh, I., 264. ↑

[35]  Settlement Report, 12. ↑

[36]  Eastern India, II., 380, 460. ↑

[37]  Oldham, Memo., 65. ↑

[38]  Oudh Gazetteer, III., 227. ↑

[39]  Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 8. ↑

[40]  Supplementary Glossary, s.v. ↑

[41]  See Bais Râjput. ↑

[42]  See Bhuiya, para. 14. ↑

[43]  This account is based on a set of notes prepared by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Dehra Dûn. ↑

[44]  Mainly from notes from Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur. ↑

[45]  Prepared from notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. ↑

[46]  Brahmanism and Hinduism, 185. ↑

[47]  For this campaign see Cunningham, Archæological Reports, II., 455, Gazetteer, N. W. P., I., 160. ↑

[48]  The connection between the Banâphars and Ahîrs is one of many instances which illustrate the mixed origin of many of the Râjput septs. ↑

[49]  Sultânpur Settlement Report, 154, sqq. ↑

[50]  Notes, 40. ↑

[51]  Supplemental Glossary, s.v. ↑

[52]  Loc. cit., 171, sq. ↑

[53]  Tribes and Castes, I., 144, sgq. ↑

[54]  Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur; Pandit Badri Nâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Mr. W. H. O’N. Segrave, District Superintendent, Police, Basti; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly and Bijnor. ↑

[55]  Academy, 14th May, 1870. ↑

[56]  Quoted in the Berâr Gazetteer, 195, sqq. ↑

[57]  Dowson’s Elliot, V., 100. Brigg’s Ferishta, I., 579. ↑

[58]  Rambles, I., 129, Indian Antiquary, VIII., 219, sqq. ↑

[59]  Asiatic Studies, 89. ↑

[60]  Migratory Tribes of Central India, by E. Balfour: Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S., Vol. XIII. ↑

[61]  Settlement Report, 19. ↑

[62]  Settlement Report, 10. ↑

[63]  Settlement Report, 41. ↑

[64]  Oudh Gazetteer, III., 6. ↑

[65]  Williams, Memo., 77, sqq. ↑

[66]  Settlement Report, 130. ↑

[67]  Mullaly, Notes, 28. ↑

[68]  Asiatic Studies, 165. ↑

[69]  Panjâb Ethnography, 299. ↑

[70]  Central India, II., 152, sqq. ↑

[71]  Bombay Gazetteer, XX., 203; XIX., 138. ↑

[72]  Panjâb Census Report, 311. ↑

[73]  But see Baidguâr. ↑

[74]  Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 353, 415; Report Inspector-General, Police, North-Western Provinces, 1868, page 34; 1871, page 47 (a); 1870, page 99 (b). ↑

[75]  Jungle Life, 516. ↑

[76]  Notes, 31, sq. ↑

[77]  Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes received through Mr. W. Hoey, C.S., Gorakhpur, and Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. ↑

[78]  Tribes and Castes, I., 60. ↑

[79]  Travels, 166, sqq. ↑

[80]  Hindu Tribes, I., 296. ↑

[81]  Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330; and see Hoey, Monograph on Trades and Manufactures, 188. ↑

[82]  Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330. Buchanan says that the Chaurâsis take their name from Tappa Chaurâs in Mirzapur, Eastern India, II., 470. ↑

[83]  Yule and Burnell, Hobson Jobson, 67. ↑

[84]  Ibid., 25. ↑

[85]  Quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, II., 311. ↑

[86]  Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 75. ↑

[87]  For a good account of the system of cultivating the plant, see Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 864. ↑

[88]  Eastern India, II., 467. ↑

[89]  Tribes and Castes, I., 65. ↑

[90]  Oldham, Memo., I., 65. ↑

[91]  Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 165. ↑

[92]  Supplementary Glossary, s.v.; Aligarh Settlement Report, 22; Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 155, sqq. ↑

[93]  Settlement Report, 34, sqq. ↑

[94]  Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 14. ↑

[95]  Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by the Deputy Inspectors of Schools at Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor. ↑

[96]  Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v. ↑

[97]  Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 316. ↑

[98]  Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, III., 279. ↑

[99]  Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 186. ↑

[100]  Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rig Veda, Intro., DLI. ↑

[101]  Hoey, Monograph on Trade and Manufactures, 68. ↑

[102]  Settlement Report, 79. ↑

[103]  Supplementary Glossary, s.v. ↑

[104]  Eastern India, II., 463. ↑

[105]  Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v. ↑

[106]  Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by Munshi Chhuttan Lâl, Deputy Collector, Unâo, and Munshi Âtma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. ↑

[107]  Based chiefly on Notes by Mirza Ihfân Ali Beg, Deputy Collector, in charge of the tribe, and a report (date and author not given) entitled “Etymology (sic) of the Barwârs of Gonda and the Sanaurhiyas of Nâgpur.” ↑

[108]  Faizâbâd Settlement Report, 280, sq. ↑

[109]  Oldham, Memo., I., 61, sq. ↑

[110]  Settlement Report, 30. ↑

[111]  Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and a note by M. Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi. ↑

[112]  On this idea of hell see Bhuiyâr, 16. ↑

[113]  Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and a note by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bijnor. ↑

[114]  Sirsa Settlement Report, 123. ↑

[115]  Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western Provinces, I., 386; North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 66. ↑

[116]  North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 51. ↑

[117]  Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 78. ↑

[118]  Report, Inspector General of Police, N.-W. P., 1868, p. 13. ↑

[119]  Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 10. ↑

[120]  Balfour, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XIII. ↑

[121]  From a note by Pandit Râm Bakhsh Chaube of Gorakhpur. ↑

[122]  Tribes and Castes, I., 86. ↑

[123]  Panjâb Census Report, 196. ↑

[124]  Based on notes by M. Gopâl Prasâd, Naib Tahsildar, Phaphund, Etâwah District, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Farrukhâbâd. ↑

[125]  Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 122, sqq. ↑

[126]  Origin of Civilization, 126; Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 72, sqq. ↑

[127]  Oldham, Memo, 61, sq. ↑

[128]  Settlement Report, 30. ↑

[129]  Settlement Report, 4. ↑

[130]  Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 463. ↑

[131]  Supplementary Glossary, s.v. ↑

[132]  Maclagan, Punjab Census Report, 110. ↑

[133]  Settlement Report, 179, sqq. ↑

[134]  Census Report, 1865, I., Appendix 19; Râja Lachhman Singh, Memo., 158. ↑

[135]  Settlement Report, 305. ↑

[136]  Chiefly based on enquiries at Mirzapur and short notes from Munshi Bhagwati Dayâl Sinh, Tahsîldâr, Chhibramau, Farrukhâbâd, and Bâbu Chhote Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow. ↑

[137]  Eastern India, II., 248. ↑

[138]  Based to a large extent on the account of the tribe in Benares by Mr. R. Greeven, C. S., contributed to the second volume of North Indian Notes and Queries, and subsequently reprinted under the title of “Knights of the Broom,” and a note by Munshi Fasih-ud-din Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Benares; enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Bâbu Badrinâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Munshi Bâsdeo Sahây, Head Master, Zila School, Farrukhâbâd; Munshi Râdharaman, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi; Munshi Chhotê Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly, Budâun, Pilibhît, Morâdâbâd. ↑

[139]  Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 125. ↑

[140]  Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I., 417. ↑

[141]  Ibid., I., 139. ↑

[142]  Institutes, X., 12–29–30. ↑

[143]  Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 183. ↑

[144]  The Chandâla is probably the Kandaloi of Ptolemy whom Dr. J. Wilson would identify with the Gonds or Gondhalis, still a wandering tribe of Maharashtra. Indian Caste, I., 57; and see Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 481. ↑

[145]  For some of these legends I am indebted to the 2nd Volume, Panjâb Notes and Queries. ↑

[146]  Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, I., 72. ↑

[147]  Panjâb Ethnography, paragraph 598. ↑

[148]  The most complete and authoritative version of the Kursi of Lâl Beg is that given by Mr. Greeven in “Knights of the Broom,” 41, sqq. ↑

[149]  Panjâb Notes and Queries, II., 1; Knights of the Broom, 50, sqq. ↑

[150]  Punjâb Census Report, 90. ↑

[151]  Balfour; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S. XIII.; Gunthorpe, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 46, sqq.; Rowney, Wild Tribes, 21. ↑

[Contents]

G. I. C. P. O.—No. 17 S. to G. N. W. P.—2–11–95.—500.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE.

iii

INTRODUCTION.

ix

I.

THE ORIGIN OF CASTE.

ix

II.

ANTHROPOMETRY.

xxvii

III.

THE OCCUPATIONAL FORM OF CASTE.

cxxxix

Appendix.

cxlvii

IV.

TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE.

clxi

V.

EXOGAMY.

clxxi

VI.

FORMS OF HINDU MARRIAGE.

clxxxiii

A

1

B

93

COLOPHON

Availability

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Metadata

Title:

The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh (Volume 1 of 4)

Author:

William Crooke (1848–1923)

Info https://viaf.org/viaf/64055494/

File generation date:

2024-10-21 20:13:57 UTC

Language:

English

Original publication date:

1896

Encoding

A significant number of the sums given in the tables in this book do not match the sums of actual values. These have been corrected when noted, by changing as few data-points as possible. For most tables, this means the sum is adjusted, however, where multiple totals can be cross-referenced, some other value might be adjusted. When a number was hard to read, the totals were used to determine its most likely value.

Revision History

- 2024-01-01 Started.

Corrections

The following 366 corrections have been applied to the text:

Page

Source

Correction

Edit distance

iii

Himâlayan

Himalayan

1 / 0

xvi

Zendavasta

Zendavesta

1

xvii

contray

contrary

1

xvii

a

as

1

Passim.

[Not in source]

.

1

xix, 260

Lala

Lâla

1 / 0

xxi

Pârtâbgarh

Partâbgarh

1 / 0

xxi

century and-a-half

century-and-a-half

1

xxii, 120, 122

.

,

1

xxx

73 8

73·8

1

xxxvi

Ahir

Ahîr

1 / 0

liv

PATHAN

PATHÂN

1 / 0

lxiii

..

…

1

lxvii

1,415

14, 15

2

lxxv

8·06

80·6

2

lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

78

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

74

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

72

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

73, 78

6

lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

26

2

lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

25

2

lxxxii, lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

92

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

35, 70, 92, 100, 105

20

lxxxii

[Not in source]

100

3

lxxxii

[Not in source]

25, 26

6

lxxxii

[Not in source]

53

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

70

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

93

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

68

2

lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

46

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

37

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

16

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

1

1

lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

13

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

27

2

lxxxii, lxxxii, lxxxii

[Not in source]

2

1

lxxxii

[Not in source]

14

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

96

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

69

2

lxxxii

[Not in source]

99

2

lxxxiv

BHANTU

BHÂNTU

1 / 0

lxxxvii

[Not in source]

…

3

cii

743

143

1

cviii

BBHURJI

BHURJI

1

cviii

37·2

73·2

2

cxxiv, cxxv

Chuhra

Chûhra

1 / 0

cxxxv

Machi

Muchi

1

cxxxv

Goâia

Goâla

1

cxxxvi

Kayâsth

Kâyasth

2 / 0

cxxxvi

Kayasth

Kâyasth

1 / 0

cxxxvi

Guria

Guriya

1

cxxxvii

Afghan

Afghân

1 / 0

cxliii

and-a half

and-a-half

1

cxliii, 270

two and-a-half

two-and-a-half

1

cxliv

Atishbâz

Âtishbâz

1 / 0

cxlviii

6,587,021

6,586,841

3

cxlviii

Baiswar

Baiswâr

1 / 0

cxlix

193,731

193,741

1

cliii

100,023

98,358

6

cliv

Bargah

Bargâh

1 / 0

cliv

2,215,611

2,215,511

1

clv

5,829,707

5,837,681

5

clvi

Bahelya

Baheliya

1

clvii

16,450

16,440

1

clix

46,905,085

46,905,101

3

clxi

Himalayas

Himâlayas

1 / 0

clxi

Etâwa

Etâwah

1

clxii

Brindaban

Brindâban

1 / 0

clxiv

Himalaya

Himâlaya

1 / 0

clxiv, 220

Raja

Râja

1 / 0

clxv, 114, 115

[Not in source]

“

1

clxvi

,

;

1

clxvi, clxxii, clxxvii, clxxxvii, clxxxvii, clxxxvii, clxxxvii, clxxxvii, clxxxix, 11, 14, 52, 58, 78, 110, 122, 136, 140, 185

[Not in source]

,

1

clxvi

Kalkamaliya

Kâlkamaliya

1 / 0

clxxii

Visvamitra

Viswamitra

1

clxxv, cxcix, 100, 211

.

[Deleted]

1

cxci

O’Donnel

O’Donnell

1

cxcvi, 28, 37, 74

,

[Deleted]

1

cxcvii

seem

seems

1

cc

Studian

Studien

1

cci

negociations

negotiations

1

ccvi

proferred

proffered

2

ccvii, 131

,

.

1

ccviii

Musalman

Musalmân

1 / 0

ccviii

Farukhabad

Farrukhâbâd

3 / 1

ccix, 104

Jalaun

Jâlaun

1 / 0

ccx, 293

Kumaun

Kumâun

1 / 0

ccx

Garhwal

Garhwâl

1 / 0

ccx, 69, 94, 125

Unao

Unâo

1 / 0

1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 2, 3, 13

Mirzápur

Mirzâpur

1 / 0

4

sál

sâl

1 / 0

10

represent

represents

1

13

Duáb

Duâb

1 / 0

14, 14, 29, 251

Pilibhit

Pilibhît

1 / 0

15

Nága

Nâga

1 / 0

18

alies

allies

1

18, 18, 18, 18

Agarwálas

Agarwâlas

1 / 0

18

Agarwála

Agarwâla

1 / 0

20

assafætida

assafœtida

1

22

Agarwalas

Agarwâlas

1 / 0

23

Behar

Behâr

1 / 0

23

sweatmeats

sweetmeats

1

28

Kapalikas orcerer

Kapâlika sorcerer

3 / 2

28, 243, 250

”

[Deleted]

1

29, 112

Moradâbâd

Morâdâbâd

1 / 0

29, 85, 185

Hamirpur

Hamîrpur

1 / 0

30

Prajapatya

Prajâpatya

1 / 0

31

Prâjapatya

Prajâpatya

2 / 0

33

Vedahymn

Veda hymn

1

33, 35

Allâhâbâd

Allahâbâd

1 / 0

34

Ajudhyâbâsi

Ajudhyabâsi

1 / 0

34, 35, 39, 52, 52, 69, 78, 79, 79, 79, 80, 81, 86, 92, 120, 122

Râe

Râê

1 / 0

34

Mâhabîr

Mahâbîr

2 / 0

35, 39

Dun

Dûn

1 / 0

35

Barâbanki

Bârabanki

2 / 0

35

Mathurâ

Mathura

1 / 0

36

sub castes

sub-castes

1

36

1,37,846

137,846

1

36

1,39,464

139,464

1

36

4,097

4,709

2

37, 37

Hîndustân

Hindustân

1 / 0

37

tiribe

tribe

1

38

Gûjarât

Gujarât

1 / 0

38

Musulmâns

Musalmâns

1

39

4,912

6,012

2

46

Sahib

Sâhib

1 / 0

47

Jts

Jâts

1

48

Kachhis

Kâchhis

1 / 0

48

zamindârs

zamîndârs

1 / 0

49

19,768

19,779

2

50

Jadubansi

Jâdubansi

1 / 0

61

per orms

performs

1

62

MahâBrâhman

Mahâbrâhman

1

64

s.q.

sq.

1

65

Brahman’s

Brâhman’s

1 / 0

66, 258

Musalmans

Musalmâns

1 / 0

69

Sitapur

Sîtapur

1 / 0

69

2,12,050

2,12,045

2

69

3,918,846

39,18,826

3

72

Visvakarma

Viswakarma

1

72

S. V.

s.v.

3

75

30,193

30,295

2

80

9,308

8,873

4

80

74

73

1

80

9,382

8,946

4

81

Babu

Bâbu

1 / 0

82

last

lost

1

82

Sitâpur

Sîtapur

2 / 0

83

peope

people

1

84

Shiurâtri

Shivrâtri

1

88

Panchwâsa

Panchmâsa

1

90

Kaunaujiya

Kanaujiya

1

91

Gwalior

Gwâlior

1 / 0

94

Musulmân

Musalmân

1

99

282

382

1

100, 158

[Not in source]

”

1

101

:

;

1

102

Mâharâja

Mahârâja

2 / 0

103

Archælogical

Archæological

1

104

Lalîtpur

Lalitpur

1 / 0

107

Bráhman

Brâhman

1 / 0

108

pânwpûja

pânw-pûja

1

108

kanyadán

kanyâdân

2 / 0

110

Etâh

Etah

1 / 0

113

never

newer

1

114

samprâda

samprâdaya

2

114

mess

mesh

1

114

Math ura

Mathura

1

114

twelth

twelfth

1

118

:

.

1

119, 159

Pathan

Pathân

1 / 0

121

Archaeological

Archæological

2

121

Kanhari

Kanheri

1

125

13,754

13,954

1

126

274,454

278,454

1

126

301,025

305,025

1

132

Sahdeva

Sahadeva

1

132

[Not in source]

12.

4

135

Bâm-Margi

Bâm-Mârgi

1 / 0

136

Vâma-margis

Vâma-mârgis

1 / 0

137

Bengali

Bengâli

1 / 0

138

beseiged

besieged

2

142

Banjhil goti

Banjhilgoti

1

142

Rajkumâr

Râjkumâr

1 / 0

144

Muhamadans

Muhammadans

1

146, 148

Brahmans

Brâhmans

1 / 0

146

mesalliance

mésalliance

1 / 0

151

Jhanji

Jhangi

1

154

gipsies

gypsies

1

156

his

this

1

156

Banjarâs

Banjâras

2 / 0

161

.

:

1

162, 228

Rajputâna

Râjputâna

1 / 0

163

pakhi

pakki

1

163

Baidguar

Baidguâr

1 / 0

165

deat hof

death of

2

168

aud

and

1

171

Vindhyâbâsini

Vindhyabâsini

1 / 0

177

Shahjâhânpur

Shâhjahânpur

2 / 0

177

32,683

32,783

1

177

betelnut

betel-nut

1

180, 180

Mahâbir

Mahâbîr

1 / 0

183

Barânwal

Baranwâl

2 / 0

184

Morâdabâd

Morâdâbâd

1 / 0

184

[Not in source]

they

5

185

Mâhâbir

Mahâbîr

2 / 0

185

918

1,018

3

187

’

[Deleted]

1

187

Zamindârs

Zamîndârs

1 / 0

188

Khan

Khân

1 / 0

189

Moradabad

Morâdâbâd

3 / 0

189

Bârgûjar

Bargûjar

1 / 0

202

Ajodhya

Ajudhya

1

203

janeu

janeû

1 / 0

206

2,047

2,074

2

206

Nagpur

Nâgpur

1 / 0

210

Jagannath

Jagannâth

1 / 0

220

Salivâhana

Sâlivâhana

1 / 0

221

18,492

18,562

2

228

[Not in source]

:

1

240

Sanadh

Sanâdh

1 / 0

241

Faizâbad

Faizâbâd

1 / 0

242, 243

Bengalis

Bengâlis

1 / 0

254

Lachmann

Lachhman

2

257

Nasîr-ud-din

Nasîr-ud-dîn

1 / 0

259

Hindustan

Hindustân

1 / 0

260

Humayun

Humâyun

1 / 0

266

Almightly

Almighty

1

268

Âmbâla

Ambâla

1 / 0

271

Chunar

Chunâr

1 / 0

272

;’

’;

2

274

end ogamous

endogamous

1

276

carrier

carries

1

278

Chharibardar

Chharibardâr

1 / 0

280

qqq.

sqq.

1

281

son-in law

son-in-law

1

282

inwedding

in wedding

1

289

Pânchon Pîr

Pânchonpîr

2

290

.

!

1

291

gipsy

gypsy

1

293

Ghazipur

Ghâzipur

1 / 0

294

Hâbura

Hâbûra

1 / 0

294

wild

Wild

1

Abbreviations

Overview of abbreviations used.

Abbreviation

Expansion

Ind. Alterthumsk.

Indische Alterthumskunde

N.-W.

North-Western

N.-W. P.

North-Western Provinces

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Table of Contents

THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

PREFACE.

INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER I. The Origin of Caste.

CHAPTER II. Anthropometry.

Table of Nasal Indices.

Table of Cephalic Indices.*

Table of Facial Angles.

Averages of 100 subjects taken promiscuously from castes under the main divisions.

Summary of Measurements taken, Averages.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JÂT.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHANGI.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—PATHÂN

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MURÂO.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GÛJAR.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—CHAUHÂN RÂJPUT.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (QURAISHI).

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHÂNTU.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (GAUR.)

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—DHÎMAR.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GADARIYA.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—HÂBÛRA.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—KÂYASTH.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JHANGÂRA RÂJPUTS.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BARGÛJAR RÂJPUTS.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (SANÂDH).

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHURJI.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MEWÂTI.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SAYYID.

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—NAT.

Bengal Proper.

CHAPTER III. The Occupational form of Caste.

Appendix.

Classification of castes by traditional occupation.

CHAPTER IV. Tribal Nomenclature.

CHAPTER V. Exogamy.

CHAPTER VI. Forms of Hindu Marriage.

GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND ANTHROPOMETRICAL DATA.

THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH. Volume I. A

Distribution of Agarwâlas by the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Aghorpanthis and Aughars by the Census of 1891.24

Distribution of the Agrahari Banyas according to Census, 1891.

Distribution of the Ahars according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Ahban Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Aheriyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Ahîrs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Ahiwâsis according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Amethiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Arakhs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Âshiqân according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Âtishbâz according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Âzâd Faqîrs according to the Census of 1891.

B

Distribution of the Bachgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bâchhal Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Badhiks according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Baghel Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Baheliyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bairâgis according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bais Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Balâhars according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Banâphar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bandhalgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bândi according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bengâlis according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bengâli Brâhmans according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Banjâras according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bânsphors according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bârahseni Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Barais according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Baranwâl Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bargâhs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bargaiyân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bargala Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bargûjar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Barhais according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Barhiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Barholiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bâris according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Barwârs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Barwâr Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Basors according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Bâwariyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of Beldârs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Belwâr according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Benawas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Beriyas according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhadauriya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhagats according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhâlê Sultân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhânds according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhangis according to the Census of 1891.

Distribution of the Bhântus according to the Census of 1891.

Table of Contents

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Abbreviations

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